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Abstract: Few women reach the top levels of advertising agency creative departments, though relatively equal numbers of women and men enter the field as copywriters and art directors. This study examines why creative women have been unable to achieve the success women have seen in other agency arenas. Through 18 in-depth interviews, the study identifies numerous factors underlying the dearth of women creative directors, some of which are unique to advertising or agency creative positions.

"Why So Few? Women in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics" (Hill, C., Corbett, C., Rose, A., 2010) reports on an extensive study of women's underrepresentation in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics professions. Funded by the National Science Foundation, the project was conducted by American Association of University Women. The resource includes findings from eight research studies which examined social and environmental factors which contribute to women's underrepresentation in STEM fields as well as helpful tables, charts and bibliography resources. The 110 page resource will be particularly helpful for scholars working in program design to advance STEM opportunities for women.

Very few women are inpositions of power in Britain. Men hold about 80% of powerful positions and this imbalance of power not only offends normal considerations of justice and equality but has damaging consequences for Britain's economic performance. Male dominated organisations tend to be highly centralised, wasting talent and stifling iniative and innovation. A progamme of fundeamental reform, including the enforcement of current legislation, the introduction of quotas in key areas and the provision of career breaks is proposed.

WHETHER A TREND TOWARD INCREASED PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN ELECTED PUBLIC OFFICE IS UNDERWAY DEPENDS ON WHETHER THE FACTORS THAT PROHIBITED OR INHIBITED WOMEN FROM PARTICIPATING IN THE PAST WILL CONTINUE TO DEMINISH IN IMPORTANCE IN THE FUTURE. ATTENTION IS GIVEN TO IDENTIFYING THESE FACTORS AND ASSESSING THEIR IMPACT ON WOMEN'S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE YEARS TO COME.

Abstract
This paper takes as its starting place Meena Krishnamurthy's discussion in this issue of women's underrepresentation in "elite" value journals. Her paper discusses a specific remedy: quotas. My paper focuses instead on the causal issue of explanations for women's underrepresentation in these journals. I argue that we currently lack the data that would allow us to choose between various hypotheses (or combinations of hypotheses), and I sketch the sorts of investigations that would be needed to further our understanding of the causes for this underrepresentation.

The latent function of sex segregation in the Japanese business system -- The Japanese way of change : recasting institutional coordination, sustaining gender inequality -- Studying sex segregation in five Japanese companies -- Women as cheap labor : salaries, promotions, ghettos, and the culture of woman blaming -- Production and navigation of gender bias : heroic masculinity, female misogyny, and queen bees -- Thwarted ambitions and sympathy : long working hours, sex segregation, and the price of masculinity -- Hostess culture and women's jobs : obligatory femininity and sexual harassment

Using evidence from a survey of women directors in FTSE 100 companies, this paper considers possible explanations for the persistent homogeneity of top UK boards. Only 61 per cent of the top 100 companies had female directors in 2002, down from 64 per cent in 1999. Women held only 3 per cent of executive (= US inside) directorships, and there were only 15 women executive directors in total. Explanations usually include women's lack of ambition, lack of experience and lack of commitment. These have been disproved by research, but underlying theories of social exclusion may provide insight into this persistent phenomenon.

Research shows that when women run, they win just as often as men. Evidence suggests, however, that women are running for Congress at record-breaking levels yet the proportion of women in either chamber has not appreciably increased. I reconcile these disparate findings through the theory of partisan exclusion. I argue that the success of Democratic women masks the difficulties Republican women face in their bids for office. I further argue that these divergent experiences are the result of Republican women's disproportionate absence from the local party networks that identify and vet potential candidates. In Chapter One, I examine the effects of Republican women's disproportionate absence from local party networks on their primary election success by comparing several features of their campaigns to those of Democratic women who I argue are more likely to be members of local party networks. I find that Republican women's campaigns suffer from serious deficiencies when compared to Democratic women's campaigns and that these deficiencies contribute to a nine-point difference in primary election vote share between Republican women and Democratic women. In Chapter Two, I examine the fundraising strategies of Republican and Democratic women. I find that Democratic women heavily rely on external funding sources like political action committees and individual contributions which reflect their increased presence in local party networks while Republican women rely more heavily on self-financing which reflects their inability to access to donor lists and networked donors. Finally, in Chapter Three I use an original survey of county party chairs to examine potential gender bias in recruitment. When prompted to name a potential candidate, Democratic county party chairs were twice as likely to name a woman than were Republican county party chairs. These differences were magnified amongst county party chairs reporting that they worked within a network to identify and vet candidates. Taken together, results suggest that women's underrepresentation in Congress is driven in large part by Republican women's underrepresentation and that the Republican Party, at least at the local level, does not prioritize the election of women.

MUCH OF THE LITERATURE ON BOTH FORMAL POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND POLITICAL RECRUITMENT IS STATIC IN CONCEPT. IT FAILS TO TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THAT OPPORTUNITIES FOR PARTICIPATION MAY ALTER DURING ONE INDIVIDUAL'S LIFETIME. IN PARTICULAR, THE LIVES OF WOMEN CHANGE, OFTEN ABRUPTLY, ON MARRIAGE AND AT CHILDBIRTH. TIME CONSTRAINTS INCREASE AND DECREASE AS FAMILY DEMANDS HEIGHTEN OR LESSEN. THE SMALL SURVEY OF WOMEN POLITICAL ACTIVISTS REPORTED HERE SUGGESTS THAT FLEXIBILITY OF TIME CONSTRAINTS, TAKEN TOGETHER WITH FAMILY ATTITUDES, ARE IMPORTANT FACTORS IN WOMEN'S RECRUITMENT. SOME WOMEN'S EXPECTATIONS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND PERCEPTIONS OF ITS POWER ALSO MILITATE AGAINST THEIR RECRUITMENT. ALTHOUGH THE SURVEY IS SMALL AND LIMITED TO LABOUR PARTY ACTIVISTS, ITS FINDINGS ARE LIKELY TO BE APPLICABLE TO WOMEN IN OTHER INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES.

The number of female MPs elected by direct vote in Bangladesh's Parliament is abysmally low due to the low level of female candidates in the parliamentary elections. This study addresses the underrepresentation of female candidates in the election following the supply- and demand-side model of Norris and Lovenduski. We focus on the continuing patriarchal social and political culture, dynastic politics, campaign funding, and violence as supply-side factors and political parties and nominations, quotas/reserved seats, and rule compliance as demand-side factors that affect the candidate nomination process in Bangladesh. The article is based on semi-structured interviews with female and male MPs of the Bangladesh Parliament and aspirant female politicians who hold different party positions. The study argues that the patriarchal nature of politics and culture controls the supply and demand-side factors of candidate selection and discriminates against female candidates to vie in the general constituencies.