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This dissertation takes up the theme of collaboration between the human sciences and natural sciences and asks how technical, veridictional and ethical vectors in such co-labor can be inquired into today. I specify the problem of collaboration, between forms of knowledge, as a contemporary one. This contemporary problem links the recent past of the institutional relations between the human and natural sciences to a present experience of anthropological engagement with a novel field of bioengineering practice, called synthetic biology. I compare two modes of engagement, in which I participated during 2006-2011. One project, called Human Practices, based within the Synthetic Biology Engineering Research Center (SynBERC), instantiated an anthropological mode of inquiry, explicitly oriented to naming ethical problems for collaboration. This project, conducted in collaboration with Paul Rabinow and Gaymon Bennett, took as a challenge the invention of an appropriate practice to indeterminate ethical problems. Flourishing, a translation of the ancient Greek term eudaemonia, was a central term in orienting the Human Practices project. This term was used to posit ethical questions outside of the instrumental rationality of the sciences, and on which the Human Practices project would seek to work. A second project, the Socio-Technical Integration Research (STIR) project, based at the Arizona State University's Center for Nanotechnology in Society (ASU-CNS), was an explicitly `method driven' project, whose rationale was for human scientists, through the use of a method, to act as mediums for the reflexivity, and self-observation, of research scientists relative to their on-going projects. The aim was for such interaction and self-observation to produce modulations of thought and practice within research settings. I used the method, from May-December 2009, within a bioengineering laboratory of a newly established Department of Biosystems science and engineering (D-BSSE) at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH). The comparison on which I reflect is between one mode of engagement characterized by its encompassing ethical orientation, and a mode characterized by it methodology and orientation to the latent social aspects of research decisions, made within on-going work. With respect to their relation, I diagnose the problematic effects of parameterizing the goods of biology and the stakes of collaboration solely within the dominant ameliorative and industrial norms and values of the scientific field. The general demand in the present, to modify the practice of science with respect to ethical questions, was in this case unable to be actualized. I argue that the projects in which I participated were structured in a double bind situation in which the transformation of the ethical field in which bioscience operates, was simultaneously demanded (by a range of funding agencies, political activists, bio scientists and human scientists) and undermined. I argue that the discord comes from incommensurable conceptions and embodied stances to the ethical ends and practices of knowing. This blockage is set within a broader historical problematization of the relation between forms and practices of science, within research venues from the mid-19th Century to the present. The intellectual and ethical breakdowns arising from within the practice of collaboration in the present, between a specific set of bioscientific and engineering practices and two social science modes of engagement, are thus situated within a historical problematization of the relation of science and ethics.

В статье проводится анализ проблемы профессионального самоопределения учащихся. Главная задача современной школы это раскрытие способностей каждого ученика, воспитание личности; готовой к жизни в высокотехнологическом, конкурентном мире. Это значит, что школьное образование должно способствовать личностному росту так, чтобы выпускники могли самостоятельно ставить и достигать серьезные цели, уметь реагировать на разные жизненные ситуации. Именно профориентационная работа является одной из самых перспективных психолого-педагогических форм помощи учащимся на современном этапе развития общества, когда постоянно меняющиеся политические, экономические и социальные условия затрудняют и без того довольно сложный выбор профессии. Автором в работе выявлены и апробированы педагогические условия, при которых процесс профессионального самоопределения учащихся гимназии будет эффективным: 1) обеспечение преемственности профессионального самоопределения учащихся в системе «гимназия – вуз»; 2) личностно ориентированная организация образовательно-воспитательного процесса гимназии; 3) педагогическое сопровождение процесса профессионального самоопределения учащихся гимназии; 4) мониторинг процесса профессионального самоопределения учащихся гимназии. Ведущая идея исследования заключается в таком осуществлении педагогических условий, при которых устремления педагогов и учащихся в реализации профессиональных намерений последних оказываются во встречном движении к единой цели. Результаты экспериментальной работы показали, что достижение высокого уровня профессионального самоопределения учащихся возможно при реализации комплекса предложенных нами педагогических условий. Исследование выявило, что подготовка учащихся гимназии к осознанному выбору профессии принадлежит не только общеобразовательным учреждениям, успех профессиональной ориентации зависит от интеграции всех субъектов профориентационной работы. ; The article analyses problems of professional self-determination of students. The main task of modern school is to reveal the abilities of each student, to bring up a person ready for life in the high-tech and competitive world. This means that school education must contribute to the personal growth so that school leavers are able to set themselves a task and achieve serious goals, to react to different life situations. It is career guidance work that is one of the most promising psychological-pedagogical forms of assistance to students at the modern stage of the development of society, when the constantly changing political, economic and social conditions make the hard task of choosing a profession even more difficult. The author of the study identified and tested pedagogical conditions under which the process of professional self-determination of the students of the gymnasium will be effective: 1) the succession of professional self-determination of students in the system "gymnasium – university"; 2) the personality oriented organization of the educational process of the gymnasium; 3) pedagogical guidance of the process of professional self-determination of the students of the gymnasium; 4) monitoring of the process of professional self-determination of the students of the gymnasium. The central idea of the study is to implement pedagogical conditions under which aspirations of teachers and students to realize professional intentions of the latter are combined for the common goal. The results of experimental work show that achievement of a high level of professional self-determination of students is possible together with a complex of pedagogical conditions that we have suggested. The research revealed that preparation of students of the gymnasium for the informed choice of a profession doesn't only belong to general education institutions; the success of career guidance depends on the integration of all the subjects of career guidance work.

The population of the European eel Anguilla anguilla (L.) is in severe decline. In 2007, the European Union decided on a Regulation establishing measures for the recovery of the stock of European eel, obliging its Member States to implement a national Eel Management Plan by 2009. According to this Regulation, Member States will report to the Commission by July 2012, on the implementation of their Eel Management Plans and the progress achieved in protection and restoration. The current report provides an assessment of the eel stock in Sweden as of spring 2012, intending to feed into the coming Swedish post-evaluation reporting. In this report, the impacts on the stock are assessed - of fishing, restocking and of the mortality related to hydropower generation. Other anthropogenic actions, (climate change, pollution, spread of parasites, disruption of migration by transport, etc) probably have an impact on the stock too, but these factors are hardly quantified and no management targets have been set. For that reason, and because these factors were not included in the EU Eel Regulation, these other factors were excluded from this technical evaluation. In this report, focus is on the quantification of the biomass of silver eel escaping (actual, potential and pristine) and the mortality endured by those eels during their lifetime. The assessment is broken down on a regional basis, with different impacts dominating in different areas. For the yellow eel fishery on the West Coast, the assessment presented in the Eel Management Plan is extrapolated to most recent years. Since 2009, the fishery has been restricted severely, and as of spring 2012, it has been closed. In the coming years, this reduction in fishing mortality will lead to a recovery of the West Coast stock to the best possible status given the depleted state of the whole international stock. For the stock in inland waters, a new assessment is presented, in which the dominant contribution from past restocking is put central. Recent changes (increased quantities, shift to west-ward flowing rivers) will have a delayed effect over the coming 10-20 years. The escapement biomass is expected to decrease until 2020 and then to restore to its current (low) value. Assuming that current conditions (2011) are continued, the impact of the fishery will slowly decline, while the impact of hydropower generation will stabilise/increase, at least until 2030. For the East Coast fishery on silver eel, a new assessment indicates a low mortality on a very large stock of silver eel derived from all over the Baltic. Recent restrictions have reduced the East Coast fishery. Protective actions in the whole Baltic (and their delayed effects) will determine the future trend in the East Coast fishery. Comparing the overall status of the national Swedish eel stock to the management targets, it is concluded that 1. Criteria of the Swedish Eel Management Plan have been fulfilled almost exactly; 2. Biomass escaping is about one-fourth of pristine escapement, below the minimum target of 40% set in the EU Regulation; and 3. The 2011 anthropogenic impacts are about half the allowable maximum (according to the ICES/WGEEL post-evaluation framework, at one-fourth of pristine escapement). Following the current closure of the West Coast fishery, the impacts will reduce to one-quarter of that allowable maximum.

The aim of the study is a comparison of re-privatization policy pursued in Poland and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, with particular emphasis on the former GDR. Poland has chosen a completely different approach to this issue from that of the Germans. Despite the claims of former owners concerned, in almost 2/3 of the former GDR territory, the German legislature quickly and decisively resolved these issues, so that they do not impinge on the current social and economic life of Germany. Poland however, after two decades of transformation, has still not developed a clear position on this issue, while successive legislation projects end in failure or are postponed indefinitely. This practice leads to doubt as to whether our country can be regarded as fully integrated with the West in terms of compliance with standards of the modern state, which resolves sensitive issues and seeks to eliminate hot spots in contacts with foreign countries (e.g. the return of former Jewish property). Reprivatization is important for several reasons, of both legal and economic nature. Lack of a solution raises a sense of injustice among former owners, generates numerous conflicts on the citizen-state line, and calls into question the constitutionally guaranteed protection of property rights in Poland. On the other hand, a thankless objective of an economist is to assess the economic aspects of a possible compensation program – could Poland afford it? What would be the costs of abandonment of any action? In the first part of the study the regulations on property restitution in the former Eastern bloc countries are shortly discussed. Then attention is paid to the legal and economic conditions of the property restitution process in Poland. The article ends with conclusions. ; Cel opracowania stanowi porównanie polityki reprywatyzacyjnej prowadzonej w Polsce i w innych krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem byłej NRD. W Polsce zaobserwować można zupełnie odmienne podejście do tej problematyki niż u naszych zachodnich sąsiadów. Pomimo, że roszczenia dawnych właścicieli dotyczyły niemal 2/3 terytorium byłej NRD, niemiecki ustawodawca szybko i zdecydowanie rozwiązał te kwestie, dzięki czemu nie rzutują one na obecne życie społeczne i gospodarcze RFN. Polska natomiast po dwóch dekadach transformacji wciąż nie wypracowała jasnego stanowiska w tej sprawie, zaś kolejne rządy podejmują bezskuteczne próby regulacji lub odsuwają problem w bliżej nieokreśloną przyszłość. Taka praktyka każe wątpić, czy można uznać nasz kraj za w pełni zintegrowany z Zachodem, w sensie spełniania standardów nowoczesnego państwa, które rozwiązuje drażliwe sprawy i stara się likwidować punkty zapalne w kontaktach z zagranicą (np. zwrot mienia pożydowskiego). Reprywatyzacja jest istotna z kilku przynajmniej powodów o naturze zarówno prawnej, jak i ekonomicznej. Brak rozwiązania dawnych krzywd rodzi poczucie niesprawiedliwości, generuje liczne konflikty na linii obywatel-państwo i rodzi wątpliwości w gwarantowaną konstytucyjnie ochronę praw własności w naszym kraju. Z drugiej strony należy pytać o aspekty ekonomiczne ewentualnego programu odszkodowawczego – czy Polskę po prostu na to stać? Jakie są koszty zaniechania jakichkolwiek działań? W pierwszej części opracowania omówione zostaną uwarunkowania prawne i ekonomiczne procesu reprywatyzacji w Polsce. Następnie przybliżone zostaną regulacje dotyczące zwrotu majątku w wybranych krajach byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł kończą wnioski.

BACKGROUND: The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that the number of obese or overweight individuals worldwide will increase to 1.5 billion by 2015. Chronic diseases associated with overweight or obesity include diabetes, heart disease, hypertension and stroke. OBJECTIVES: To assess the effects of interactive computer-based interventions for weight loss or weight maintenance in overweight or obese people. SEARCH METHODS: We searched several electronic databases, including CENTRAL, MEDLINE, EMBASE, CINAHL, LILACS and PsycINFO, through 25 May 2011. We also searched clinical trials registries to identify studies. We scanned reference lists of included studies and relevant systematic reviews. SELECTION CRITERIA: Studies were included if they were randomized controlled trials or quasi-randomized controlled trials that evaluated interactive computer-based weight loss or weight maintenance programs in adults with overweight or obesity. We excluded trials if the duration of the intervention was less than four weeks or the loss to follow-up was greater than 20% overall. DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS: Two authors independently extracted study data and assessed risk of bias. Where interventions, control conditions, outcomes and time frames were similar between studies, we combined study data using meta-analysis. MAIN RESULTS: We included 14 weight loss studies with a total of 2537 participants, and four weight maintenance studies with a total of 1603 participants. Treatment duration was between four weeks and 30 months. At six months, computer-based interventions led to greater weight loss than minimal interventions (mean difference (MD) -1.5 kg; 95% confidence interval (CI) -2.1 to -0.9; two trials) but less weight loss than in-person treatment (MD 2.1 kg; 95% CI 0.8 to 3.4; one trial). At six months, computer-based interventions were superior to a minimal control intervention in limiting weight regain (MD -0.7 kg; 95% CI -1.2 to -0.2; two trials), but not superior to infrequent in-person treatment (MD 0.5 kg; 95% -0.5 to 1.6; two trials). We did not observe consistent differences in dietary or physical activity behaviors between intervention and control groups in either weight loss or weight maintenance trials. Three weight loss studies estimated the costs of computer-based interventions compared to usual care, however two of the studies were 11 and 28 years old, and recent advances in technology render these estimates unlikely to be applicable to current or future interventions, while the third study was conducted in active duty military personnel, and it is unclear whether the costs are relevant to other settings. One weight loss study reported the cost-effectiveness ratio for a weekly in-person weight loss intervention relative to a computer-based intervention as USD 7177 (EUR 5678) per life year gained (80% CI USD 3055 to USD 60,291 (EUR 2417 to EUR 47,702)). It is unclear whether this could be extrapolated to other studies. No data were identified on adverse events, morbidity, complications or health-related quality of life. AUTHORS' CONCLUSIONS: Compared to no intervention or minimal interventions (pamphlets, usual care), interactive computer-based interventions are an effective intervention for weight loss and weight maintenance. Compared to in-person interventions, interactive computer-based interventions result in smaller weight losses and lower levels of weight maintenance. The amount of additional weight loss, however, is relatively small and of brief duration, making the clinical significance of these differences unclear.

Cahier du Crisco n°34 ; International audience ; Ce 34e Cahier du CRISCO s'adresse en priorité aux étudiants de Master et de Doctorat en Sciences du langage à l'université de Caen et en Langue française à l'université de Carthage (Institut Supérieur des Langues de Tunis) et dans les autres institutions assurant une formation équivalente en Tunisie, qui s'interrogent sur l'utilité théorique et la faisabilité d'une analyse de corpus textuels. Il prend la suite du Cahier n° 29 (Jacques François, 2010a, L'attestation des combinaisons lexicales à l'aide de la base de données textuelles FRANTEXT), téléchargeable sur le site du CRISCO (www.crisco.unicaen.fr) et sur le site www.interlingua.fr. Nous aurons l'occasion dans ce nouveau cahier de renvoyer au Cahier 29 pour ce qui concerne l'exploitation de la base FRANTEXT. Ce cahier profite de la collaboration entre Jacques François de l'université de Caen, fondateur du CRISCO, et Yacoub Ghérissi, spécialiste des corpus textuels à l'université de Carthage. Le Cahier se compose de deux parties : La première se présente comme un article de linguistique traditionnel en ce sens que trois corpus textuels du français contemporain, respectivement littéraire, journalistique et politique, y sont exploités et comparés selon les méthodes de l'analyse comparative de corpus. Les techniques permettant la constitution et l'exploitation des corpus textuels n'y sont pas décrites, pas plus qu'elles ne le sont habituellement dans les articles de linguistique destinés à une communauté supposée en avoir déjà une certaine connaissance. La seconde vise au contraire à entrer dans le détail de ces techniques, afin que les résultats présentés en première partie soient reproductibles. Il s'agit de décrire les outils – relativement élémentaires, en particulier le concordancier AntConc qui y occupe une place centrale – qui permettent de reconstituer pas à pas notre démarche (et éventuellement de dénicher nos erreurs). Si l'on entend par « analyse de corpus textuels » une méthode capable de s'appliquer AUTOMATIQUEMENT (c'est-à-dire sans l'intervention du linguiste, une fois que la machine est en marche) et EN AVEUGLE, c'est-à-dire destinée à dégager une liste de constructions distinctes à partir d'une description rigoureusement distributionnelle, nous ne pratiquons pas ce type d'analyse de corpus. Notre conviction, confortée par le développement des « grammaires de construction » (voir le Cahier 26 du CRISCO, Jacques François, 2008, Les grammaires de construction – Un bâtiment ouvert aux quatre vents), est que chaque CONSTRUCTION est (dans la terminologie de Ronald Langacker) une assemblée symbolique entre une expression (une structure morpho-syntaxique) et une signification (grossièrement approchée à l'aide d'une paraphrase) et que l'analyse des constructions d'un verbe figurant dans différents corpus doit intégrer d'une part une analyse distributionnelle et transformationnelle dans le sens de Zellig Harris et Maurice Gross, et d'autre part une analyse sémantique. C'est ce que nous avons cherché à faire ici à propos du verbe compter, sélectionné en raison du large éventail de CONSTRUCTIONS dans lesquelles il peut figurer. Nous chercherons à montrer que la polysémie virtuelle d'un verbe comme compter (dont nous distinguons 13 CONSTRUCTIONS) est en fait réduite (mais non levée) dans chacun des trois corpus littéraire, journalistique et politique que nous avons examinés et que chaque réduction de la polysémie a un profil particulier. Il s'agit donc ici de notre part d'un PLAIDOYER POUR UNE PRATIQUE COMPARATIVE ET QUANTITATIVE DE L'ANALYSE DES CORPUS TEXTUELS.

Цель статьи заключается в том, чтобы поставить под сомнение доминирующую парадигму формирования валашской государственности в румынской науке в отдельном пункте в утверждении, что Валахия является результатом исключительно внутренней эволюции, выделяясь как особый случай формирования государственности в позднесредневековой Центральной и Восточной Европе. Данный тезис об исключительности базировался в большей степени на предвзятых мнениях историков, нежели на непосредственном анализе первоисточников. Первый раздел статьи содержит анализ аналогий, предлагавшихся предшествующими исследователями, тогда как вторая часть является кратким эпилогом, где предлагаются некоторые новые подходы к теме. Круг аналогий, предлагавшихся исследователями к валашскому случаю, крайне ограничен, чем имплицитно усиливался тезис о средневековой Валахии как о результате локального политического развития. Кроме того, сравнения обычно использовались для того, чтобы закрывать полемику, а не инициировать ее, а любое внешнее влияние минимизировалось, так как первоначальная Валахия рассматривалась как оригинальная сложившаяся полития, способная абсорбировать внешние влияния, не изменяя при этом свою коренную идентичность. Во второй части статьи мы предлагаем некоторые новые подходы к теме, с точки зрения более осмысленного сопоставления. В этом отношении мы считаем заслуживающими пересмотра следующие три положения: 1) государственное строительство теряет почву в периоды конфликтов; 2) эволюция государственной мощи является линейной, хотя и чередует периоды подъема с фазами упадка или стагнации; 3) победа нового типа государства, сложившегося в позднее Средневековье и раннее Новое время, над конкурирующими политическими формами была неизбежна. Формирование валашской государственности случилось не в XIII начале XIV в., а являло собой процесс, начавшийся в XIV в. и продолжавшийся до середины XVI в., когда он вступил в другую фазу. ; The present article aims to question the dominant paradigm of Wallachian state making in Romanian scholarship on a specifi c point: the claim that the state was the result of an exclusively internal evolution that stands out as a distinctive case of state formation in late medieval Central and Eastern Europe. This exceptionality thesis was founded more on historians' preconceptions than on a close analysis of the primary sources. The fi rst section of the article comprises an analysis of the analogies proposed by previous scholars, while the second part is a brief epilogue, where I suggest some new approaches on the topic. The analogies that scholars have proposed for the Wallachian case are extremely few, implicitly reinforcing the thesis of medieval Wallachia as the outcome of local political development. In addition, the comparisons were generally used to close arguments, not to initiate debates and any external infl uence was minimized, as early Wallachia was viewed as an original, articulate polity, able to absorb such infl uences without modifying its core identity. In the second part of the article I suggest some new approaches on the topic, from a more meaningful comparative viewpoint. In this regard, I consider the next three premises worth reconsidering: 1) state building loses ground during periods of confl ict; 2) the evolution of state power is linear, although it alternates periods of ascends, with phases of descends or stagnation; 3) late medieval and early modern success of the sovereign state over competing polities was inevitable. Wallachian state formation was not a 13th early 14th century process, but a phenomenon that began in the 14th century and continued until the mid-sixteenth century, when it entered a different phase.

Рассматриваются вопросы, связанные с организацией в России в 1990-1993 гг. вертикали исполнительной власти, важной частью которой стали органы исполнительной власти краев и областей, выявляются основные противоречия этого процесса. Установлено, что на формирование вертикали исполнительной власти существенное влияние оказали переходные процессы, связанные с разработкой стратегии развития российской государственности и установлением основных государственных институтов, реализующих функции управления страной. ; The Perestroika reforms of the late 1980s in all the spheres of public life began cardinal transformation of the system of public authorities of Russia. Revival of the principle of sovereignty of the Councils and introduction of local government as an alternative of administration from above became the main content of reforms. Registration of the Russian statehood took place on June 12, 1990 when the I Congress of People's Deputies of RSFSR accepted the Declaration on the state sovereignty and some other documents, in which the principle of division of the authorities entered the political system of the country, as a basis of the democratic organisation of the state without essential changes of the Soviet political system. But, despite the declaration of independence, Russia did not develop a complete concept of reforms of all spheres of public life. The tendency to combine principles of sovereignty of the Councils and division of power when developing conceptual documents regulating the activity of bodies of the central and regional powers is distinctly traced. The created power structure based on submission of executive committees to the Councils only revealed the practical shortcomings of the system. The Councils were not adapted for operative administrative activity, and to ensure social and economic transformations in the country the next stage of political reform was carried out. The institute of the President entered the political system of the country and need of formation of executive power on the basis of one-man management and vertical hierarchy of its bodies was proved. If organizational problems of formation of the Institute of the President and the head of administration of the local government managed to be settled, the agreement over organization of executive power of regions between various political forces was impossible to achieve. Uncertainty with the order of empowerment of the head of administration of regions appointment or people's vote became the main problem. Therefore, the introduction of the post of the head of administration appointed by the President at regional levels during the August Putsch of 1991 was one of the emergency measures directed at preservation of control of the situation in regions. In the autumn of 1991 on the basis of presidential decrees the vertical of executive power headed by the President who received additional powers for management of the republic was built. Formation of the two power verticals executive and representative in the conditions of a radical economic reform and continuing uncertainty of the conceptual bases of the Russian statehood caused sharp opposition between the President and the Supreme Council for control over the activity and formation of the vertical of executive power in Russia. As a result, the President headed for development of the new Russian Constitution and elimination of the system of the Soviet power in the country.

Рассматриваются юридические акты Республики Сербия, регулирующие статус и аспекты использования языков и алфавитов в стране в целом и на территории муниципалитетов, расположенных в Автономном крае Косово и Метохия. Приводятся документы муниципального уровня, созданные в рамках юридической практики Республики Сербия, как для общин, расположенных на севере региона и не признающих правительство самопровозглашенной Республики Косово, так и для общин, находящихся в преимущественно албанской части края и имеющих альтернативные албанские и сербские органы власти. ; In the recent decades the territory of Kosovo is characterized by a strongly pronounced interethnic conflict situation. It now has an inconsistent status, for by the legislation of the Republic of Serbia Kosovo and Metohija is its autonomous region, and by laws of the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo is an independent state. Besides, a number of the communities located in the north of the region and directly bordering the territory of Central Serbia are supervised neither by the authorities of the self-proclaimed state, nor by the government of Serbia. Though the sources of Kosovo crisis are caused by a number of contradictions (confessional, economic, political, etc.), one of its main reasons was the ethnic conflict between the two largest communities of the region Albanian and Serbian. Respectively, study and analysis of language legislation (as an integral component of language policy carried out at the state level and as means of settlement and solution of interethnic contradictions in the region) have essential value for identification of problems in international relations and tracking the dynamics of their condition. In the article the legal acts of the Republic of Serbia regulating the status and aspects of use of languages and alphabets in the country as a whole and in the territory of municipalities located in the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija are considered. Documents of the municipal level are provided created by the legal canons of the Republic of Serbia, both for the communities located in the north of the region and not recognizing the government of the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo, and for the communities of the mainly Albanian part of the region that have alternative Albanian and Serbian authorities. As a whole the analysis of regulations on official use of languages stated in laws of the municipal level of Kosovo and Metohija created by the legal canons of the Republic of Serbia shows the significance of this issue for this region. Almost all the considered documents of the 1990s contained articles on the official status of languages and alphabets. In areas mostly populated by Albanians, obligatory bilingual official communication was provided. In latest documents this linguistic parity is not so consistent, which can be explained by the status of its originators, who became displaced persons (refugees) after the NATO forces entered the region. On the other hand, the equality of the Serbian and Albanian languages and alphabets as stated by most of the laws is in many respects declarative, as now Serbians and Albanians practically do not live at the same territories, and the process of creation of a new monoethnic municipalities realized by the authorities of the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo in execution of recommendations of UNMIK only aggravates the observed tendencies.

Рассматривается проблема определения сущности русско-аборигенных отношений исходя из взаимодействия аборигенных социумов и русских властей. Делается вывод о том, что успешному продвижению русских по Сибири способствовало наличие как в аборигенном, так и в русском обществах тождественных социально-политических институтов, возникших под влиянием центрально-азиатских (ордынских) политических традиций. Это обстоятельство обеспечило быстрый синтез социально-политических институтов местного и пришлого населения. ; The 17th century was a controversial period in Russian-aboriginal relations. On the one hand, there were some objective factors that contributed to the integration process of aboriginal population into the structure of Moscow Tsardom and made this process relatively easy; on the other hand, insurmountable obstacles for this process appeared quite frequently. It is crucial to understand that before they met each other, both Russian social and state system, and Siberian aborigines with their social structures, had already passed a fairly complicated way of development. Moscow brought to Siberia the only known form of interstate relations the tributary system, but a large part of aborigines were already familiar with such kind of relations long before Russians came to their lands. That was a common Eurasian political legacy, which Moscow had borrowed from the Golden Horde and then transformed, and which Siberian natives (or their substrates) met long before that, while being a part of Central Asian states of ancient and medieval times. Moscow could not bring to Siberia a set social class structure, because at that time it had not formed yet. But it showed some principles of social organization. Based on the needs of the state, Moscow authorities determined a special form of tribute for Siberian natives yasak, and a registration to the tributaries district (ulus, zemlitsa, kin). Thus, they took their place in the social class structure of Moscow Tsardom, based on estates principle of organization. This was a consequence of the weak Russian ethnos consolidation and initial form of building the Russian State as a multiethnic society, where nationality was substituted by the social class. That was the fundamental difference between Moscow and the then existing Western European states that also came to an end of centralization process, but kept the principle of mono-ethnic states. While the interaction between the Moscow socio-political system and local governmental or potestarian structures took place, in the 17th century their synthesis had also begun, and the common Eurasian legacy made this process a lot easier. Therefore Siberia of the 17th century was seen by the authorities as a part of Moscow Tsardom, as a part of the "royal estates, ulus" and its indigenous population was seen as an indispensable element of Russian society. Due to the "Eurasian features" of the medieval Russian state and the "open" character of the Russian ethnos, as indeed most of Siberian ethnicities had such a character, the aborigines were not treated with any kind of isolationist mood, and no policy delimiting them from the rest of the Russian population was held. Nationality was substituted by social class both mentally and legally, and this fact inevitably accelerated their incorporation into the emerging nationwide social body, creating better conditions for their further development within the Russian state.

Поднимается проблема влияния Германии на характер и содержание отношений между Европейским союзом и Россией в начале постбиполярной эпохи. Рассмотрен вклад ФРГ в обеспечение устойчивости сотрудничества ЕС и РФ, представлены нормативно-правовые инструменты их взаимодействия. Обращено внимание на позицию Германии в отношении расширения Европейского союза на восток. Весомое место отводится анализу военно-политических и экономических факторов, осложнивших диалог партнеров во второй половине 1990-х гг. ; In the post-bipolar era Germany has become an active participant in the unification process, which took place on the European continent. At the same time declared to be a high mission in Germany being an integral part of the Atlantic geopolitical space, serve as a bridge between east and west of the continent, thereby creating a united Europe. Germany was interested in expanding the EU for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Their connection to the EU promised Germany a lot of benefits, but raises the question of cooperation with Russia. Germany has contributed to the research and development of an optimal tool for EU policy towards Russia, which is reflected in the creation of the program TACIS, which was attached to the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation, signed the Russian Federation and the EU in June 1994. At the same time Germany contributed to sum up the legal framework for EU Russia cooperation, having achieved the adoption of the relevant EU Regulations in respect of the Russian Federation. German Foreign Minister K. Kinkel developed a comprehensive strategy smoothing the sharp corners in the process of EU enlargement to the east, proposing to adopt the idea of a Euro-Atlantic stability. In the second half of the 1990s background, which unfolded contacts between the EU and Russia, has acquired a negative connotation, thanks in no small measure to change the position of Germany, where he became increasingly skeptical about the success speak Russian in the formation of a democratic order. For the Russian leadership has come to realize that Europe is in no hurry to accept Russia in its ranks. In addition, concern is intensifying efforts of the Member States of the common foreign and security policy. Failed attempt to build axis Moscow Bonn (Berlin) Paris, by which, according to the Kremlin, Russia could join the pan-European security structure. Yet the tendency to build bridges of Russia and the EU view, but it was interrupted by the events of late summer autumn of 1998, namely default and the accompanying political crisis in Russia. Germany authorities tried to prevent fractures, radically deteriorating relations between the EU and Russia. Having taken in January 1999 EU presidency, Germany is actively promoted the adoption of Common Strategy of the European Union on Russia. With the advent of coalition SPD Union 90 / Green recognized that the economic power of the EU clearly dominates its political power and military potential. In this regard, the federal government stepped up G. Schroeder development of a common European policy on security and defense. At the Helsinki European Council summit in 1999 were accompanied by initiatives to CESDP tough decisions in regard to Russia. The EU and Germany have accumulated serious claims to the Russian policy in the field of human rights. Playing on the EU, the German authorities have increasingly used the second Chechen campaign as a pretext for interfering in the internal affairs of Russia.

Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; The invasion of the Iberian peninsula in 1808 led to one of the greatest political crises of the Spanish empire. This crisis was of such colossal magnitudes that it doubted the legitimacy of the government that until that moment had ruled all the empire. The colonies in America did not escape this crisis of legitimacy, which would culminate with the rupture of these with the crown. In New Spain, as in the rest of the overseas possessions, defending the sovereignty of the legitimate monarch became the focal point of political debates among the groups that emerged in the wake of the monarchist crisis. On the one hand, there were those who fought to keep power to the king, causing the power to reside in the town and then return it to the monarch in full. On the other, the sector that saw in the crisis the opportunity to fulfill the autonomist desires that were emerging in the Creole groups that had been affected by the Bourbon reforms. In the peninsula, the result of safeguarding the real sovereignty is concretized with the creation of the Cortes of Cadiz and the publication of the Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy in 1812. With the Constitution of Cadiz was sought to fill the void of legitimacy left by the invasion , Safeguard the integrity of the empire by uniting the two hemispheres that formed the Spanish empire, granting liberties to each of the individuals that formed the empire, ensuring a new level of participation of the empire within a new system of government that would ruin Bourbon absolutism: a monarchy ruled by the Constitution. ; La invasión sufrida por la península ibérica en 1808 derivó en una de las mayores crisis políticas que hasta el momento había sufrido el imperio español. Esta crisis fue de magnitudes tan colosales que puso en duda la legitimidad del gobierno que hasta ese momento había regido todo el imperio. Las colonias en América no escaparon de esta crisis de legitimidad, la cual culminaría con la ruptura de éstas con la corona. En la Nueva España, como en el resto de las posesiones ultramarinas, defender la soberanía del monarca legítimo se volvió el punto central de los debates políticos entre los grupos que surgieron ante la crisis monárquica. Por un lado, existían quienes pugnaban por guardar el poder al rey, haciendo residir el poder en el pueblo para después regresarlo íntegro al monarca. Por otro el sector que veía en la crisis la oportunidad de cumplir los deseos autonomistas que se veían gestando en los grupos criollos que habían sido afectados por las reformas borbónicas. En la península, el resultado de resguardar la soberanía real se concretiza con la creación de las Cortes de Cádiz y la publicación de la Constitución de la Monarquía Española en 1812. Con la Constitución de Cádiz se buscaba llenar el vacío de legitimidad dejado por la invasión, salvaguardar la integridad del imperio al unir los dos hemisferios que formaban el imperio español, otorgar libertades a cada uno de los individuos que formaban el imperio, asegurando un nuevo nivel de participación de los mismos dentro de un nuevo sistema de gobierno que echaría por tierra el absolutismo borbónico: una monarquía regida por la Constitución.

Die Arbeit befasst sich mit dem Aspekt der Steuerungsfähigkeit von Kommunalparlamenten im Rahmen interkommunaler Zusammenarbeit. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung ist (die grundsätzliche Annahme), dass Kommunalparlamente im Rahmen kommunaler Selbstverwaltung über die Möglichkeit der politischen Steuerung verfügen. Diese basiert auf den in den Gemeindeordnungen getroffenen Zuständigkeitsentscheidungen für die verschiedenen kommunalen "Organe". Forschungsleitend ist die Frage, wie sich unterschiedliche institutionelle Rahmenbedin-gungen (Können) und Akteurshandeln (Wollen) auf die Steuerungsfähigkeit von Kommunalparlamenten im Rahmen interkommunaler Zusammenarbeit auswirken. Der theoretische Ansatz der Untersuchung kann als akteursbezogener Institutionalismus bezeichnet werden. Im akteursbezogenen Institutionalismus erklärt sich das politische Geschehen aus institutionellen Regeln und Akteurshandeln. Bezogen auf die Machtpositionen im kommunalen Entscheidungssystem besteht die zentrale These darin, dass die interkommunale Zusammenarbeit zu einem Steuerungsverlust der Kommunalparlamente und zu einer Stärkung der Verwaltung führt. Die Arbeit basiert auf der Annahme, dass durch interkommunale Zusammenarbeit Ent-scheidungsstrukturen verändert werden. Dabei liegt es in der Natur der Kooperation, dass Entscheidungen durch ein Zusammenwirken der Beteiligten getroffen werden. Die Form der Entscheidung hängt ab von der gewählten Organisationsform für die interkommunale Zusammenarbeit. So können Entscheidungen im einfachsten Fall informell durch Absprachen zwischen den Beteiligten getroffen werden oder aber im Falle einer höheren Formalisierung, wie z. B. beim Zweckverband, in neuen Entscheidungsgremien. Diese von den Bestimmungen der Gemeindeordnungen abweichenden Entscheidungsstrukturen tangieren somit immer die selbständigen Entscheidungskompetenzen der kommunalen Organe. Die Untersuchung erfolgt in Form eines Vergleichs institutioneller Regeln aus den 3 Bundesländern Bayern, Schleswig-Holstein und Niedersachsen sowie mit 3 Fall-beispielen aus diesen Bundesländern. Anhand der landesspezifischen Kommunalverfassungen wird der Einfluss von institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen auf politische Entscheidungen untersucht und mit der darauf folgenden Untersuchung von Fallbeispielen der Einfluss von spezifischem Akteurshandeln. Bei den untersuchten Fallbeispielen handelt es sich um eine interkommunale Zusammenarbeit in Form von Zweckverbänden. ; The paper examines the degree to which local councils can control outcomes in the con-text of collaboration between local authorities. The starting point for the investigation is (the fundamental assumption) that, under their powers of local self-government, local councils are in a position to control political outcomes. This is based on the responsibilities allocated to the various local authority "bodies" by virtue of the local by-laws. The leading question in this research project is how the various institutional frameworks (ability) and stakeholders' actions (determination) affect the ability of local councils to control outcomes in the context of collaboration between local authorities. The theoretical approach to the investigation may be termed stakeholder-centred institu-tionalism. Stakeholder-centred institutionalism seeks to explain political behaviour by looking at institutional rules and what the stakeholders do. In relation to positions of power in the local government system of decision-making, the central thesis is that collaboration between local authorities results in local councils losing some of their control capability and in administrative departments gaining strength. This paper is based on the assumption that collaboration between local authorities changes decision-making structures. Per se, cooperation means that decisions are made in consultation with all those involved. How decisions are made will depend on the type of organization chosen for collaboration between local authorities. At the simplest level, decisions can be reached informally by agreement between those involved or, at a more formal level, e.g. in a joint board (Zweckverband), taken by new decision-making bodies. These decision-making structures depart from the rules contained in local by-laws and thus also impinge on the independent decision-making competences of the local authority bodies. The investigation takes the form of a comparison of institutional rules in 3 Federal Sates; Bavaria, Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony, and looks at three case studies from the-se states. In reference to the states' specific local authority constitutions, the paper first examines how the institutional framework influences political decisions and then - by means of case studies - the influence of specific stakeholder actions. The case studies chosen represent collaboration between local authorities through a joint board.

The study there proposes a model of strategic integral development to stimulate the competitiveness of the Region Amazon; It is an investigation propositional, the followed methodology was initially to diagnose by means of indicators and the analysis FODA, the reality of the economic - productive sectors of the region: agriculturalist, rancher, fishing boat, mining, forest, industrial and tourist; the results indicate us that it fails to the producers of the different sectors to organize, are not competitive, scanty utilization exists to the available resources, available because one uses the factors traditions of production (land, work and the capital);as offer there is formulated an organization articulated between the private and public sector with systemic approach, to create a system of organized and competitive production with new technologies and to take advantage as strength of the biodiversity of the available resources; with a vision and mission to face the challenges before world factors that influence in the present century: the globalization and the liberalization of the trade on the world markets, the growth of the population and the urbanization, the biotechnology, the new technologies of the information and the communications, the preferences of the consumer, the environment and the governmental policies. One concludes that the strategic aims are: to promote the utilization of the resources of the region; to promote and to strengthen the associativity, competitiveness and inter-agency integration; strategy of development of competitive and sustainable products; generalization of results of the pilot centers and experimentation, sustained in three backbones: social, economic and environmental joint of policies; quality of life of agreement to cultural and intercultural diversity; viability and economic, social and ecological sustainability of the economic activities. ; El estudio propone un modelo de desarrollo estratégico integral para impulsar la competitividad de la Región Amazonas; es una investigación propositiva, la metodología seguida fue inicialmente diagnosticar mediante indicadores y el análisis FODA, la realidad de los sectores económico-productivos de la región: agrícola, ganadero, pesquero, minero, forestal, industrial y turístico; los resultados nos indican que a los productores de los diferentes sectores les falta organizarse, no son competitivos, existe escaso aprovechamiento a los recursos disponibles, porque se emplea los factores tradiciones de producción (tierra, trabajo y capital) ;como propuesta se formula adicionalmente una organización articulada entre el sector privado y público con enfoque sistémico, para crear un sistema de producción organizada y competitiva con nuevas tecnologías y aprovechar como fortaleza la biodiversidad de los recursos disponibles; con una visión y misión para enfrentar los retos ante los factores mundiales que influyen en el presente siglo: la globalización y la liberalización del comercio en los mercados mundiales, el crecimiento de la población y la urbanización, la biotecnología, las nuevas tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones, las preferencias del consumidor, el medio ambiente y las políticas gubernamentales. Se concluye que los objetivos estratégicos son: promover el aprovechamiento de los recursos de la región; promover y fortalecer la asociatividad, competitividad e integración interinstitucional; estrategia de desarrollo de productos competitivos y sostenibles; generalización de resultados de los centros piloto y experimentación, sustentados en tres ejes centrales: articulación de políticas social, económica y ambiental; calidad de vida de acuerdo a diversidad cultural e intercultural; viabilidad y sostenibilidad económica, social y ecológica de las actividades económicas. ; Tesis

This research deals with making culture a Public Intervention Category in Chile, from1989 to 2008.The process began in a particular historical and socio-political context characterized bythe democratic transition heralded by the 1988 plebiscite and consolidated by the 1989elections. At this time culture began to gain a fundamental role in the social and politicaldevelopment in Chile. Previously denied a formal organizational structure, the newinstitution's cultural interventions were fragmented and fragile.This dissertation analyzes the National Council on Culture and Arts (NCCA) created in2003 and its work in the context of culture emerging as a public matter. In doing this we areable to identify the different issues in cultural policymaking that arose since the end ofauthoritarian rule. This investigation is a contribution to the debates on the analysis of publicpolicy, utilizing its main theoretical tools to dissect the process of establishing a category ofpublic intervention through three central themes: ideas, actors and institutions. Hence, thiswould connect the cognitive approaches of public policy marked by neo-institutionalism andinstrumentalist policymaking focuses.The analysis approaches the issue on two levels. The first one centers on the articulationbetween concepts and values with the realignment of policy actors within a specificinstitutional framework. Secondly, we will focus on the issues that arose in theinstitutionalization of culture, and the tensions involved in this process. We will especiallystress the deadlocks generated by the construction of a national cultural ideal under aninstitutional order characterized by "authoritarian enclaves" inherited from the former rule. ; Cette recherche porte sur le processus de constitution de la culture au Chili comme catégorie d'intervention publique entre 1989 et 2008.Ce processus s'amorce dans un contexte historique et socio-politique particulier caractérisé par la fin de la dictature annoncée par le plébiscite de 1988 et confirmée lors des élections démocratiques de 1989. La culture acquiert alors un rôle fondamental dans le développement social et politique du Chili. Son institutionnalisation cherchait en effet à ordonner un domaine d'intervention fragmenté et institutionnellement fragile et qui n'avait jusqu'alors jamais été doté d'une institution supérieure.Cette étude propose ainsi d'envisager le processus d'émergence de la culture comme un problème public pour ensuite analyser son institutionnalisation qui déboucha sur la création,en 2003, du Conseil National de la Culture et des Arts. La compréhension de ce processus et l'étude de la mise en œuvre du CNCA conduisent à mieux identifier les enjeux qui caractérisent et déterminent l'action publique culturelle dans le Chili d'après dictature. Cette recherche s'inscrit ainsi dans les débats posés par l'analyse des politiques publiques et en reprendra les principaux outils théoriques afin de mieux aborder le processus de constitution d'une catégorie d'intervention publique à travers trois axes centraux, les idées, les acteurs et les institutions, qui permettront d'articuler les approches cognitives de politiques publiques aux approches néo-institutionnalistes et d'instrumentation de l'action publique.L'analyse se développe alors autour de deux plans, l'un centré sur l'articulation entre les concepts et les valeurs et le repositionnement et le rôle des acteurs au sein d'un cadre institutionnel particulier. L'autre plan considère plus spécifiquement les enjeux de la mise en œuvre de l'institution culturelle et les tensions propres à ce processus relatives à la construction d'un idéal culturel national, à la récupération et à la recomposition d'espaces de pouvoir et à un cadre institutionnel flou et profondément marqué par les enclaves autoritaires héritées du passé.