Suchergebnisse

Article submitted to Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences International audience This paper examines a 226 ce debate on li 曆 mathematical astronomy at the Cao-Wei (226–265) court as a case study in the role of orality and person-to-person exchange in the transmission of astronomical knowledge in early imperial China. The li - and mathematics-related manuscripts to have come down to us from the early imperial period often suffer from textual corruption, the form that this corruption takes being rooted in a culture of manuscript transmission by visual copying. Where numbers are involved, such corruption can significantly affect a text's readability, reliability, and utility, and it is hardly a surprise, I argue, that actors speak of learning li by any way but reading. In 226 ce, two men showed up to a debate with different versions of Liu Hong's 劉洪 (fl. 167–206 ce) Supernal Icon li ( Qianxiang li 乾象曆), the one—the assistant director of the astronomical bureau—trying to best it, and the other—Liu Hong's disciple—trying to defend it. Reconstructing the tortuous route by which Liu Hong's astronomy made it into each man's hands via a transmission network spanning the Three Kingdoms, I argue that this debacle, and its conclusion, are to be expected from the mode of oral and written transmission particular to astronomy in this age.

International audience The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is one of the last communist states ruled by a single political party. Despite what the one party rule in Vietnam may suggest, issues related to urban planning reveal a great complexity of interaction between stakeholders in the country, and an aggregation of new coalitions concerned with growth, who question the regime's political choices and development orientations. The authoritarianism of the Vietnamese political regime is undeniably key to understanding the socio-spatial organisation of cities in the country. However, this paper aims to show how the contemporary urban planning of these cities is participating in the recent evolution of the political regime, towards what can be called a " negotiated authoritarianism ". With the implementation of new urban projects; debates over notions of justice and injustice, common good and private interests, community and individuality are emerging. These values are conveyed by the authorities, as well as the citizens, in order to negotiate their participation in decision-making and their access to new wealth. Our goal is then to question the links between political authoritarianism and the production of the city in contemporary Vietnam.

International audience [En] Focusing on Belgian university students using illegal services to watch (mainly American) TVseries, this paper offers to take a look at online practices and habits, using a methodology combining"media diaries" filled by respondents during one week and post-diaries in-depth interviews. The conceptsof autonomy, participation, and interactivity are brought into the discussion to help us to understandindividuals' behaviours. This research demonstrates the shifts in behaviours and practices whenindividuals switch from the television to another device (a computer connected to the Internet) to consume(fictional and serial) online cultural content. Moreover, the results show that this autonomous and(to a certain extent) participatory and interactive audience is demanding not only in terms of which TVseries they are willing to consume but also in terms of the language and subtitles of the content theyconsume, the genre of content consumption, and the flexibility to choose the time of consumption. ; [Fr] Portant son attention sur les étudiants universitaires belges utilisant des services illégaux pour regarderdes séries TV majoritairement américaines, cet article propose d'analyser des pratiques et habitudesrelatives à la consommation de séries en ligne. Il se base pour ce faire sur une méthodologiecombinant l'usage de « carnets de bord médiatiques » complétés pendant une semaine et la réalisationd'entretiens semi-directifs. Les concepts d'autonomie, de participation et d'interactivité sont ensuitediscutés pour aider à comprendre les comportements de ces individus. Cette étude montre les changementsde comportements et de pratiques lors de l'utilisation d'un dispositif autre que la télévision (l'ordinateurcouplé à Internet) pour consommer du contenu culturel (sériel et fictionnel) en ligne. En outre,les résultats mettent en évidence que ce public que nous qualifions d'autonome et, dans une certainemesure, de participatif, est exigeant non seulement en ce qui concerne les types de séries qu'il ...

Since the 2000s with the UNESCO Declaration on Cultural Diversity as a Common Heritage of Humanity (2001), the Faro Convention in Europe (2005), which affirms the cultural value of heritage for society and then the European Year of Cultural Dialogue (2008), the international bodies which are committed to promoting peace and developing a good "living together" seem to agree that culture in its diversity can make a common heritage. They see this as the opportunity to connect and make sense beyond the economic, ecological and political crises that post-modern societies are going through. As if cultures once heritage ensured dialogue between individuals and human groups. This would lead to a recognition of everyone that is conducive to overcoming injustices such as games of interest and power. The rise in recognition as heritage, and more so as a world heritage, would thus give the culture of every person's legitimacy and place. This number proposes to examine how interculturality takes place in heritage activities. How do the individuals and groups concerned and their interlocutors build intercultural practices in heritage activities or processes? Reciprocally, how is the heritage dimension activated in intercultural practices? ; International audience ; Since the 2000s with the UNESCO Declaration on Cultural Diversity as a Common Heritage of Humanity (2001), the Faro Convention in Europe (2005), which affirms the cultural value of heritage for society and then the European Year of Cultural Dialogue (2008), the international bodies which are committed to promoting peace and developing a good "living together" seem to agree that culture in its diversity can make a common heritage. They see this as the opportunity to connect and make sense beyond the economic, ecological and political crises that post-modern societies are going through. As if cultures once heritage ensured dialogue between individuals and human groups. This would lead to a recognition of everyone that is conducive to overcoming injustices such as ...

International audience ; il apparaît indispensable de regarder ce qui est en train de naître en dehors ou à côté des institutions qui s'effondrent. Ces émergences basées sur la discrétion, la fragilité, la simplicité, l'ouverture, le partage et la solidarité, accueillent également l'incertitude structurelle et structurante de notre quotidien. Ainsi en est-il, entre autres, de l'économie sociale ou solidaire qui inaugure une économie renouvelant les solidarités et les coopérations au sein de notre société et qui préfigure de nouvelles formes organisationnelles, a priori moins pérennes, car renonçant à la maîtrise et à la toute-puissance. Partout dans le monde, on assiste aussi à l'apparition de nouvelles formes de mobilisations et d'organisations souvent temporaires. Elles sont le fait de collectifs mixtes, d'artistes, de professionnels ; de citoyens qui innovent au quotidien, fabriquent des situations au sens de Guy Debord et contribuent à l'émergence d'un espace public du faire. Elles se situent souvent dans l'entre-deux, le tiers, le hors là et le hors les murs, loin des enceintes et cénacles institutionnels. Elles s'affirment sur la Toile et s'incarnent dans les rues, sur les places dans une «esthétique de la débrouille», du bricolage et de la palette, entre désobéissance, résistance et mobilisation citoyenne, dynamique politique et jeu, design de situations et transgression, clandestinité et mise en scène spectaculaire, frugalité et ambition, jardinage et révolution.

Does the prolonged exposure of agricultural workers to pesticides lead to many severe conditions, such as cancers or neurodegenerative diseases? While it is difficult to provide a definitive answer to this question, it is partly due to the inherent complexity of the biological mechanisms at issue and the numerous scientific uncertainties surrounding environmental poisoning. However, for the last ten years, several social sciences have suggested that ignorance of the impact of chemicals on health is not related solely to the complex nature of interactions between toxic agents and the human body. Work on the cases of tobacco (Proctor, 2012), global warming (Oreskes and Conway, 2010) and lead (Markowitz and Rosner, 2002) shows that the ignorance surrounding the effects of substances harmful to health and the environment is partly the product of a social construction by which some actors try to hide these effects or prevent them from being scientifically investigated (.). ; L'exposition prolongée des travailleurs agricoles aux pesticides entraîne-t-elle de nombreuses pathologies sévères, telles que les cancers ou les maladies neurodégénératives ? S'il est difficile d'apporter une réponse définitive à cette question, c'est en partie en raison de la complexité inhérente aux mécanismes biologiques en cause et des nombreuses incertitudes scientifiques qui entourent les intoxications environnementales. Depuis une dizaine d'années, cependant, plusieurs travaux de sciences sociales suggèrent que les états d'ignorance concernant l'impact des produits chimiques sur la santé ne sont pas liés uniquement à la nature complexe des interactions entre les agents toxiques et le corps humain. Les travaux sur les cas du tabac (Proctor, 2012), du réchauffement climatique global (Oreskes et Conway, 2010) et du plomb (Markowitz et Rosner, 2002) montrent en effet que l'ignorance qui entoure les effets des substances nocives pour la santé et l'environnement est en partie le produit d'une construction sociale par laquelle certains acteurs ...

Network computing has often been presented as a tool for the self-organisation of civil society, using alternative ways of distributing power and coordinating activities. The history of the internet, viewed from the perspective of the history of ideas, shows that such properties have given rise to the formation of a true political philosophy that we have called informational liberalism. This has seen different models of political economy compete; here we present the general movement as well as the internal differences. We conclude with a presentation of three main forms of destitution, which open to criticism of the digital political economy: capture, dissemination and self-institution. ; International audience ; Network computing has often been presented as a tool for the self-organisation of civil society, using alternative ways of distributing power and coordinating activities. The history of the internet, viewed from the perspective of the history of ideas, shows that such properties have given rise to the formation of a true political philosophy that we have called informational liberalism. This has seen different models of political economy compete; here we present the general movement as well as the internal differences. We conclude with a presentation of three main forms of destitution, which open to criticism of the digital political economy: capture, dissemination and self-institution. ; L'informatique en réseau a souvent été présentée comme un instrument favorisant l'auto-organisation de la société civile, à partir de modes alternatifs de distribution du pouvoir et de coordination des activités. L'histoire d'internet, abordée du point de vue de l'histoire des idées, montre que de telles propriétés ont donné lieu à la formation d'une véritable philosophie politique que nous avons appelée le libéralisme informationnel. Celle-ci a vu différents modèles d'économie politique s'affronter ; nous en présentons ici le mouvement général ainsi que les divergences internes. Nous terminons par un exposé de trois ...

In his scientific studies in economic policy throughout a stellar career, which he embarked upon at the State Planning Organization and continued at METU and Bilkent University, Merih Celasun not only offered very important solutions to the structural problems faced by Turkey, but also provided unique lessons regarding the way to approach the economic science to those lucky enough to get to know him. His knowledge, experience, and approach to economic problems made him a well-known scholar in international academic circles. His work became one of the first sources to resort to for those seeking in-depth information, particularly on the Turkish economy. This text is İlhan Tekeli's speech that was delivered in Ankara at TEPAV on December 29th, 2014 at the Merih Celasun memorial lecture.

The wave of Arab Spring that started in Tunisia and Egypt arrived to Morocco in 2011 paving the way to unprecedented organized mass-protests all over the country. Among the demands raised by the 20 February Movement protesters was the demand for free and independent media outlets, especially the press. King Mohammed VI, the Commander of the Faithful and the highest authority in Morocco, promised in a televised speech on March 9th to introduce "radical" and "genuine" constitutional reforms that would democratize the country. In fact, King Mohammed VI has so far succeeded in calming down and co-opting the demonstrations, but journalists and political activists still get fined if they trespass the Hudud[1]. In my short article, I will briefly contextualize the Moroccan independent press and discuss its status after the "Moroccan Spring" with an attempt to show, through cases of imprisoned journalists, the contradictions associated with the liberalization of speech in Morocco. One of the main arguments of my article is that the democratization of the press could never be achieved as long as the public discourse that brings monarchical powers and actions into question is illegal.

This essay analyzes President Barack Obama's communication strategies in his speeches and presidential statements concerning threats of mass atrocities in Libya, Syria, and Iraq from 2011 through 2015. It examines how he has used three rhetorical "frames" to explain events in these countries and to advocate specific U.S. policy responses: the "legalistic" (or "liberal internationalist"), the "moralistic," and the "security" frame. Obama utilized primarily the legalistic frame to justify U.S. military intervention in Libya in 2011, and he relied mainly on the security frame (focusing on terrorist threats against U.S. nationals) to justify the deployment of U.S. military forces against ISIL in Iraq and Syria in 2014−2015. Obama's rhetorical framing of the violence perpetrated by the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad since 2011 has been less consistent. Hardly ever in these speeches did Obama suggest that mass atrocities per se constituted a threat to U.S. national security—despite the declaration in Obama's 2011 Presidential Study Directive on Mass Atrocities that "preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest" of the United States. Utilizing an approach to linguistic analysis developed by Roman Jakobson, the paper shows how Obama has employed rhetorical devices that emphasize the boundaries between the "in-group" of the American national community and the "out-groups" in other countries who are threatened by mass atrocities. Because members of an in-group are typically depicted as warranting greater concern than members of out-groups, Obama's assignment of victimized communities to out-group status has effectively justified inaction by the U.S. government in the face of genocidal violence.

Episodes of economic growth that lead to reductions in poverty and inequality are relatively rare in developing countries. In this paper, we examine the institutional foundations of such growth episodes.We argue that the institutional factors that lead to accelerations in economic growth will be different from those that lead to growth maintenance and avoidance of growth decline, and that the institutional preconditions for growth accelerations suggest that these growth episodes may not be inclusive. We present empirical evidence drawn from descriptive and cross-country econometric analyses that support these theoretical propositions.

Violência homicida na América Latina. De como a mundialização daspolíticas de drogas, comércio e migrações fragiliza a sociedade:A violência homicida afeta amplas camadas da população na América Latina. Em muitospaíses do subcontinente, a violência homicida é a primeria causa de mortalidade entre os jovensde sexo masculino. A partir da análise de bases de dados especializadas, este artigo mostraque a violência homicida aumentou de forma notável nos trinta e cinco últimos anos, períodoque corresponde à mundialização néo-liberal. Neste artigo, mostramos como algumas políticascentrais da mundialização fragilizaram a sociedade na América Latina, e como essa situaçãose traduz do ponto de vista de um aumento da violência homicida. A partir de um examerigoroso das bases de dados existentes sobre violência homicida, duas políticas centrais namundialização são focalizadas : a política anti-drogas e a política de livre comércio e controlemigratório. Para cada uma delas, mostramos seu impacto do ponto de vista da desestruturaçãoda sociedade e da contribuição para o aumento da violência homicida. ; International audience Homicidal violence is responsible for the death of thousands of individuals, daily. In manyLatin American countries, it is the first cause of mortality for young males. This articleshows that homicidal violence had grown consistently across the continent under neoliberalglobalization. We argue that policies central to globalization have weakened societies, leadingto sharp increases in homicidal violence. This article reviews specialized data and explorestwo globalization policies that tend to disturb social structures: drug control, migration control,and free trade. ; La violence homicide affecte de larges couches de la population en Amérique latine. Ainsi,dans plusieurs pays de ce sous-continent, la violence homicide est la première cause demortalité chez les hommes jeunes. A partir de l'exploration des bases de données spécialisées,cet article montre que celle-ci a remarquablement augmenté durant les ...

While prison is often envisaged from the point of view of those who suffer it, it is proposed to question the expectations from the point of view of the staff of the institution, prison staff and also judges for the enforcement of sentences who have the power to adjust the time of imprisonment. What does the waiting time mean both the time of availability of the detainee over whom the institution exercises power, and the time of transformation for a project? What constraints and contradictions are these staff themselves subject to, in the contemporary context of the French arrest house characterised by overcrowding and inoccupation of detainees? To answer these questions, prison will be seen as a working environment involving different types of professionals under strong pressure The time to punish ; International audience ; While prison is often envisaged from the point of view of those who suffer it, it is proposed to question the expectations from the point of view of the staff of the institution, prison staff and also judges for the enforcement of sentences who have the power to adjust the time of imprisonment. What does the waiting time mean both the time of availability of the detainee over whom the institution exercises power, and the time of transformation for a project? What constraints and contradictions are these staff themselves subject to, in the contemporary context of the French arrest house characterised by overcrowding and inoccupation of detainees? To answer these questions, prison will be seen as a working environment involving different types of professionals under strong pressure The time to punish ; Alors que la prison est souvent envisagée du point de vue de ceux qui la subissent, on propose ici d'interroger l'attente du point de vue des personnels de l'institution, personnels pénitentiaires mais aussi juges d'application des peines qui ont le pouvoir de moduler le temps de l'incarcération. Que produit l'attente en prison-à la fois temps de disponibilité du détenu sur lequel s'exerce le ...

International political speeches on « energy transition » sometimes forget to see things from a ground level and to root their analyses on collective history. In order to reach the best balances, they set up goals which are related to changes in the way of living without taking into account how those changes happen. However, from a « bottom perspective », energy transition does not proceed from an homogeneous and automatic transposition of these goals. Moreover, in order to search social consequences of the past transformations in the energy mix, some social agents sometimes refer to past experiences. Then, they associate their conclusions with changes in the ways of living. Studding such a process at the scale of an area like Gardanne, in the mist of a former mining area in Provence (Bouche-du-Rhône, France), will allow us to grasp the energy transition from other perspectives. In fact, since the beginning of 1990, this city has anticipated the stop of the local coal extraction and has started a change in its energy model. One of the aspects of this anticipation is to be found both in the way people consume and in their behaviors towards energy. It also raises questions about the local cohesion, based on productive and symbolical dimensions related to energy. In this example, economic, symbolic and energy transitions are linked and can let us question the complexity of transformations in the social organization when those transformations are related to changes in the energy model. The article is based on a two-year survey, conducted in a local area, on different scales, in order to observe a current energy transition, from a perspective which is diachronic and synchronic. ; Les discours politiques internationaux sur « la transition énergétique » omettent parfois de se placer à hauteur d'homme et de prendre appui sur l'histoire collective. Ils énoncent alors des objectifs relatifs aux changements dans les modes de vie à partir d'une vision de l'avenir fondée sur des équilibres souhaitables, indépendamment des ...

Th is article seeks to prompt a re-evaluation of the film archive's role within the current digital humanities debate as a logical, yet underrated, partner. The article invokes Jeffrey Schnapp's and Todd Presner's plea from 2009 for digital humanities to create as its core aim a more democratic view of knowledge-producing institutions by including non-university research institutions as well as archives and museums. Archives, on the other hand, currently face the crucial challenge of how to digitise and present their collections online while struggling with rising related costs and having to redefi ne their mission as heritage keepers for often unique analogue material. The potential options for future collaboration between film archives and digital humanists as well as film scholars will also be discussed in this paper through an examination of the current situation.