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This past week, Chancellor of the Exchequer Rishi Sunak released the government's 2021 budget. Included in the package was an announcement of a £1 billion Towns Fund and notification of the 45 communities in England to receive support for infrastructure improvements. This is part of the Government's Levelling Up promise made in the 2019 Conservative Party manifesto, which would shift money to the left behind, post-industrial communities of Britain that have suffered job and population losses over the past four decades.
Soon after the announcement, the Chancellor came under withering assault from the Labour Party, which accused the government of allocating money generously to areas represented by Tory MPs at the expense of communities more deserving of assistance. Labour MP Steve Reed charged "the government of using taxpayers' money to 'shore up' Tory votes with 'cosmetic' projects in hand-picked constituencies" in The Guardian. Labour Leader Keir Starmer said it "looks fishy". The Guardian's own analysis showed that 39 out of 45 areas receiving funds have Tory MPs.
Did Boris Johnson's government dole out cash to communities for political purposes rather than sending aid to communities with the most need? It has long been suggested that distributive politics—derisively called pork barrel spending—is largely absent from the British political system. The Guardian and Labour's claims, however, suggests otherwise.
The problem with these allegations is that alternative hypotheses are not examined. What if, for example, the communities in the most need just happen to be represented by Tory MPs? To unpack what's going on requires a multivariate analysis controlling for both political and social need variables in the dispensation of aid from the Towns Fund.
To test the claim that politics—rather than community need—drove the decisions to give certain communities Levelling Up funds, I collected data on all 533 English constituencies. First, I simply noted which constituencies were represented by Tory MPs (indicated by a 1, 0 otherwise). Next, I downloaded information pertaining to community need. The English government produces several measures on the deprivation of communities, including data on health, education, and employment. Parliamentary constituencies are then ranked from the most deprived ("1") to the least deprived ("533") based upon an aggregation of these several measures of deprivation. Finally, I pulled together information on the marginality of each constituency in the 2019 general election, which is simply the percentage point difference between the first and second place finisher. Smaller values indicate more electorally competitive constituencies.
The dependent variable for the analysis is whether the constituency received funds from the Towns Fund in the budget announced last week—1 if yes, 0 otherwise. I then ran a logistic regression with the aforementioned independent variables: Tory MP, Deprivation Rank, and Marginality. The results appear below.Labour's claims have merit: constituencies with Tory MPs are significantly more likely to have received funds from the Towns fund as compared to constituencies represented by the opposition parties. And, the more marginal the constituency, the greater the chance of getting money from the fund as denoted by the negative sign on the marginality variable and its significance (p <.049).
However, there is also evidence that deprivation matters—so the decision to dispense cash is not only about propping up Conservative party electoral fortunes. The deprivation variable is negative and significant, meaning that better off communities are less likely to receive Levelling Up funds. Money is flowing to communities in need, but poorer communities have an even better shot if they elected a Tory MP in 2019 and did so in a tight election. For those of you interested in how well this simple model operated, 92 percent of cases were correctly predicted.
Now that we know that politics and need matter, how much do they affect the process and which factors are most important? Looking at the marginal effects of the variables, it would seem that marginality and having a Tory MP dwarf deprivation in the decision to give communities infrastructure assistance. Having a Tory MP alone increases a constituency's chance of getting money from the Towns Fund by twelve percentage points while shifting from a completely uncompetitive seat to one that was essentially even electorally accounts for an increase of 14 percentage points in the chances of getting money from the Fund. Similarly, moving from the least deprived constituency to the most deprived constituency increases a constituency's chances by 21 percentage points. In other words, having a Tory MP has the single largest effect on whether a community received a Towns Fund grant.
To illustrate how these factors work in tandem on the probability of a constituency receiving financial assistance from the Towns Fund, I've created a few scenarios.
Let's assume, first, a constituency where the winning party won by only 5 percentage points that is ranked 100th in deprivation. This constituency is represented by a Labour MP. The probability that constituency receives a grant is only 7 percent, which I calculated using Stata's margins command based upon the logit results reported above.
If we simply drop a Conservative MP into that constituency, the probability of getting a grant increases to 33 percent (with the point estimates outside the confidence intervals).
If we take the same scenario above but make the constituency more deprived—moving from 100th in deprivation to 50th—there is scant change in the probabilities: 10 percent if a Labour MP represents the constituency, and 40 percent if a Conservative MP does (again, the confidence intervals do not overlap).
Finally, marginality has important effects as well. Again, looking at a Labour represented constituency that's 100th in deprivation where the MP won by 15 percentage points, the probability of receiving a grant is only 6 percent. With a Tory MP, that increases to 28 percent. Compare that to the first set of probabilities. The probability of receiving a grant hardly moves at all for the Labour represented constituency. It declines for the Conservative represented constituency by 5 percentage points, however.
Taking all of this together and the patterns are clear: The Department of Treasury seems to have made its grant allocation decisions based primarily on political factors and not on the clear social needs of communities. Tory MPs in marginal constituencies were far more likely to benefit from the Towns Fund scheme than Labour MPs representing areas with higher levels of deprivation.
Гамова О.В., Донець О.С. Концептуальні основи проведення аудиту розрахунків за виплатами працівникам на підприємстві. У статті проаналізовано роль оплати праці, що формується в умовах ринкового розвитку України. Визначено законодавчі, нормативні й первинні документи організації аудиту оплати праці. Розроблено аналіз досліджень і публікацій стосовно аудиту та розробкам його програм з оплати праці, що висвітлюють вітчизняні та зарубіжні вчені. Наведено визначення поняття аудиту розрахунків з оплати праці на підприємстві. Проведено літературний огляд питання аудиту розрахунків з оплати праці. Викладений ряд методологічних прийомів для проведення аудиту розрахунків з оплати праці. Розглянуто питання перевірки незалежними аудиторами розрахунків з оплати праці, методичні прийоми перевірки та її послідовність. Пояснено суть особливо чіткої перевірки утриманих із заробітної плати сум єдиного соціального внеску та податку з доходів фізичних осіб, наведено велике значення надання на підприємстві лікарняних та функціонування режиму забезпечення відпусток. Наведено суть та наслідки типових порушень в частині здійснення операцій з оплати праці та їх наслідки. Показано, що пошук правопорушень і подальше усунення недоліків в роботі бухгалтерів може запобігти появи більш складних проблем в обліку, які можуть призвести до штрафних санкцій, а іноді і до адміністративної чи кримінальної відповідальності. Впроваджено пропозиції аудитора, що вдосконалять як матеріальне стимулювання, так і трудові відносини в колективі. Визначено значення проведення на підприємстві аудиту розрахунків з оплати праці, та ефективність його для ведення господарської діяльності підприємства та подальшого його функціонування.Гамова О.В., Донец А.С. Концептуальные основы проведения аудита расчетов по выплатам работникам на предприятии. В статье проанализирована роль оплаты труда, которая формируется в условиях рыночного развития Украины. Определены законодательные, нормативные и первичные документы организации аудита оплаты труда. Разработан анализ исследований и публикаций по аудиту и разработкам его программ по оплате труда сегодня, что сегодня освещают ряд отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Приведены определения понятия аудита расчетов по оплате труда на предприятии. Проведен литературный обзор вопросы аудита расчетов по оплате труда. Изложен ряд методологических приемов для проведения аудита расчетов по оплате труда. Рассмотрены вопросы проверки независимыми аудиторами расчетов по оплате труда, методические приемы проверки и ее последовательность. Объяснено суть особенно четкой проверки удержанных из заработной платы сумм единого социального взноса и налога с доходов физических лиц, приведено большое значение предоставления на предприятии больничных и функционирования режима обеспечения отпусков. Приведены суть и последствия типичных нарушений в части осуществления операций по оплате труда и их последствия. Показано, что поиск правонарушений и последующее устранение недостатков в работе бухгалтеров может предотвратить появления более сложных проблем в учете, которые могут привести к штрафным санкциям, а иногда и к административной или уголовной ответственности. Внедрены предложения аудитора, что усовершенствуют как материальное стимулирование, так и трудовые отношения в коллективе. Определено значение проведения на предприятии аудита расчетов по оплате труда, и эффективность его для ведения хозяйственной деятельности предприятия и его дальнейшего функционирования.Gamova O., Donets A. Conceptual basis of the calculations on employee remuneration at an enterprise. The article analyses the role function of the labour remuneration formed in the condition of the labour market development ofUkraine. The legislative, regulatory and primary documents of the organization of remuneration audit are defined. The analysis of the studies and publications on audit and development of its programs in the labour remuneration nowadays published by Russian, Ukrainian scientists are worked out. The definitions of the audit of the labour remuneration calculations are given. The literature review on the guestion of the audit of the labour remuneration calculations was carried out. The article states a number of methodological techniques of the implementation of the labour remuneration audit calculations. It was considered the issues of verification independent auditors of calculations on payment of work, methods of verification and its sequence. Explained the essence especially clear check withheld from the wages of the amounts of a single social contribution and income tax from incomes of physical persons, are of great importance providing for the establishment of hospital and functioning of the regime for ensuring holidays. It has been given the nature and implications of typical violations in the part of implementation of operations on wages and their consequences. It is shown that the finding of violations and subsequent elimination of the shortcomings in the work of the accountants may prevent the appearance of the more difficult problems in the account, which may lead to fines, and sometimes and to administrative or the criminal liability. It was implemented the proposals of the auditor, which will improve as incentives, and labor relations within the company. It was determined by the value of the enterprise audit settlements in the remuneration of labour, and its efficiency for conducting economic activity of the enterprise and its further functioning.
The Australian Building and Construction Commission (ABCC) was established by the former Howard government to regulate the building and construction sector. The establishment of the regulatory body followed damning reports by a Royal commission which alleged that building and construction workplaces were characterized by a widespread disregard for the law. An Interim Building Industry Taskforce was established subsequent to the release of the findings. The Royal commission's recommendations were then put before the federal parliament which led to the passage of the Building and Construction Industry Improvement Act 2005 (BCII Act 2005). The office of the Australian Building and Construction Commission first began operations in October 2005. The Howard government had hoped the BCII Act (2005) would vastly improve the workplace relations framework for building and construction operations and ensure that all building work was carried out in a fair, efficient and productive manner. The Howard government had long been an advocate of industrial reform in the building and construction sector. It believed that the crucial economic role played by the building and construction industry in Australia was being undermined and had been hindered by a perceived trade union dominance of the workplace. The government also alleged that inefficient workplace production was occurring as a result of direct interference by unions in the workplace. Therefore, it was hoped that the establishment of the ABCC would promote respect for the law and lift the economic capacity of the industry. The ABCC is legislated with coercive information-gathering powers. These powers enable the agency to request information from industry participants that is believed to be of relevance to an investigation. The ABCC may also request building industry participants to attend secret meetings in which they are required to swear an oath or make an affirmation. The triggers for the use of coercive powers in most cases are based on a ' reasonable belief that an offence may have been committed. The government's agency has been criticized for the number of prosecutions it has made against trade unions. Led by the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union (CFMEU) Labour organizations accused the former Howard government's building and construction regulator of being a political mouthpiece for the Coalition and of having an ideological 'union busting' agenda, rather than adhering to the role of a genuine industrial regulator. Where as, prominent industry groups such as the Masters Builders Australia (MBA) and the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (ACCI) have come out strongly in support of the ABCC citing a steady on-going decline in industrial disputation in the building and construction industry since the ABCC began operations as evidence that the ABCC is functioning effectively in its regulatory role. The role of the ABCC as an active industrial regulator has always been controvers ial within the building and construction industry. However, the ABCC gained national attention following the agencies decision to take legal action against 107 individual workers employed on the Perth- Mandurah Rail project in Western Australia whom allegedly took part in illegal industrial activity. Despite the high profile of this individual case and others similar, the ABCC has managed to remain in relative national anonymity. Regardless of public perceptions, the ABCC's extensive coercive information-gathering powers and the trigger's for their usage has been a controversial subject amongst participants in the industry and this remains true today. Critics of the ABCC suggest that the BCII Act (2005) has not achieved its desired purpose of restoring a respect for the law within the industry as the Royal commission intended. They argue that the ABCC has instead provoked hostility between employee's and employers and their representative bodies which had a detrimental impact on the long-term growth of the industry. The election of a new federal Labor government in November 2007 has provided a real opportunity for the new government to develop a fairer and more balanced regulatory role for the ABCC. The new Rudd government has pledged to retain the ABCC until January 2010 when the governments new industrial relations body 'Fair Work Australia' will take control of regulating the building and construction industry. In order for the transition between the current regulator and the future body to be successful, reforms will need to take place in the operating structure of the ABCC to ensure the industrial regulator is representative of the new government's commitment to achieving a fair and balanced workplace. Division between employers and employees must be resolved as such barriers prevent the industry from performing at its maximum capacity which is pivotal to the success of the Australian economy. This report will examine the active role that has been played by the ABCC, and provide a critique of government intervention into the building and construction industry. To improve industrial relations for building and construction work a fresh approach is needed to ensure a productive, efficient and more balanced industrial workplace. A fair and balanced ombudsman for the building and construction industry is of vital importance to both the future of the national economy and the social fabric of our society.
According to the Norwegian Health and Care Services Act, municipalities shall provide respite for individuals and families who have a particularly heavy burden of care, whether they are voluntary caregivers or parents obliged to care for underage children. The purpose is to prevent negative consequences to the caregiver's health, stress and fatigue, and give the caregivers necessary and scheduled time- off with an opportunity to participate in ordinary activities. In 'Future Care', Report to the Storting (White Paper, No.29, 2012–2013), the Government presents a program for an active, future-oriented informal care policy that will create a framework that makes it easier to combine paid work with caring for children, adolescents, adults and elderly (with serious illness, disabilities or mental health and social problems). Developing better and more flexible respite services is therefore important. This report addresses questions relating to the organization of respite services in Norway, which services the municipalities provide, user characteristics, and variations in type and scope of services the municipalities offer. Other aspects are what criteria caseworkers use when they allocate respite services, what alternatives and flexible solutions the municipalities actually offer, and what challenges they face in this context. The empirical material in this report is quantitative and qualitative. The statistics stem from the IPLOS-register – individual-based nursing and care data, compiled from all municipalities by the Norwegian Directorate of Health. The qualitative data is from interviews we had with managers who are responsible for allocating and coordinating health and care services in 20 Norwegian municipalities. The quantitative data distinguishes mainly between recipients of respite services within and outside institutions. This study is commissioned by the Norwegian Directorate of Health, with the intent to acquire knowledge that can enhance and develop the respite services. Characteristics of the services An analysis of the data from the IPLOS-register (per 12.31.2012) shows that the majority of the recipients are younger than 67 years old. Respite services are mainly given to care-dependents who live with relatives who provide the care. The largest group of recipients are children and youth living at home. The qualitative study shows that respite for parents of children with disabilities and special needs is primarily offered individually in their own or private homes and/ or as respite in auxiliary housing. The statistical data shows that larger municipalities spend more resources on institutional respite than smaller municipalities. In small municipalities, the recipients on average receive more hours of respite outside institutions than those in larger municipalities. Most recipients of respite services, whether within or outside institutions, are male. Very few elderly and their relatives receive individual respite services outside of an institution - as much as three out of four recipients of individual and private respite are younger than 18. Respite services are rarely offered to adults who provide extensive care for their parents when they do not live in the same household. The qualitative study reveals that respite for relatives of elderly living at home usually consists of placement in a nursing-home (for days or weeks) according to a set schedule and/or day-care in an adult day-care center. Elderly receiving family care usually have extensive needs for care due to dementia, stroke or chronic illness. The municipalities also have home-based services and various other types of assistance (e.g. practical assistance, cash for care, personal assistants and companion-services) that are considered along with respite care for young and elderly care-dependents. Criteria used to grant respite services The legislation on eligibility to respite services permits the exercise of discretion when assessing applicant's needs. The caseworkers decide whether the law's criteria for "particularly heavy burden of care" is met. Our interviews show that if the caregiving is physically & mentally straining for the caregiver, that affects granting of respite services. Other aspects that are emphasized are the extent and duration of the care given, social isolation, and lack of vacation and spare time. The municipalities differ in their allocation practices. Some municipalities emphasize what the caregiver finds taxing and exhausting (subjective criteria). Others focus more on aspects such as the number of sleepless nights, type of tasks, age and diagnosis (objective criteria). A few municipalities have developed their own set of criteria and guidelines to establish more contingent and standardized practice. Needs, possibilities and challenges The impression from the interviews is that the scope of respite services varies between municipalities and that there is a shortage of places for respite in the smaller and medium sized municipalities. Several managers reported that budget cuts and the retrenchment of the municipalities' finances have had consequences for services that were planned, and lead to stricter practices for allocating respite. Small municipalities reported that they did not have enough capacity and a limited number of places for institutional respite and accommodated housing for youngsters with disabilities. In addition, the pressure on institutions offering respite has increased due to new groups of users. This study reveals that the municipalities, to a limited and variable extent, have started to use new and innovative ways to fulfil their obligations to provide respite. According to our informants, the following schemes allow for more flexibility: giving the caregiver freedom to use the hourly granted respite when needed, increasing availability to short-term institutional places in emergencies, extending the opening hours at adult day-care centers and flexible working hours for institutional staff. A few municipalities have developed alternatives that supplement the traditional respite services. Examples are individual respite for people with dementia, stays and activities on farms for younger and older recipients, activity based types of respite, and after-school respite. Public services' shift away from institutional care towards more home based services require that the municipalities develop new and flexible types of respite services. The qualitative study reveals that smallest municipalities often lack satisfactory day-care centers and that they use nursing homes as the most common form of respite for elderly with dementia, who still live at home. This is one of many challenges. The growing number of new and younger groups of users has also lead to an increasing demand for alternative ways to provide respite for children and youth with special needs (e.g. autism, Asperger and psychiatric diagnoses), according to the managers we have interviewed. The main impression is that there has been too much use of "standardized solutions" in the respite services, limited to using traditional institutions and individual respite. The challenge is to find appropriate options and develop new solutions in collaboration with the specialized health services. ; Rapporten setter søkelyset på det kommunale avlastningstilbudet, både omfang og kjennetegn ved tjenestene samt kommunenes strategier, erfaringer og praksis innenfor plikten å tilby avlastning. Rapporten er basert på kvantitative data og kvalitative intervjuer med kommunale ledere. Undersøkelsen avdekker at tilbudene varierer mellom kommuner. Avlastning utenfor institusjon er det vanligste tilbudet, ofte rettet mot barn og unge. Tjenestene går i hovedsak til mottakere som bor sammen med pårørende som yter omfattende omsorg. Tildelingen er i stor grad basert på skjønnsmessige vurderinger og inntrykket er at kommunene har en noe ulik tildelingspraksis. En hovedutfordring er knyttet til nye og yngre brukergrupper med sammensatte tjenestebehov som kommunene har vansker med å finne gode tilbud til. Kommunene har i varierende grad tatt i bruk fleksible måter å løse avlastningsoppgavene på. Det er behov for alternative ordninger tilpasset pårørende og omsorgsmottakerens behov.
Dottorato di Ricerca in Statistica Applicata alle Scienze Economiche e Sociali ; Inequality and poverty are two crucial aspects of the economy of a country, and need careful study to allow the government to design suitable policies, in order to fight these phenomena and increase the welfare of the citizens. One of the main issues for the policy planner is to be able to distinguish the transitory from the permanent changes in the welfare level. In fact, the aim of long-term policies, such as training courses, is to tackle and solve problems that have a permanent impact on the welfare of the households. On the other hand, short-term policies like unemployment benefits focus on the solution of transitory conditions, and make sense only if the poverty spell is temporary, in the presence of liquidity constraints, as pointed out in Browning and Crossley (1999a,b) and Gruber (1997). The importance of the distinction of the transitory and permanent components of inequality has been underlined in several recent studies on the United Kingdom and the United States of America. In particular, Blundell and Preston (1998) propose a model for the identification of the two aspects through the joint use of information on income and consumption. In this thesis we follow the same line of research, adapting the models used there to the peculiarities of Italian data, and present an analysis of inequality in its two components. We then apply similar arguments to the study of poverty, and derive new models for the identification of its transitory and permanent aspects. This approach is new to the Italian literature for two reasons. First of all, the pre¬vious studies on the distribution of income and consumption were mainly descriptive, while here we offer a formalised approach that develops - from the economic theory of consumer's behaviour - econometric models for estimation and testing. The other new aspect of this study is the identification and estimation of the transitory and per¬manent components of inequality and poverty, since all the previous literature focused on information on either income or consumption, but never made joint use of the two variables, therefore failing to identify the two components. The study is organised as follows. The first Chapter presents an overview of the inequality and poverty conditions in Italy as pictured in the studies currently available. It then introduces some more formalised approaches that we could use for our analyses, and motivates the choice we made. Several data issues arise due to the characteristics of the surveys available for our study. They are presented and discussed in the second Chapter, together with the first descriptive results. Further data issues are discussed in the Appendix. Chapter 3 introduces the economic theory of consumer's behaviour that will serve as a framework for the derivation of the econometric estimation and testing procedures. The following two Chapters present the specific models and the empirical results on inequality and poverty, respectively. The econometric model for the study of inequality follows the line of the studies on the UK and the US that we mentioned earlier, and makes joint use of income and consumption in order to separate the permanent and transitory components of inequality. The study of poverty, instead, has been inspired by the literature on measurement errors, and in particular by the paper Chesher and Schluter (1999) on measurement errors in the measurement of welfare. Measurement error techniques are applied to the income and consumption processes of our economic model, after observing that the corresponding innovations have the same properties as classical measurement errors. Chapter 6 summarises and discusses the methods presented and the empirical find¬ings, and identifies issues that would deserve further development. This study benefited from useful discussion with many people. I would like to thank in particular Ramses Abul-Naga, Massimo Baldini, Richard Blundell, Paolo Bosi, Claudio Ceccarelli, Bruno Cheli, Andrew Chesher, Giovanni D'Alessio, Ian Pre¬ston, Enrico Rettore, Jacques Silber, Ugo Trivellato and Guglielmo Weber; participants to conferences in Siena and Geneva, and seminars in Padova provided interesting com¬ments and suggestions. Thanks also go to ISTAT and Bank of Italy for availability of data. Financial support from MURST and from CNR & MURST within the projects 'Occupazione e disoccupazione in Italia: misura ed analisi dei comportamenti' and Tensions, Savings and Portfolio Choices' is gratefully acknowledged. This research was also sponsored by the ISTAT work-group exploring the feasibility of constructing an integrated data bank on household consumption and income from ISTAT and Bank of Italy survey information. However, the views expressed in this study, as well as the responsibility for any errors, are entirely mine. ; La disuguaglianza económica e la povertà sono due importanti aspetti dell'economia di un paese, e richiedono uno studio accurato per permettere al governo di programmare politiche adatte a combatiere questi fenomeni e aumentare il benessere dei cittadini. Una delle principali questioni per chi pianifica le politiche economiche e fiscali è la capacita di distinguere i cambiamenti transitori da quelli permanenti nel livello di benessere. Infatti, lo scopo delle politiche di lungo termine, come i corsi di formazione, è quello di affrontare e risolvere problemi che hanno un impatto permanente sul be¬nessere delle famiglie. D'altra parte le politiche di breve termine come i sussidi di disoccupazione mirano alia soluzione di condizioni transitorie, e hanno senso solo se l'episodio di povertà è temporáneo, in presenza di vincoli di liquidité, come messo in luce in Browning e Crossley (1999a,b) e in Gruber (1997). L'importanza della distinzione tra le componenti transitorie e permanenti della disuguaglianza è stata sottolineata in diversi studi recenti nel Regno Unito e negli Stati Uniti d'America. In particolare Blundell e Preston (1998) propongono un mo-dello per l'identificazione dei due aspetti mediante Tuso congiunto di informazioni sui redditi e sui consumi. In questa tesi seguiamo la stessa linea di ricerca, adattando i loro modelli alie caratteristiche particolari dei dati italiani, e presentiamo un'analisi della disuguaglianza nelle sue due componenti. Usiamo poi argomentazioni simili per studiare la povertà, e ricaviamo nuovi modelli per identificare i suoi aspetti transitori e permanenti. L'approccio da noi seguito è nuovo nella letteratura italiana, per due ragioni. In primo luogo i precedenti studi sulla distribuzione di redditi e consumi sonó essenzial-mente di natura descrittiva, mentre qui offriamo un approccio formalizzato che sviluppa - dalla teoria económica del comportamento del consumatore - modelli econometrici per la stima e la verifica d'ipotesi. II secondo aspetto nuovo di questo studio consiste nella identificazione e nella stima delle componenti transitorie e permanenti della di¬suguaglianza e della povertà, mentre tutti i lavori precedenti hanno posto l'attenzioneo solo sui redditi o solo sui consumí, senza mai fare uso congiunto delle due variabili, non riuscendo quindi ad identificare le due componenti. La tesi é organizzata come segué. II primo capitolo presenta una panorámica delle condizioni di disuguaglianza e povertá in Italia, cosi come sonó descritte negli studi precedenti. Esso poi introduce alcuni approcci piú formalizzati da usare nelle nostre analisi, motivando inoltre le scelte fatte. Diverse questioni riguardanti i dati sorgono per via delle caratteristiche delle indagini campionarie disponibili per il nostro studio; esse sonó preséntate e discusse nel secon-do capitolo, insieme ai primi risultati descrittivi. Ulteriori questioni sui dati vengono discusse nell'appendice. II Capitolo 3 espone la teoria económica del comportamento del consumatore, che servirá come base per ricavare le procedure econometriche di stima e test. due capitoli seguenti contengono i modelli specifici e i risultati empirici, rispet-tivamente su disuguaglianza e povertá. II modello econometrico per lo studio della disuguaglianza segué la linea degli studi nel Regno Unito e negli USA citati prima, e fa uso congiunto di redditi e consumi alio scopo di separare le componenti permanente e transitoria della disuguaglianza. Invece lo studio della povertá si ispira alia letteratura sugli errori di misura, ed in particolare all'articolo di Chesher e Schluter (1999) sugli errori di misura nella misurazione del benessere. Tecniche di errori di misura vengono applicate ai processi stocastici di redditi e consumi del nostro modello económico, dopo aver osservato che le innovazioni corrispondenti hanno le stesse proprietá degli errori di misura classici. Capitolo 6 riassume e discute i metodi presentati e i risultati empirici, e individua argomenti che potrebbero avere ulteriori sviluppi. Questo studio ha beneficiato di utili scambi di idee con diverse persone. In partico¬lare vorrei ringraziare Ramses Abul-Naga, Massimo Baldini, Richard Blundell, Paolo Bosi, Claudio Ceccarelli, Bruno Cheli, Andrew Chesher, Giovanni D'Alessio, Ian Pre¬sten, Enrico Rettore, Jacques Silber, Ugo Trivellato e Guglielmo Weber; i partecipanti a convegni a Siena e a Ginevra, e a seminari a Padova hanno offerto inetressanti com-menti e suggerimenti. I miei ringraziamenti vanno anche all'ISTAT e alia Banca d'Italia per la disponibilitá dei dati. II lavoro é stato parzialmente finanziato dal MURST e da CNR & MURST all'interno dei progetti 'Occupazione e disoccupazione in Italia: misura ed analisi dei comportamenti' e Tensions, Savings and Portfolio Choices'. Parte di questa ricerca é stata svolta nell'ambito del "gruppo di lavoro" ISTAT "avente il compito di definire un piano di fattibilità sulla costruzione di una banca dati integrata délie indagini sui consumi e sui redditi délie famiglie, di fonte ISTAT e Bankitalia". Tuttavia, le opinioni espresse in questo studio, corne pure la responsabilità di eventuali errori, sono interamente dell'autore.
Growing populations, continued economic development, and limited natural resources are critical factors affecting sustainable development. These factors are particularly pertinent in developing countries in which large parts of the population live at a subsistence level and options for sustainable development are limited. Therefore, addressing sustainable land use strategies in such contexts requires that decision makers have access to evidence-based impact assessment tools that can help in policy design and implementation. Ex-ante impact assessment is an emerging field poised at the science-policy interface and is used to assess the potential impacts of policy while also exploring trade-offs between economic, social and environmental sustainability targets. The objective of this study was to operationalise the impact assessment of land use scenarios in the context of developing countries that are characterised by limited data availability and quality. The Framework for Participatory Impact Assessment (FoPIA) was selected for this study because it allows for the integration of various sustainability dimensions, the handling of complexity, and the incorporation of local stakeholder perceptions. FoPIA, which was originally developed for the European context, was adapted to the conditions of developing countries, and its implementation was demonstrated in five selected case studies. In each case study, different land use options were assessed, including (i) alternative spatial planning policies aimed at the controlled expansion of rural-urban development in the Yogyakarta region (Indonesia), (ii) the expansion of soil and water conservation measures in the Oum Zessar watershed (Tunisia), (iii) the use of land conversion and the afforestation of agricultural areas to reduce soil erosion in Guyuan district (China), (iv) agricultural intensification and the potential for organic agriculture in Bijapur district (India), and (v) land division and privatisation in Narok district (Kenya). The FoPIA method was effectively adapted by dividing the assessment into three conceptual steps: (i) scenario development; (ii) specification of the sustainability context; and (iii) scenario impact assessment. A new methodological approach was developed for communicating alternative land use scenarios to local stakeholders and experts and for identifying recommendations for future land use strategies. Stakeholder and expert knowledge was used as the main sources of information for the impact assessment and was complemented by available quantitative data. Based on the findings from the five case studies, FoPIA was found to be suitable for implementing the impact assessment at case study level while ensuring a high level of transparency. FoPIA supports the identification of causal relationships underlying regional land use problems, facilitates communication among stakeholders and illustrates the effects of alternative decision options with respect to all three dimensions of sustainable development. Overall, FoPIA is an appropriate tool for performing preliminary assessments but cannot replace a comprehensive quantitative impact assessment, and FoPIA should, whenever possible, be accompanied by evidence from monitoring data or analytical tools. When using FoPIA for a policy oriented impact assessment, it is recommended that the process should follow an integrated, complementary approach that combines quantitative models, scenario techniques, and participatory methods. ; Bevölkerungswachstum und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung in Kombination mit begrenzt verfügbaren, natürlichen Ressourcen sind kritische Faktoren für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung. Diese Situation ist besonders in Entwicklungsländern anzutreffen, in denen große Teile der Bevölkerung am Existenzminimum leben und es oft wenig Spielraum für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung gibt. Entscheidungsträger fragen daher verstärkt wissenschafts-basierte Instrumente zur Vorab- (ex-ante) Folgenabschätzung (Impact assessment) für die Konzeption und Umsetzung nachhaltiger Strategien nach. So genannte ex-ante Methoden zielen hierbei auf die Beurteilung der zukünftigen Folgen von Szenarien (z.B. alternative Politikmaßnahmen) und Konflikte zwischen ökonomischen, sozialen und ökologischen Nachhaltigkeitszielen ab. Ziel dieser Arbeit war es, die Folgenabschätzungen von Landnutzungsszenarien auf die nachhaltige Entwicklung in Entwicklungsländern zu ermöglichen. Eine besondere Schwierigkeit stellt dabei die oft mangelhafte Verfügbarkeit von Daten dar, die quantitative Analysen bzw. den Einsatz von computergestützten Modellen meist nur sehr begrenzt möglich macht. Um mit diesen Schwierigkeiten umzugehen, wurde die ursprünglich für die Europäische Union entwickelte 'Framework for Participatory Impact Assessment' (FoPIA)-Methode an die Bedingungen in Entwicklungsländern angepasst und in fünf regionalen Fallstudien angewendet. Die analysierten Landnutzungsszenarien umfassten dabei (i) alternative Raumplanungsmaßnahmen zur kontrollierten Stadt-Land-Entwicklung in Yogyakarta, Indonesien; (ii) die Umsetzung von boden- und wasserkonservierenden Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion im Oum Zessar Wassereinzugsgebiet, Tunesien; (iii) Landumwandlung und Aufforstungsmaßnahmen zur Eindämmung von Bodenerosion in Guyuan, China; (iv) landwirtschaftliche Intensivierung und Potenziale des ökologischen Landbaus in Bijapur, Indien; sowie (v) Landteilung und -privatisierung in Narok, Kenia. Die angepasste FoPIA Methode wurde in drei konzeptionelle Schritte unterteilt: (i) die Szenarienentwicklung, (ii) die Spezifikation des Nachhaltigkeitskontexts, und (iii) die Szenariofolgenabschätzung. Ein neuer methodischer Ansatz lag in der Entwicklung alternativer Landnutzungsszenarien mit regionalen Akteuren und auf der Ableitung von Handlungsempfehlungen für zukünftige Landnutzungsstrategien. Für die Szenario-folgenabschätzung wurde primär das Wissen regionaler Experten und Akteure genutzt und durch quantitative Daten, sofern verfügbar, ergänzt. Auf der Grundlage der in den fünf Regionen gewonnenen Erkenntnisse lässt sich schlussfolgern, dass die angepasste FoPIA Methode dazu geeignet ist, eine Szenariofolgenabschätzung zu strukturieren und ein hohes Maß an Transparenz zu gewährleisten. Sie ermöglicht kausale Zusammenhänge von Landnutzungsproblemen zu diagnostizieren, die Kommunikation zwischen unterschiedlichen Akteuren und Experten zu verbessern sowie mögliche Konflikte zwischen ökonomischen, sozialen und ökologischen Nachhaltigkeitszielen zu erkennen und darzustellen. Insgesamt sollte die FoPIA Methode jedoch nicht als isolierte Methode zur Folgenabschätzung verstanden werden, sondern, sofern die Datenverfügbarkeit dies zulässt, durch weiterführende Analysen ergänzt werden. Für die Anwendung der FoPIA Methode im Rahmen der Politikfolgenabschätzung wird ein integrierter, komplementärer Ansatz empfohlen, der quantitative Modelle, Szenariotechniken und partizipative Methoden kombiniert.
Fiorinda Li Vigni Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici (IISF) I. The Disobedience In Paradise lost John Milton outlines two different patterns of rebellion and disobedience, intended as attempts – destined for defeat – of a misleading self-affirmation in front of a Sovereign, at the same time God and Father. The recognition acquires thus a vertical and asymmetrical structure. With Satan, one of the great protagonists of the interior conflict that leads to evil, the rebellion makes use of a republican political lexicon; with Adam and Eve it focuses on the search for a reconciliation between divine will and free will. II. The Fight On the background of Milton's work, Hegel appears to move away from the vertical dimension of the political theology: subjectivity is not the starting point, but the result of the progressive acquisition of a spiritual and universal nature, through the horizontal encounter/clash between self-consciousnesses, in the figures of love, struggle and experience of "the doing of each and all". Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) I. The Archetypes Paradise lost by John Milton This text is the first stage of the trilogy of readings Scene del riconoscimento: Milton, Hegel, Camus. In this work – freely inspired by Paradise Lost by John Milton – Satan and Eve suffer because Father-God doesn't recognize their aspirations. II. Branches from Hegel From the Autobiografia di un servo This text is the second stage of the trilogy of readings Scene del riconoscimento: Milton, Hegel, Camus. In this work – freely inspired by the theme of recognition in Hegelian philosophy – an imaginary servant tells the story of his renunciations and indicates in the struggle for recognition a method for the social claim. Rosalba Quindici Hochschule der Künste Bern I. The Archetypes Paradise lost by John Milton musical score The musical score of the opera-reading The Archetypes "Paradise Lost" by John Milton is published here. Music is the result of an in-depth timbre research of the composer about the nature of percussion, but also of her specific investigation into the text of the opera-reading to obtain a full adhesion of sound to the word. II. Branches from Hegel From the Autobiografia di un servo musical score The musical score of the reading Branches from Hegel. From the "Autobiografia di un servo" is published here. Music is the result of an in-depth timbre research of the composer about the nature of the piano and its possible preparations, but also of her specific investigation into the text of the opera-reading to obtain e full adhesion of the sound to the word. Nera Prota Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli Designing as a Flight of Ideas In many creative operations the final result is not the visible and legible sum of the elements that inspired it, on the contrary, they are no longer traceable in the object we observe, they are lost and only with a careful rereading of the design path is possible to bring than back to surface and tell them. In this essay the Author reconstructs and documents the process of elaborating the scenography for the trilogy of readings about the recognition. ; Fiorinda Li Vigni Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici (IISF) I. La disubbidienza Nel Paradise lost John Milton illustra due modi della ribellione e della disobbedienza, intesi come conati, votati alla sconfitta, di una malintesa affermazione di sé rispetto a un'istanza sovrana, allo stesso tempo Dio e Padre: il riconoscimento acquisisce in tal modo una struttura verticale e asimmetrica. In Satana, uno dei grandi protagonisti del conflitto interiore che conduce al male, la ribellione si colora di un lessico politico repubblicano; con Adamo ed Eva essa si incentra sulla ricerca della conciliazione fra volontà divina e libero arbitrio. II. La lotta Considerata sullo sfondo dell'opera di Milton, la riflessione hegeliana lascia trasparire l'abbandono di uno schema verticalizzato, di carattere teologico-politico, a favore di una costruzione orizzontale: la soggettività del singolo non è per Hegel punto di partenza, ma esito della progressiva acquisizione di una natura spirituale e universale, attraverso l'incontro/scontro orizzontale fra le autocoscienze, nelle figure dell'amore, della lotta, del saputo "operare di tutti e di ciascuno". Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) I. Gli archetipi Paradiso perduto di John Milton Si pubblica qui il testo della prima tappa della trilogia di opere-reading Scene del riconoscimento: Milton, Hegel, Camus. In questo lavoro – dedicato a Paradiso perduto di John Milton – Satana ed Eva soffrono per il mancato riconoscimento delle loro aspirazioni da parte del Dio-Padre. II. Diramazioni da Hegel Dall'Autobiografia di un servo Si pubblica qui il testo della seconda tappa della trilogia di opere-reading Scene del riconoscimento Milton, Hegel, Camus. In questo lavoro – liberamente ispirato al tema del riconoscimento nella filosofia hegeliana – un servo immaginario racconta la storia delle sue rinunce e indica nella lotta per il riconoscimento un metodo per la rivendicazione sociale. Rosalba Quindici Hochschule der Künste Bern I. Gli archetipi Paradiso perduto di John Milton partitura musicale Si pubblica qui la partitura musicale dell'opera reading Gli archetipi "Paradiso perduto" di John Milton. La musica è il risultato di una approfondita ricerca timbrica sulla natura delle percussioni compiuta dalla compositrice, ma anche di una sua indagine specifica sul testo dell'opera-reading finalizzata a ottenere una piena adesione del suono alla parola. II. Diramazioni da Hegel Dall'Autobiografia di un servo partitura musicale Si pubblica qui la partitura musicale dell'opera reading Diramazioni da Hegel. Dall'"Autobiografia di un servo". La musica è il risultato di una approfondita ricerca timbrica sulla natura del pianoforte e delle sue possibili preparazioni compiuta dalla compositrice, ma anche di una sua indagine specifica sul testo dell'opera-reading finalizzata a ottenere una piena adesione del suono alla parola. Nera Prota Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli Progettare per fuga di idee In molte operazioni creative il risultato finale non è la somma visibile e leggibile degli elementi che lo hanno ispirato, al contrario, essi non sono più rintracciabili nell'oggetto che osserviamo, si perdono e solo con un'attenta rilettura del percorso progettuale è possibile riportarli in superficie e raccontarli. In questo saggio l'Autore ricostruisce e documenta il processo di elaborazione della scenografia per la trilogia di opere-reading su riconoscimento.
In the article, based on the provisions of the current legislation and the positions of scientists, an analysis of the main problems of the implementation of the electronic declaration system in Ukraine is analyzed. The clarification of existing problems is carried out in the part of the existing system of electronic declaration and activity of the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption. In the end, ways of improving the functioning of the electronic declaration system in Ukraine are formulated. Corruption in Ukraine during the existence of an independent state has become almost the most important problem in social and state development, which has its deforming influence on the system of public administration, welfare of the population, development of national capital, etc. On the whole, corruption permeates more or less all spheres of society. In this regard, the state is taking active measures to counteract and prevent corruption. This is primarily reflected in the adoption of the Law of Ukraine "On Prevention of Corruption", the introduction of anti-corruption programs (state and departmental), increased criminal liability for corruption crimes, created by specialized anti-corruption bodies - the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, the National Anti-Corruption Agency anti-corruption prosecutors, etc. An effective measure to prevent corruption is the electronic declaration system. Despite the positive dynamics in the activities of the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, the results of their activities are not striking, given the large number of declarations submitted by the subjects of declarations, the number of declarations checked remains very low. Despite the sufficiently progressive introduction of the electronic declaration system in Ukraine, scientists and experts in the field of anti-corruption policy and anti-corruption legislation note that this system cannot be called effective because of its low level of effectiveness. ; В статті на основі положень чинного законодавства та позицій науковців проаналізовано основні проблеми реалізації системи електронного декларування в Україні. Досліджено існуючі проблеми в частині існуючої системи електронного декларування та діяльності Національного агентства з питань запобігання корупції. Запропоновано шляхи вдосконалення функціонування системи електронного декларування в Україні. Корупція в Україні за весь час існування незалежної держави стала чи не найважливішою проблемою в суспільному і державному розвитку, яка чинить свій деформуючий вплив на систему публічного адміністрування, забезпечення добробуту населення, розвиток національного капіталу тощо. В цілому ж корупція в більшій чи меншій мірі проймає всі сфери життєдіяльності суспільства. В зв'язку з цим, держава вживає активних заходів протидії та запобігання корупції. Це, в першу чергу, відображено в прийнятті Закону України «Про запобігання корупції», впровадженні антикорупційних програм (державних та відомчих), посиленні кримінальної відповідальності за корупційні злочини, створенні спеціалізованих антикорупційних органів – Національного агентства з питань запобігання корупції, Національного антикорупційного бюро, Спеціалізованої антикорупційної прокуратури тощо. Дієвим заходом попередження корупції є система електронного декларування. Незважаючи на позитивну динаміку в діяльності Національного агентства з питань запобігання корупції, результати їх діяльності не вражають, адже, враховуючи значну кількість декларацій, поданих суб'єктами декларування, кількість перевірених декларацій залишається дуже низькою. Незважаючи на достатню прогресивність запровадження в Україні системи електронного декларування, науковці та експерти в сфері антикорупційної політики й антикорупційного законодавства відзначають, що дану систему не можна назвати ефективною через низький рівень її результативності. ; В статті на основі положень чинного законодавства та позицій науковців проаналізовано основні проблеми реалізації системи електронного декларування в Україні. Досліджено існуючі проблеми в частині існуючої системи електронного декларування та діяльності Національного агентства з питань запобігання корупції. Запропоновано шляхи вдосконалення функціонування системи електронного декларування в Україні. Корупція в Україні за весь час існування незалежної держави стала чи не найважливішою проблемою в суспільному і державному розвитку, яка чинить свій деформуючий вплив на систему публічного адміністрування, забезпечення добробуту населення, розвиток національного капіталу тощо. В цілому ж корупція в більшій чи меншій мірі проймає всі сфери життєдіяльності суспільства. В зв'язку з цим, держава вживає активних заходів протидії та запобігання корупції. Це, в першу чергу, відображено в прийнятті Закону України «Про запобігання корупції», впровадженні антикорупційних програм (державних та відомчих), посиленні кримінальної відповідальності за корупційні злочини, створенні спеціалізованих антикорупційних органів – Національного агентства з питань запобігання корупції, Національного антикорупційного бюро, Спеціалізованої антикорупційної прокуратури тощо. Дієвим заходом попередження корупції є система електронного декларування. Незважаючи на позитивну динаміку в діяльності Національного агентства з питань запобігання корупції, результати їх діяльності не вражають, адже, враховуючи значну кількість декларацій, поданих суб'єктами декларування, кількість перевірених декларацій залишається дуже низькою. Незважаючи на достатню прогресивність запровадження в Україні системи електронного декларування, науковці та експерти в сфері антикорупційної політики й антикорупційного законодавства відзначають, що дану систему не можна назвати ефективною через низький рівень її результативності.
Background: Rheumatic heart disease (RHD) remains a major public health concern in African countries due to the high rates of complications such as atrial fibrillation, stroke, infective endocarditis, and heart failure, all of which can result in premature death. In 2015, RHD was estimated to affect 33 million people globally and resulted in at least 320,000 deaths, nearly all of which were in low and middle-income countries. Comparing to other non-communicable diseases (NCDs), RHD imposes economic burden on households that if measures are not in place to mitigate this, it can impoverish such household. However, there are several literatures on the intergenerational economic consequences of other chronic diseases. But, there is no study regarding the household economic of RHD. This mini-dissertation sets out to estimate the household economic impact of RHD. Methods: This study was a follow-on study from the Global Rheumatic Heart Disease Registry (REMEDY), which was a multi-center, international, hospital-based prospective registry of patients with RHD. It was designed as a cohort study to document the disease characteristics and outcomes of individuals with RHD across many countries. We recruited participants in the REMEDY study who were resident in Cape Town and received care at Groote Schuur Hospital (GSH). This study made use of patient and household member surveys to estimate the economic consequences of RHD among households in which REMEDY participants reside. REMEDY registry participants (index cases), their caregivers, and other household members were considered as respondents. 100 REMEDY participants receiving care at GSH was sampled. This sample size was chosen to balance feasibility and precision and to align with a parallel study of the cost of RHD to the health system that aimed to sample medical records from the same 100 REMEDY participants. Patient and household data collection was carried out between September 2017 to December 2017. Direct costs, indirect costs, and the downstream economic behaviors (coping strategies) that lead to medical impoverishment and other consequences were estimated. Cost of illness (COI) was used to assess the effect of ill-health and health-related expenditure on the consumption possibilities of households. Direct costs comprise both medical and nonmedical costs, which may include both the financial cost of resources as well as opportunity costs (e.g., of capital items). Human capital approach was used to calculate indirect cost. Implicit in the human capital approach is the assumption that changes in health status of household members can be reflected by losses in productivity, and losses in income generation. Productivity losses was estimated using the new South Africa minimum wage rate per month as proxy. Coping was estimated with the direct costs (e.g., borrowing from friends or relatives, or taking out formal loans) or indirect costs (e.g., intra-household labor substitution) and can be cost prevention strategies (e.g., ignoring illness, non-treatment) to cost management strategies (e.g., borrowing, selling assets, or labor substitution). Economic costs were valued in United State dollar (USD) converted from South African rand (ZAR) in 2017. Results: Direct medical cost was estimated to ZAR 0, because all patients were exempt from medical fees. Total direct non-medical cost for outpatient and inpatient visits was estimated to be ZAR 27,000 (USD 2000) and 29,000 (USD 2200) (respectively) over 302 and 74 encounters (respectively), an average of ZAR 270 (USD 20) and ZAR 290 (USD 22) per patient (respectively). Indirect costs incurred over the 302 outpatient encounters and 74 hospital admissions were estimated to be ZAR 41,000 (USD 3100) and ZAR 26,000 (USD 1900) (respectively), an average of ZAR 410 (USD 31) and ZAR 260 (USD 19) per patient. Direct cost had a very high impact on the household and they were compelled to adopt coping. Households observed in the study recorded that seventeen percent of households took out loans at an average of ZAR 1200 (USD 91) per loan (range ZAR 100 to ZAR 7000) (range USD 7 to 500). Fifteen percent received financial gifts at an average of ZAR 800 (USD 61) per gift. Two percent sold assets valued at ZAR 5600 (USD 120) on average. Five percent engaged in multiple coping strategies. Also, HH had to cope with indirect cost of illness as 15% of household caregivers changed jobs and 10% worked extra hours. About 4% of household members dropped out of school. Four percent adopted more than one coping strategy. A considerable share of participants reported that they had reduced education to take care of the affected patient. Most of the caregivers of patients with RHD were spouses and children, and 6 % were heads of household. The total cost of RHD to the average affected household is valued at about ZAR 1600 annually. In total, the overall annual economic impact of RHD in this sample of 100 households affected by RHD was estimated at ZAR 160,000 (USD 12200) (ZAR 1600 per household) (USD 120), representing 4.4% of annual household income or 4.9% of annual household expenditure patient spending that exceeded 10% threshold was estimated to be 8% and increasing the threshold to 40 % of non- food expenditure reduced the prevalence of catastrophic spending to 4%. Conclusions: The economic impact of RHD in South Africa is substantial despite government efforts to provide free care. The total cost of RHD to the average affected household is valued at about ZAR 1600 annually. A broader and more robust range of social policies will be required to mitigate non-medical and indirect costs and reduce distortions in household economic activity.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the decline and fall of British power. "Power" is defined as the ability to influence another party and Michael Mann`s four sources of social power is employed as an analytical tool.The paper takes as its starting point the state of Britain after the end of the Second World War in 1945. In its aftermath, Britain had, along with other European powers, to face up to the desire of its colonies to achieve independence. In particular, India was the "jewel in the crown" and with its independence, the "game was up" as Britain had relied on this for a substantial part of its rise in Political and Economic Power (and Military Power through the Indian Army) during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and well into the twentieth century. Thereafter, Britain was scrambling to protect the other important contributors to its Economic Power through interventions in the Middle East (e.g. Iran for oil) and South East Asia (e.g Malaya for its tin and rubber interests).But the reality was that Britain was reliant on substantial subsidies from the USA to maintain its impe- rial, financial and economic interests. The reliance on the US would extend with the commencement of the Marshall Plan which saw the bulk of the funds flowing to the UK.In parallel, the UK had performed important steps in constructing a security and defence architecture and modest moves in some form of European economic co ordination via the Marshall Plan. But the UK failed to follow up on these promising steps by failing to engage in the first moves by (Western) Europe in its first moves to construct the European project of an "ever closer union." This failure to demonstrate Leadership (a fifth source of power identified by Mann) was to have fateful consequences.Indeed, the Suez Crisis of 1956 which saw an Anglo-French-Israeli co ordinated military strike on Egypt would bring into sharp relief all of the negative trends accumulating – not necessarily by virtue of the adventure itself but how the UK succumbed to financial and economic blackmail and its default policy thereafter of increased dependence on the USA for its Military and Economic Power – the former through its decision to acquire the delivery system for its (nominally independent) nuclear deterrent from the USA; and the latter by avoiding any conflict with the US that might lead to the US threatening a repeat of the financial threats.The price for this policy choice was ultimately paid when the French vetoed the UK`s application to join the European Economic Community in January 1963 – taking place just one month after the UK had signed an agreement with the USA for the delivery of the Polaris nuclear submarine system.Thus, from a promising starting point in 1945, as compared with its European counterparts, it is argued that the UK`s political leaders had become entranced with protecting economic interests with Mili- tary Power, as subsidised by the USA, and avoided decisions to engage with the European project until it had essentially been closed to it. That was a fateful act and took place just eighteen years after emerging as one of the "Big 3" global powers. Britain played no role in the rules of the game being established by a major economic power on its doorstep.The next article in the series will examine the course of the UK and its attempts to reverse its decline in power. GMT Визначити мовуАзербайджанськаАлбанськаАмхарськаАнглійськаАрабськаАфрикаансБаскськаБенгальськаБілоруськаБірманськаБолгарськаБоснійськаВ'єтнамськаВаллійськаВірменськаГавайськаГаїтянська креольськаҐалісійськаГіндіГрецькаГрузинськаҐуджаратськаДанськаЕсперантоЕстонськаЗулуІвритІгбоІдишІндонезійськаІрландськаІсландськаІспанськаІталійськаЙорубаКазахськаКамбоджійськаКаннадаКаталанськаКиргизькаКитайська СпрощКитайська ТрадКорейськаКорсиканськаКурдськаКхосаЛаоськаЛатинськаЛатиськаЛитовськаЛюксембурзькаМакедонськаМалагасійськаМалайськаМалаяламМальтійськаМаоріМаратхіМонгольськаНепальськаНідерландськаНімецькаНорвезькаПанджабськаПерськаПольськаПортугальськаПуштуРосійськаРумунськаСамоанськаСебуаноСербськаСесотоСингальськаСіндхіСловацькаСловенськаСомаліСуахіліСунданськаТаджицькаТайськаТамільськаТелуґуТурецькаУгорськаУзбецькаУкраїнськаУрдуФіліппінськаФінськаФранцузькаФризькаХаусаХмонгХорватськаЧеськаЧичеваШведськаШонаШотландська (Ґельська)ЯванськаЯпонська АзербайджанськаАлбанськаАмхарськаАнглійськаАрабськаАфрикаансБаскськаБенгальськаБілоруськаБірманськаБолгарськаБоснійськаВ'єтнамськаВаллійськаВірменськаГавайськаГаїтянська креольськаҐалісійськаГіндіГрецькаГрузинськаҐуджаратськаДанськаЕсперантоЕстонськаЗулуІвритІгбоІдишІндонезійськаІрландськаІсландськаІспанськаІталійськаЙорубаКазахськаКамбоджійськаКаннадаКаталанськаКиргизькаКитайська СпрощКитайська ТрадКорейськаКорсиканськаКурдськаКхосаЛаоськаЛатинськаЛатиськаЛитовськаЛюксембурзькаМакедонськаМалагасійськаМалайськаМалаяламМальтійськаМаоріМаратхіМонгольськаНепальськаНідерландськаНімецькаНорвезькаПанджабськаПерськаПольськаПортугальськаПуштуРосійськаРумунськаСамоанськаСебуаноСербськаСесотоСингальськаСіндхіСловацькаСловенськаСомаліСуахіліСунданськаТаджицькаТайськаТамільськаТелуґуТурецькаУгорськаУзбецькаУкраїнськаУрдуФіліппінськаФінськаФранцузькаФризькаХаусаХмонгХорватськаЧеськаЧичеваШведськаШонаШотландська (Ґельська)ЯванськаЯпонська Звукова функція обмежена 200 символами Опції : Історія : Зворотний зв'язок : DonateЗакрити ; В статті проаналізовано за допомогою джерел соціальної влади Манна курс та поведінку на політичній арені Великої Британії в період з 1945 по 1963 роки, коли вступ Великої Британії до Європейської економічної спільноти був заветований Президентом Франції де Голем. Опираючись на п'яте джерело соціальної влади описане Манном, в аналізі розглядаються британські політичні лідери в зазначений період з особливим акцентом на Атлі та Макміллі, які суттєво вплинули на потугу Великої Британії в цей період. Як наслідок війни, Великобританія стикнулася із процесами деколонізації, зокрема змаганнями Індії за незалежність, а також намагалася підтримати свій вплив на Близькому Сході та у Південно-Східній Азії. Однак Великобританія потрапила у залежність від американської допомоги за планом Маршала. Не зважаючи на певні успіхи у створенні системи безпеки та економічної координації із європейськими країнами, Британії не вдалося досягти створення «близького» проекту Європи. Ця невдала спроба продемонструвати лідерство мала доленосні наслідки – нездатність грати будь-яку роль у грі, встановленій іншими великими економічними силами. Ця стаття є другою у серії, присвяченій вивченню падіння та занепаду влади Британії з 1945 року.
La ciudad y los procesos que ésta desencadena en su entorno territorial han variado, de acuerdo con el momento histórico y contexto geográfico donde ocurrió, está ocurriendo o sucederá, por lo tanto, lo primero y lo segundo, son tan cambiantes, como lo son los elementos constitutivos de ese espacio ocupado, apropiado y gobernado. Son pocos los asuntos sobre los cuales coinciden las distintas comunidades académicas y disciplinas que se encargan del estudio de los procesos urbanos, como urbanistas, arquitectos, geógrafos, sociólogos, politólogos, ingenieros o planificadores; por ejemplo, con relación a la definición de lo urbano o lo qué podemos entender por ciudad; tal vez hay mayor acuerdo por lo que no es, como se constata con los espacios dedicados, exclusiva o principalmente a las actividades productivas agropecuarias. De la misma manera, sobre lo que se considera como espacio público, ya que algunos le dan un énfasis estructural y físico, como uno de los elementos rígidos que constituyen el espacio ocupado, mientras que otros, además de lo físico, rescatan de él referentes históricos, culturales y simbólicos. En la actualidad viene ganando audiencia la postura que combina lo físico y material de la ciudad y el espacio público, con lo inmaterial y simbólico de los mismos, lo que le confiere un nuevo sentido. De este tipo de convergencias, surge el escenario que contribuye a construir el ciudadano que requiere y demanda la ciudad. De acuerdo con lo anterior, el análisis que aquí se presenta se aborda a partir de tres aspectos relevantes: en primer lugar, se reiteran algunos de los caminos andados, para esbozar algunas de las nuevas perspectivas sobre la ciudad y el espacio público, tal como se sugiere en el título del artículo; en segundo lugar, relacionar aspectos históricos, conceptuales y aplicados sobre la ciudad y de esta con el espacio público, con base en el caso de Bogotá y finalmente plantear algunos de los desafíos que surgen de esta interacción, a partir de algunas reflexiones que buscan vincular esta temática con las ciencias sociales y en particular con la ciencia política. ; The city and the processes triggered by the city in its territorial environment have changed, according to the historical moment and the geographical context in which it happened, is happening, or will happen; therefore, the former and the latter are as changing as the elements of that occupied, appropriated, and governed space.There are very few subjects on which there is an agreement among the different academic communities and disciplines that study urban processes, such as town planners, architects, geographers, sociologists, political scientists, engineers, or planners. For example, regarding the definition of the urban matters or what we may understand as a city, a greater agreement may be found on what it is not, as shown with spaces exclusively or mainly dedicated to the productive agricultural/livestock activities. Likewise, regarding what is deemed as public space, because some people stress the structural and physical aspect as one of the rigid elements that comprise the occupied space, while others rescue, in addition to the physical, the historical, cultural, and symbolic references.The position that considers the physical and material city and public space combined with their immaterial and symbolic aspects has been gaining terrain lately, providing them with a whole new sense. From these convergences arises the scenario that contributes to the building of the citizenship required and demanded by the city.According to the foregoing, the analysis presented here is addressed from three relevant aspects: First, reiterating some of the already treated topics to outline some new perspectives on the city and the public space, as suggested in the title of this article; second, relating historical, conceptual, and applied aspects of the city and such aspects of the city related to the public space, based on the case of Bogotá; and finally, formulating some challenges arising form this interaction, based on certain thoughts that seek to link this topic with the Social Sciences and, in particular, with the Political Sciences. ; A cidade e os processos que ela desencadeia em seu entorno territorial têm variado, de acordo com o momento histórico e contexto geográfico onde ocorreu, está ocorrendo ou acontecerá, portanto, o primeiro e o segundo, são tão variáveis, como o são os elementos constitutivos desse espaço ocupado, apropriado e governado. são poucos os assuntos sobre os quais coincidem as diferentes comunidades acadêmicas e disciplinas que se encarregam do estudo dos processos urbanos, como urbanistas, arquitetos, geógrafos, sociólogos, cientistas políticos, engenheiros ou planificadores; por exemplo, com relação à definição do urbano ou o que podemos entender por cidade; tal vez há maior acordo pelo que não é, como constata-se com os espaços dedicados, exclusiva ou principalmente às atividades produtivas agropecuárias. Da mesma maneira, sobre o que se considera como espaço público, já que alguns lhe dão uma ênfase estrutural e físico, como um dos elementos rígidos que constituem o espaço ocupado, enquanto que outros, além do físico, resgatam dele referentes históricos, culturais e simbólicos. Na atualidade, vem ganhando audiência a postura que combina o físico e material da cidade e o espaço público, com o imaterial e simbólico dos mesmos, o que lhe confere um novo sentido. Deste tipo de convergências, surge o cenário que contribui a construir o cidadão que requere e demanda a cidade. De acordo com o anterior, a análise que aqui se apresenta, aborda-se a partir de três aspetos relevantes: em primeiro lugar, reiteram-se alguns dos caminhos andados, para esboçar algumas das novas perspectivas sobre a cidade e o espaço público, com base no caso de Bogotá e finalmente expor alguns dos desafios que surgem desta interação, a partir de algumas reflexões que buscam vincular esta temática com as ciências sociais e em particular com a ciência política.
From 1990 to 2004 I held various posts of responsibility within the National Education sector in Cameroon. Firstly, as principal of a College and, subsequently, as principal of a High School. Consequently, I understand the difficulties inherent then in meeting the current education requirements, in a context not only characterized by the utter confusion of a population torn between modernization and tradition but also the technical progress and unification of the world. With the help of the experience of ancient philosophers, and with regard to these issues, I undertook in this work to question what, in Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau and Kant, enables us to maintain or even improve human values laid down during the Greek miracle. Plato teaches pedagogy geared towards political transformation, or policy aimed at new pedagogy: he wants to build a new man, a complete man. With him begins the great political and pedagogical utopias, utopias no doubt, but which show that man exists insofar as he strives towards an ideal self, even if the Republic thinks of the cyclical construction and destruction of the political system (and of pedagogy), it unveils to mankind the unpredictable nature of history. Aristotle refrains from dreaming; he observes the societies of his time, describes them, criticizes them, and appreciates them. Unable to build an ideal society, he defends the less bad: a mix of oligarchy and democracy, marked by the domination of the middle class. But for Aristotle as for Plato, access to full citizenship and education is reserved only for "free" men; excluded from citizenship are not only slaves but labourers as well. We are in the Greek city: the citizen runs his home and the Republic; he defends it at war, but does not defile himself with dirty work. Rousseau reflects in the context of a declining monarchy, marked by an awakening strong need for freedom and equality. Pessimistic with respect to human progress, though, he believes that cultural progress has no turning back; it is necessary therefore to find a political system that allows humanity, drawn into history by the adventure thereof, with an unpredictable destiny, to fulfill itself in the best way possible. The Social Contract is the basis for a legitimate political system. Emile outlines the pedagogical reform that will establish it, based on the original goodness of human nature. Kant is convinced that history is leading humanity, which has attained adulthood, towards its unification. The ages of war and oppression will come to an end. But Kant does not share the optimism of Rousseau regarding human nature: what is good in man is his duty consciousness, but one can say no to duty. It is from duty that education can train people capable of managing a new humanity in peace. This new humanity was been created by the phenomenal development of technology since the mid-nineteenth century, but not exactly as dreamed of: two terrible world wars have caused the belief in progress to decline. It is in this confused, hesitant context that this work was designed and carried out. Technical progress and the attendant new ways of life raise many more questions and worries than certainties. The reflections of the great thinkers of the past must help us to tackle the problems of today. Beyond their differences, Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau and Kant do agree on the mutual involvement of politics, government of men, and education, training of tomorrow's citizens; as Aristotle states explicitly, each type of political system has its specific pedagogy. ; De 1990 à 2004, j'ai exercé divers postes de responsabilité dans l'éducation nationale au Cameroun. D'abord comme directeur de Collège puis comme proviseur. J'ai pu mesurer les difficultés qu'il y avait à réaliser les exigences actuelles de scolarisation, dans un contexte marqué non seulement par un profond désarroi d'une population partagée entre la modernisation et la tradition mais aussi le progrès technique et l'unification du monde. L'expérience des anciens philosophes aidant, et au regard de ces enjeux, j'ai entrepris dans ce travail d'interroger ce qui, chez Platon, Aristote, Rousseau, Kant, nous permet de maintenir voire de perfectionner les valeurs humanistes énoncées lors du miracle grec. Platon enseigne une pédagogie visant à une transformation politique, ou tout aussi bien une politique visant à une nouvelle pédagogie : il veut construire un homme nouveau, pleinement homme. Avec lui, débutent les grandes utopies politiques et pédagogiques ; utopies sans doute, mais qui témoignent que l'homme est dans la mesure où il vise un idéal de soi ; même si la République pense la construction et la destruction cycliques du régime politique (et de la pédagogie), elle ouvre à l'humanité l'imprévisibilité de l'Histoire. Aristote se défend de rêver ; il observe les sociétés de son temps, les décrit, les critique, les apprécie. Faute de pouvoir construire une société idéale, il défend la moins mauvaise : un mixe d'oligarchie et de démocratie, marqué par la domination de la classe moyenne. Mais, chez Aristote comme chez Platon, seuls accèdent à la pleine citoyenneté et à l'éducation plénière, seuls sont citoyens, les hommes « libres », non seulement les esclaves mais les travailleurs manuels sont exclus de la citoyenneté. Nous sommes dans la cité grecque : le citoyen gère sa maison et la République, il la défend à la guerre, mais il ne se souille pas de basses besognes. Rousseau pense dans le contexte d'une monarchie déclinante, où s'éveillent fortement les besoins de liberté et d'égalité. S'il est pessimiste relativement au progrès humain, il estime que ce progrès culturel est sans retour en arrière possible ; il s'agit donc de fonder le régime politique permettant à l'humanité, lancée dans l'Histoire, par l'aventure de l'Histoire, dans un destin imprévisible, de s'accomplir de la meilleure façon. Le Contrat social fonde le régime politique légitime, l'Emile esquisse la réforme pédagogique qui permettra de l'instaurer, en se fondant sur la bonté originelle de la nature humaine. Kant est convaincu que l'Histoire mène une humanité devenue adulte vers son unification. Les âges de guerre et d'oppression vont se terminer. Mais Kant ne partage pas l'optimisme de Rousseau quant à la nature humaine ; ce qu'il y a de bon dans l'homme, c'est la conscience du devoir- mais on peut dire non au devoir. C'est à partir du devoir que l'éducation pourra former les humains capables de gérer en paix une humanité nouvelle. Cette humanité nouvelle, le prodigieux développement des techniques depuis le milieu du XIXè siècle l'a créée, mais pas exactement comme elle était rêvée : deux terribles guerres mondiales ont bien fait décliner la croyance au progrès. C'est dans cette situation confuse, hésitante, que ce travail a été conçu et mené. Le progrès technique et les nouveaux modes de vie qu'il a suscités amènent bien plus d'interrogations et d'inquiétudes que de certitudes. La méditation des grands penseurs d'autrefois devait nous aider à nous attaquer aux problèmes d'aujourd'hui. Par-delà leurs divergences, Platon, Aristote, Rousseau, Kant, se rejoignent en constatant l'implication mutuelle de la politique, gouvernement des hommes, et de l'éducation, formation des citoyens de demain ; comme le dit explicitement Aristote, chaque type de régime politique a sa pédagogie spécifique.
In: 45th R3Nordic Symposium. Cleanroom Technology, Contamination Control and Cleaning. Wirtanen, Gun & Salo, Satu. VTT Technology 168, 139 - 141 ; Food safety is related to the absence or presence of levels of foodborne hazards in food at the point of consumption. The EC Regulation 852/2004 covers the principal objective of the general hygiene rules to ensure a high level of consumer protection with regard to food safety. However, food safety is the joint responsibility of many people and it is principally ensured through the combined efforts of all the parties in the food chain. Legislative demands set the basic requirements for the manufacturing of safe food products whereas food safety management systems and food safety guidelines and standards based on given legislation help the food industry to keep up with current food safety requirements. Hygiene survey is a practical tool for controlling hygiene in food plants. By using an efficient sampling of the surfaces of the process line, it is possible to reduce the amount of low-quality food leaving the plant. Hygiene survey can include checking of the amount of surface-attached soil including protein, polysaccharides, other organic and inorganic residues, biofilm, dead and/or living microbes in general, or specific pathogens and other harmful microbes. Hygiene survey also helps with tracing contamination sources and in optimising cleaning systems. There are several sources of microbial contamination: raw materials, process equipment, environmental surfaces, air, personnel and the final product. In some cases demands for better hygiene have been made because of prolonged shelf-life of products, centralized production and long-distance transportation, less time spent on cleaning and demands for environmentally safe cleaning agents (Salo, 2006). Quantification of the actual number of microbes from surfaces is difficult due to strong microbial adherence of biofilms. In addition, detection of biofilms using traditional swabbing method often gives incorrect results due to strong microbial adherence. Most techniques underestimate the number of microbes on a surface. Hygiene surveys from surfaces are challenging; the measuring should be quickly performed, directly from the surface and without damaging the surface, and the microbes need to be detached completely. However, it is difficult to measure biofilm and biotransfer potential because the conventional microbiological methods used to assess equipment hygiene have not been developed for detecting biofilm. Reliable results are only possible if the biofilm is properly detached and the cultivation is performed under reproducible conditions or if the measurement can be performed without detaching the microbes. Microscopy is very often used as a reference method for swabbing and cultivation. It has been reported that the cells counted by direct microscopy consistently give results one log unit higher than the cultivation methods. Moreover, observations of surfaces using epifluorescence microscopy have clearly revealed that even when vigorous swabbing is applied only a small part of the actual biofilm including the cells in it is detached (Wirtanen, 1995). On the other hand, use of excessive agitation and strong chemicals for detachment of surface-adherent cells may harm the cells, thus making them unable to grow in the cultivation procedure. Choosing sampling sites in food plants and especially in equipment with complicated structures is challenging, since most likely the microbial residues are in curvatures, con-nections, propellers, or on uneven surfaces which are not easy to reach with sampling tools. Quantification of the swabbed areas in places like these is challenging. Contact agar applications with ridged frames are only suitable for sampling of smooth and straight surfaces (Salo et al., 2008). Preventive risk-based food safety management systems such as HACCP require that hygiene monitoring should provide results rapidly in order to be able to perform corrective actions. ATP bioluminescence and protein detection kits for instance can provide a real time estimation of overall cleaning efficacy or protein residues, respectively. The detection and enumeration of indicator organisms is widely used to assess the efficacy of sanitation procedures. Escherichia coli counts can be used as an indirect measure of faecal contamination. The use of Enterobacteriaceae as hygiene indicators instead of coliforms or E. coli yields much more precise results. Interpretation of the results from hygiene monitoring is often carried out case by case since there are quite many factors affecting an acceptable level of cleanliness. The ac-ceptable level depends on the purpose of the surface. The surfaces in contact with ready-to-eat food products must be much cleaner than other surfaces in the process plant in contact with products which will be pasteurised or surfaces in no direct contact with foods. Special attention should also be paid to the surfaces next to food contact surfaces since there is a high risk of spreading contamination to food products (Salo et al., 2006). The cleanliness level of the processed product depends also on the spoilage sensitivity and the wanted self-life of the product. The available recommended guidelines and standards for aerobic colony counts for clean surfaces vary widely, being 0 - 80 CFU/cm2 (Griffith, 2005). The threshold limit for clean surface must be based upon a perception of a specific risk and the decided acceptable level. Alternatively, microbial yield obtained from surface after correct imple-mentation of a well-designed cleaning programme can be used as a desired value (Griffith, 2005). Comprehensive studies performed by Griffith (2005) have indicated that in many cases levels of <2.5 CFU/cm2 for general surface count are attainable and these are relatively close to majority of suggested standards. In the microbial survey described in Salo et al., 2006 the threshold limit for clean surface was set based in perception of risk to <2 CFU/cm2. Suitable methods for detecting cleanliness of process surfaces vary according to the situation studied. All available methods have limitations and the suitability of the method strongly depends on the type of microbes and the microbial load present. Traditional sampling with swabs prior to culturing does not detach all microbes attached to the surface. Swabbing can be improved by moistening the surface with mild surfactant solution. Also flexible contact agar is suitable for the detection of microbes from process equipment, and if the microbial load is less than 30 CFU/cm2 the microbial colonies can be counted. It is recommended to use more than one detection method in new environment to validate the results obtained. A clean surface has to be free of microbes, physical particles and chemicals. Chemical residues remaining after cleaning and disinfection can be detected using rapid methods based on bioluminescence of sensitive photobacteria. Visual observation of the cleaning results is an important practical method which can be improved by using UV-light and possibly fluorescent stain. This type of assessment is not very accurate but is a practical choice especially for large equipment such as fermentation tanks. ; Food safety is related to the absence or presence of levels of foodborne hazards in food at the point of consumption. The EC Regulation 852/2004 covers the principal objective of the general hygiene rules to ensure a high level of consumer protection with regard to food safety. However, food safety is the joint responsibility of many people and it is principally ensured through the combined efforts of all the parties in the food chain. Legislative demands set the basic requirements for the manufacturing of safe food products whereas food safety management systems and food safety guidelines and standards based on given legislation help the food industry to keep up with current food safety requirements. Hygiene survey is a practical tool for controlling hygiene in food plants. By using an efficient sampling of the surfaces of the process line, it is possible to reduce the amount of low-quality food leaving the plant. Hygiene survey can include checking of the amount of surface-attached soil including protein, polysaccharides, other organic and inorganic residues, biofilm, dead and/or living microbes in general, or specific pathogens and other harmful microbes. Hygiene survey also helps with tracing contamination sources and in optimising cleaning systems. There are several sources of microbial contamination: raw materials, process equipment, environmental surfaces, air, personnel and the final product. In some cases demands for better hygiene have been made because of prolonged shelf-life of products, centralized production and long-distance transportation, less time spent on cleaning and demands for environmentally safe cleaning agents (Salo, 2006). Quantification of the actual number of microbes from surfaces is difficult due to strong microbial adherence of biofilms. In addition, detection of biofilms using traditional swabbing method often gives incorrect results due to strong microbial adherence. Most techniques underestimate the number of microbes on a surface. Hygiene surveys from surfaces are challenging; the measuring should be quickly performed, directly from the surface and without damaging the surface, and the microbes need to be detached completely. However, it is difficult to measure biofilm and biotransfer potential because the conventional microbiological methods used to assess equipment hygiene have not been developed for detecting biofilm. Reliable results are only possible if the biofilm is properly detached and the cultivation is performed under reproducible conditions or if the measurement can be performed without detaching the microbes. Microscopy is very often used as a reference method for swabbing and cultivation. It has been reported that the cells counted by direct microscopy consistently give results one log unit higher than the cultivation methods. Moreover, observations of surfaces using epifluorescence microscopy have clearly revealed that even when vigorous swabbing is applied only a small part of the actual biofilm including the cells in it is detached (Wirtanen, 1995). On the other hand, use of excessive agitation and strong chemicals for detachment of surface-adherent cells may harm the cells, thus making them unable to grow in the cultivation procedure. Choosing sampling sites in food plants and especially in equipment with complicated structures is challenging, since most likely the microbial residues are in curvatures, con-nections, propellers, or on uneven surfaces which are not easy to reach with sampling tools. Quantification of the swabbed areas in places like these is challenging. Contact agar applications with ridged frames are only suitable for sampling of smooth and straight surfaces (Salo et al., 2008). Preventive risk-based food safety management systems such as HACCP require that hygiene monitoring should provide results rapidly in order to be able to perform corrective actions. ATP bioluminescence and protein detection kits for instance can provide a real time estimation of overall cleaning efficacy or protein residues, respectively. The detection and enumeration of indicator organisms is widely used to assess the efficacy of sanitation procedures. Escherichia coli counts can be used as an indirect measure of faecal contamination. The use of Enterobacteriaceae as hygiene indicators instead of coliforms or E. coli yields much more precise results. Interpretation of the results from hygiene monitoring is often carried out case by case since there are quite many factors affecting an acceptable level of cleanliness. The ac-ceptable level depends on the purpose of the surface. The surfaces in contact with ready-to-eat food products must be much cleaner than other surfaces in the process plant in contact with products which will be pasteurised or surfaces in no direct contact with foods. Special attention should also be paid to the surfaces next to food contact surfaces since there is a high risk of spreading contamination to food products (Salo et al., 2006). The cleanliness level of the processed product depends also on the spoilage sensitivity and the wanted self-life of the product. The available recommended guidelines and standards for aerobic colony counts for clean surfaces vary widely, being 0 - 80 CFU/cm2 (Griffith, 2005). The threshold limit for clean surface must be based upon a perception of a specific risk and the decided acceptable level. Alternatively, microbial yield obtained from surface after correct imple-mentation of a well-designed cleaning programme can be used as a desired value (Griffith, 2005). Comprehensive studies performed by Griffith (2005) have indicated that in many cases levels of <2.5 CFU/cm2 for general surface count are attainable and these are relatively close to majority of suggested standards. In the microbial survey described in Salo et al., 2006 the threshold limit for clean surface was set based in perception of risk to <2 CFU/cm2. Suitable methods for detecting cleanliness of process surfaces vary according to the situation studied. All available methods have limitations and the suitability of the method strongly depends on the type of microbes and the microbial load present. Traditional sampling with swabs prior to culturing does not detach all microbes attached to the surface. Swabbing can be improved by moistening the surface with mild surfactant solution. Also flexible contact agar is suitable for the detection of microbes from process equipment, and if the microbial load is less than 30 CFU/cm2 the microbial colonies can be counted. It is recommended to use more than one detection method in new environment to validate the results obtained. A clean surface has to be free of microbes, physical particles and chemicals. Chemical residues remaining after cleaning and disinfection can be detected using rapid methods based on bioluminescence of sensitive photobacteria. Visual observation of the cleaning results is an important practical method which can be improved by using UV-light and possibly fluorescent stain. This type of assessment is not very accurate but is a practical choice especially for large equipment such as fermentation tanks.
Interview with Maria Moreira of Ficthburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Maria Moreira was born in Saint Michael, Azores in 1917 and came to Fitchburg, MA in 1951. She moved because her husband was born in the U.S. and wanted to move back. Her impressions of the U.S. before and after moving. How difficult life was in the Azores. The different places she lived in Fitchburg. The different types of work her husband did. How she became an American citizen and learned English. Her difficulty with working but she never felt discriminated against. How she spent her time in St. Michael compared with Fitchburg. Getting used to American food and grocery shopping. Her children and their professions and their children. Her impressions of Fitchburg and how she likes living there. ; 1 WAYNE LUCIER: November 18, 1973, interview conducted by Wayne Lucier. Place of interview: Mrs. Moreira's home. Your name please? MARIA MOREIRA: Maria Moreira. WAYNE LUCIER: And your nationality? MARIA MOREIRA: Portuguese. WAYNE LUCIER: And your date of birth? MARIA MOREIRA: December 17 – no December 26, 1917. WAYNE LUCIER: And this makes you how many years old? MARIA MOREIRA: Makes me 55. WAYNE LUCIER: And what generation are you? MARIA MOREIRA: First. WAYNE LUCIER: And your address? MARIA MOREIRA: 208 Westminster Hill. WAYNE LUCIER: And your phone number? MARIA MOREIRA: 26413. WAYNE LUCIER: And where were you born? MARIA MOREIRA: I was born in Saint Michael, Azores. WAYNE LUCIER: Any certain part? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, [unintelligible - 00:01:00]. WAYNE LUCIER: And when did you come to the United States? MARIA MOREIRA: I came in April 7, 1951. WAYNE LUCIER: And how about Fitchburg? Did you come directly to Fitchburg? MARIA MOREIRA: Yes. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And where you were born, did you move around a lot? MARIA MOREIRA: No. I just moved, I just married and lived in one house. WAYNE LUCIER: And where you were born, you lived there till you got married? MARIA MOREIRA: Yes. WAYNE LUCIER: And from there, have you moved a lot? MARIA MOREIRA: My own house. My husband bought a house and we lived here. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And why did you leave the Old Country? MARIA MOREIRA: I didn't hear.2 WAYNE LUCIER: Why did you leave there? MARIA MOREIRA: I leave there because my husband wants to come here. WAYNE LUCIER: Did you want to come? MARIA MOREIRA: [Unintelligible - 00:01:56]. WAYNE LUCIER: And how did you come to the United States: by boat or…? MARIA MOREIRA: Airplane. WAYNE LUCIER: Were you on an airplane before? MARIA MOREIRA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: You liked going on an airplane? MARIA MOREIRA: Not really. WAYNE LUCIER: Have you traveled on an airplane since then? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, one more time. WAYNE LUCIER: You find it a better thing? MARIA MOREIRA: No, it's been [unintelligible - 00:02:23]. WAYNE LUCIER: And why did you come to the United States? MARIA MOREIRA: I came with him because he was American-born and [unintelligible - 00:02:39] us. He said, 'I like that we move there to the United States.' When I left, I didn't [unintelligible - 00:02:44] I like very much. I didn't want to go back. I didn't want to go back to [unintelligible - 00:02:47]. WAYNE LUCIER: Was it a hard life there? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, hard work, hard work. Everything was hard. WAYNE LUCIER: You worked any type of job? MARIA MOREIRA: No, just housework. Just cook our food, make our own bread, and take care of the animals outside. WAYNE LUCIER: What type of animals did you have? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh we have pigs, chickens and. WAYNE LUCIER: So it was a farm, right? MARIA MOREIRA: A farm. Yeah. WAYNE LUCIER: What did your mother and father do?3 MARIA MOREIRA: My father was a farmer too and my, mother was a housewife [unintelligible - 00:03:25]. WAYNE LUCIER: Why did you come to Fitchburg? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh my husband, he had two sisters here. That's why we came here, [unintelligible - 00:03:40] then. WAYNE LUCIER: What did you think about the United States before you came here? MARIA MOREIRA: Before I [unintelligible - 00:03:49] I just see pictures of it so. WAYNE LUCIER: And how about afterwards? MARIA MOREIRA: When I went to Boston, I see everything different between this country and Azores. I liked the type of life; people live here much better. WAYNE LUCIER: It was a lot different though from what you thought? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh yeah. WAYNE LUCIER: For the better or worse? MARIA MOREIRA: Just a big difference in [unintelligible - 00:04:17] the way the people dress and [unintelligible - 00:04:21]. WAYNE LUCIER: Where did you live in Fitchburg? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh the first we lived in Allen's Place, then we moved… WAYNE LUCIER: Were you still a housewife then or…? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah. I didn't work for years. I was looking for a job but I didn't learn the language so I couldn't find a job. WAYNE LUCIER: And your husband, he spoke English? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah. He was – found a job. WAYNE LUCIER: Did he help you learn English? MARIA MOREIRA: No. He helped me a little bit but I learned more from the children and people like [unintelligible - 00:05:03]. WAYNE LUCIER: You said you lived on Allen Place, right? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, two months. We moved to Villa Street. WAYNE LUCIER: And from there?4 MARIA MOREIRA: From there we moved to Leighton St. But after that, we buy apartment house. We lived there for about six years. Then we moved to Westminster Road, single home. WAYNE LUCIER: And did you live with Portuguese people this time? MARIA MOREIRA: No, I lived in my mother-in-law [unintelligible - 00:05:37]. She lived with us when we buy the house. WAYNE LUCIER: What sort of jobs, what's your job now- your present job? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, my present job is Fitchburg [unintelligible - 00:05:50]. WAYNE LUCIER: And that's where? MARIA MOREIRA: [Unintelligible - 00:00:06] company. WAYNE LUCIER: And how about, let's say when you first came over here, what type of jobs did you have then? MARIA MOREIRA: When I came over? WAYNE LUCIER: When you came here. MARIA MOREIRA: This is my first job. I never had any other job. [Unintelligible - 00:06:05] I find a job. WAYNE LUCIER: And what type of work did your husband do? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh he was [unintelligible - 00:06:18]. He was making some keys and locks, all kinds of stuff and certain works [unintelligible - 00:06:26]. WAYNE LUCIER: How about when you first met him, what type of jobs did he do then? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh he was a farmer there. He was a farmer. He was young, and after that he came to the United States because he was American-born. He went to California for about four years. WAYNE LUCIER: When he went to California, he was married? MARIA MOREIRA: No, he was single. After that he went back and he married me. He stayed there for about three years. After that, he…just the wartime, we have to come here. Otherwise, we have to [unintelligible - 00:07:05]. WAYNE LUCIER: He didn't want to go?5 MARIA MOREIRA: No, [unintelligible - 00:07:07]. He'd rather be here. WAYNE LUCIER: At this time did you know where were they fighting the war? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh this is fighting to Japan… all the 1940 war. WAYNE LUCIER: So he just didn't want to go there? MARIA MOREIRA: He didn't want to go over there. There was no war in Portuguese but you have to be enlisted. WAYNE LUCIER: Oh. Did you belong to any clubs? MARIA MOREIRA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. What sort of education did you have? MARIA MOREIRA: [Unintelligible - 00:07:42]. WAYNE LUCIER: And do you remember the name of the school? MARIA MOREIRA: No, just about it. WAYNE LUCIER: What type of school was it? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh it was just like first grade to the fifth grade. They teach everything. You know writing, reading, [unintelligible - 00:08:00] everything. WAYNE LUCIER: Was it hard? MARIA MOREIRA: It was hard because we have to learn everything at once. WAYNE LUCIER: Would you prefer, you know, your family to go to school there or in the United States? If you had your choice, let's say you could send them to school in Portugal or the United States, where you want to send them? MARIA MOREIRA: I like the type of education [unintelligible - 00:08:22] for the children. They stay longer in school. WAYNE LUCIER: Did you have any other education like night school? MARIA MOREIRA: I went to two years in night school. WAYNE LUCIER: For what? MARIA MOREIRA: To learn how to be an American citizen – to learn English really. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And when did you become a citizen? MARIA MOREIRA: I became a citizen on November 6, 1964. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And was it hard for you to change…? 6 MARIA MOREIRA: No, [unintelligible - 00:09:04]. WAYNE LUCIER: Are you Republican or Democrat? MARIA MOREIRA: I'm Independent. I just switched to [unintelligible - 00:09:19]. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And have you ever become involved working for a candidate? MARIA MOREIRA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: How about the state government, what do you think about it? Is it useful or is it…? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, they try to do the best they can [unintelligible - 00:09:37] mistake. WAYNE LUCIER: Have they ever, you know, helped you? MARIA MOREIRA: I have no problem, you know. I have my job all the time, [unintelligible - 00:09:46] system or anything. WAYNE LUCIER: How about the city government? Has you ever been affected by it? MARIA MOREIRA: All these years we live here, we… they fixed our road lately. They fixed [unintelligible - 00:10:05]. WAYNE LUCIER: Did you have to… MARIA MOREIRA: [Unintelligible - 00:10:09]. They made that twice [unintelligible - 00:10:16] fixed. WAYNE LUCIER: And that's the only way you could have anything done? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, they did it because of [unintelligible - 00:10:20]. WAYNE LUCIER: Did you ever have any language barriers because of your language? Did you have a hard time? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, at the beginning. I still do; I mean I don't speak English very well. WAYNE LUCIER: How about at home right now? Do you speak English or do you speak Portuguese? MARIA MOREIRA: I could speak English if I want to but I still speak Portuguese. WAYNE LUCIER: Which one do you prefer to speak at home? MARIA MOREIRA: It don't make a difference to me. 7 WAYNE LUCIER: How about when you first came over here, which language did you speak? You know, did you try to speak English? Did everybody try to get to know it? MARIA MOREIRA: Oh, yeah, I tried very hard to speak because at the work nobody would speak my language. I had a hard time. WAYNE LUCIER: Have you ever been discriminated against in the job because of your language? MARIA MOREIRA: No. No. No. WAYNE LUCIER: Never? MARIA MOREIRA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: How about when you went out searching for a house to live in? MARIA MOREIRA: No, we had no problem. WAYNE LUCIER: Do you think Fitchburg has good job opportunities? Do they have enough work for everyone? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, I think so, [unintelligible - 00:11:27] study and other peoples. WAYNE LUCIER: Over in-, what's the city, St Michaels, right? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. How was your spare time spent? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, over there my spare time was just do the housework and [unintelligible - 00:11:51] help my mother and [regard] my brothers… WAYNE LUCIER: Was there any real spare time? Do you know what I mean? MARIA MOREIRA: No. I didn't go to many places. Some days, you know, we just had a feast sometimes. WAYNE LUCIER: How about right now? How do you spend your spare time away from work? MARIA MOREIRA: At home or at my brother's house or go to the show – not too many [unintelligible - 00:12:16] not too much. WAYNE LUCIER: Do you think when you first came over here that the city of Fitchburg had recreational things for your children to do, you 8 know, like go ice skating or something like that? Did they have anything for them to do? MARIA MOREIRA: That time I don't miss those things at that point. Over here, it don't make any difference there or not, I mean, not too much. WAYNE LUCIER: So how about right now, do you think Fitchburg has you know…? MARIA MOREIRA: We have more. Yeah, we have more places for the children to have a good time. WAYNE LUCIER: What certain types of foods do you enjoy? MARIA MOREIRA: I like Portuguese food, most of it, but I like some American food. WAYNE LUCIER: When you came over, did you have a hard time preparing American foods or…? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, I had a hard time to getting [accustomed], to getting used to American food. WAYNE LUCIER: Did your family enjoy it, the American food? MARIA MOREIRA: No, at the beginning, no, because they had [unintelligible - 00:13:19]. WAYNE LUCIER: Did you find it a hard thing to go shopping? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, yeah, because of my language, the language. WAYNE LUCIER: Let's say that you go into an American grocery store; did you find it a hard thing to go in and buy stuff? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, the grocery store, no, it's not because you got everything on the shelf. But like the department store, I have a hard time because I didn't know the sizes. They ask me questions or help you with [unintelligible - 00:13:54]. WAYNE LUCIER: And what are your children, what are their names and what are their jobs? MARIA MOREIRA: My oldest one, her name is Anna. She's a hard worker… WAYNE LUCIER: What's the name Anna? MARIA MOREIRA: [Unintelligible - 00:14:10]. She's a housewife. She got three children. She went to high school. WAYNE LUCIER: And her husband, what's his job?9 MARIA MOREIRA: He's working in a sports shop. He's an [appraiser]. WAYNE LUCIER: Is this local or…? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah. WAYNE LUCIER: Where does he work? MARIA MOREIRA: He's working at a sports shop in the [unintelligible - 00:14:45]. WAYNE LUCIER: And do you have any other? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, I have two other daughters. The other one's name is M. Dorothy. WAYNE LUCIER: And what does she do? MARIA MOREIRA: She's a secretary. WAYNE LUCIER: And are there any other family members? MARIA MOREIRA: I have another one, the youngest one. Her name is Louisa. She's a school teacher. She's teaching [unintelligible - 00:15:26]. WAYNE LUCIER: And how about, do you have any grandchildren? MARIA MOREIRA: I have three grandchildren. WAYNE LUCIER: And do they go to school or…? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, the oldest one go to school and the middle one. The other one's been going to the… WAYNE LUCIER: Do you belong to any church? MARIA MOREIRA: Yes, [unintelligible - 00:15:47] Church. WAYNE LUCIER: Was your husband a veteran? MARIA MOREIRA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: He never participated in any service in Portugal? MARIA MOREIRA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: Do you have any customs right now? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah. I got Portuguese [feasts]. I like to go [unintelligible - 00:16:14]. WAYNE LUCIER: What are your finest memories, your own personal memories? MARIA MOREIRA: Well, I remember only when I was young. Other things we did when we were growing up, especially [unintelligible - 00:16:35] and work in the farm.10 WAYNE LUCIER: How about in Fitchburg, what did you like about Fitchburg? What do you like about Fitchburg? MARIA MOREIRA: Most of them, you know, I like my job here. And I have everything I need, stores, and [unintelligible - 00:17:58]. WAYNE LUCIER: Is there anything that you'd like to forget about Fitchburg? MARIA MOREIRA: No. This is my first place when I came to the United States and I like to live here. WAYNE LUCIER: And when you came to the United States, did you want to stay here? MARIA MOREIRA: Yeah, I was just feeling this is my home. WAYNE LUCIER: And how about Fitchburg? When you came to Fitchburg, did you think that you would stay here? MARIA MOREIRA: That time maybe not, but really I don't like to [leave]. Any place else as far as I know, as long as I know, I want it here. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And finally did you want to go back? MARIA MOREIRA: To Azores? WAYNE LUCIER: Yeah. MARIA MOREIRA: No. I went to visit once. WAYNE LUCIER: So you wouldn't like to go to live there? MARIA MOREIRA: To live there, no. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. Thank you./AT/jf/ah/ee