Suchergebnisse

El autor analiza el proceso de gestación del Estado-región supranacional tanto a nivel regional como subregional, partiendo de la existencia de una dinámica política regional latinoamericana impulsada por órganos regionales y por dinámicas políticas subregionales, que a su vez son impulsadas por órganos específicos subregionales. Plantea que en la dinámica regional no se están gestando Estados-región supranacionales, contrastando con lo que sucede con las dinámicas subregionales, de acuerdo a lo constatado en la configuración de los seis subsistemas regionales: la AEC, el G-3, el MCCA, la CARICOM, el PA y el MERCOSUR. Afirma que aquí la integración económica y política es del orden de lo posible, no así en cuanto a la dinámica sólo regional. En este marco se advierte a la dinámica continental americana, impulsada por el TLCAN, integrando, subordinando a la dinámica de integración regional y subregional de América Latina y el Caribe. ; The author analyzses the State-region supranational origins process in the regional level like subregional. Beginning with the presence of a regional Latinoamerican politic dynamic promoted by regional institutions and by subregional politic dynamics are not making the supranational State-regions, but they do it respect subregional dynamics, such as the cnfiguration of the six regional subsistems: Caribbean States Association, Group 3, the Central American Common Market, the Caribbean Comunity, the Andian Agreement and the South American Market. He remarks that economic and political integration, here, is possible, but its not the same with regional dynamics. In this context, the author advertises american continental dynamics, promoted by NAFTA, integrate and subordinate the regional and subregional Latinoamerican and Caribbean integration.

SummaryStudies of political favouritism in Africa often treat ethnic and regional favouritism as interchangeable concepts. The present paper distinguishes between the two and investigates their relative influence in Sub‐Saharan Africa. Focusing on whether individuals perceive their ethnic group to be unfairly treated by government, we assess the importance of being a co‐ethnic of the country president, of living in the president's region of origin and of the regional share of president co‐ethnics. Empirical findings drawing on detailed individual level survey data covering more than 19 000 respondents across 15 African countries suggest that ethnic and regional favouritism are not the same, but rather have independent effects.

The long-run effects of regional integration are analyzed in this book. On the basis of the development of a model of endogenous regional growth (which combines an endogenous growth model with aspects of ""new"" economic geography) and an empirical analysis of stylized facts for the European case, the monograph looks on mechanisms by which regional integration measures affect long-run growth rates as well as production and trade patterns. Integration measure¤s include trade liberalization, liberalization of factor flows, harmonization of policies as well as an enlargement of an integration bloc. The previous literature has always stressed the importance of such growth rate effects of regional integration, but has not - due to the lack of an appropriate theoretical framework, analyzed these effects in detail. The study present is a step towards closing this gap in the literature. Keywords: Integration, Regional Integration, European Integration Contents: Introduction: The Issues; Objectives and Method; Organization.- Empirical Observations: European Regions; Technology, Geography, and Growth; Summary.- Literature Overview: Static Models; Growth and International Integrat¤ion.- Growth and Economic Geography: The Basic Elements; A Two-Country Model; Short-Run Equilibrium; The Steady-State; Physical Capital; Appendix; Summary.- Deeper Regional Integration: Liberalization in a Two-Country Setting; Reg¤ional Integration as Partial Liberalization; Regional and Harmonized Policies; Summary.- Enlarging the Integration Bloc: Integrating a Lagging Country; Integrating a Developed Country; Leapfrogging through Integration; Summary.

AbstractNot only whether but also when a union ends and how long individuals remain unpartnered subsequently is consequential for social and demographic outcomes. However, in sub‐Saharan Africa (SSA), information about the timing of union dissolution and the reproductive time "lost" due to union dissolution is lacking. We close this gap by applying standard indirect demographic techniques in a novel way to Demographic Health Survey data collected in 34 SSA countries to document (i) the level and timing of all‐cause union dissolution and (ii) the time women spend outside of marriage due to union dissolution during their reproductive life course. Results revealed that in 28 out of 34 countries, over one‐fifth of first unions end within 15 years, and in 14 out of 34 countries, the proportion of first unions ending within 25 years exceeds 40 percent. The average marital duration at first union dissolution varies between 4.8 and 9.4 years. The pace of remarriage is rapid across all countries, with the average duration between first union dissolution and first remarriage ranging between 0.2 and 2.9 years. The overall reproductive years lost to union dissolution vary between 1.3 and 5.3 years, and account for 4.0–16.3 percent of the total reproductive life expectancy. We discuss the implications of these dynamics for fertility outcomes in SSA.