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Event history analysis can help communication researchers study dynamic communication processes. The technique is appropriate for categorical outcomes situated in time, when a person, relationship, entity, or communication message shifts from one state to another. Data may be collected in panel studies, through recordings of interactions, from written or computer records of when events happened over time, or in a retrospective questionnaire. Using examples from mass media and interpersonal communication, a type of event history analysis using Cox's model is demonstrated and compared with ordinary least squares and logistic regression.

This article describes the way in which emotion can lead to false consciousness by analysing a single incident in Goethe's novel The Sorrows of Young Werther. We trace a sequence of events which occur after the hero is humiliated in public, utilizing Helen Lewis's theory of shame dynamics. We argue that such an analysis may led towards models of causality in social science. Our interpretation of class idealization in the mass media, myths and legends, and class shaming in humour suggests that social differentiation between sacred and profane persons may have an emotional basis.

In my professional work I could not escape the realization that a major part of human suffering arose out of ignorance of simple facts, unquestioning acceptance of tradition, and unhealthy social pressures. This realization made me plunge into the stormy waters of human sexuality and sex education of young people in particular. To them I gained personal access, as well as access through mass media. The response I received from our target population was most gratifying. The bulk of the material I now present was derived from some of the responses.

As the Eighteenth Dail's life drew to a close, a major change in Irish political life was anticipated. The expectations were not confined to the national mass media, although the subsequent results tempted some politicians to suggest that the closed world of television, radio and national press had misread the mood of the nation. At the local level too, throughout the campaign, newspapers spoke of the 'Strong Desire for Change'1 and saw the contest as the promise of 'one of the great watersheds in Irish political history.'

The article deals with the media coverage of memorial initiatives in Kharkiv during the era of Ukrainian independence. The study focuses on print and electronic media coverage of around 100 monuments and sculptural compositions constructed in the city between 1991 and 2019. When analyzing the body of publications, the author pays attention to the thematic spectrum and architectonics of messages about monumental sites of memory. The study finds that the intensity of the coverage of the installation and unveiling of monuments is not determined by the memorial value or merits of the commemorated historical figures. Other factors are more important – such as the participation of authorities in commemorative events. Furthermore, mass media rarely report the opinions of experts and city residents regarding sites of memory. It is often representatives of the authorities who are given the opportunity to voice the motives for commemoration and talk about the significance of memorial sites, rather than the immediate initiators, especially if the latter are not state institutions but public bodies. However, there have been positive changes in this area: independent and opposition media have begun to propose different practices for covering the opening of monuments, centering precisely on the agents of memory and their motives. They are also expanding the thematic range of messages, more fully covering the process of decision-making and related discussions. In the author's view, these developments should be thought of not only as a counterweight to pro-government practices of covering memorial initiatives, but also as an important tool for shaping a culture of memory and building a civil society. In addition, broad public dialogue on memorial initiatives in the city between representatives of various political and professional communities is becoming more essential in the current climate. After all, there is a growing need and demand for seeing monumental sites of memory not only as an ideological resource or a tool for symbolic marking of territory, but also as a means of creating a positive and competitive image of the city. ; У статті йдеться про висвітлення засобами масової інформації меморіальних ініціатив у м.Харкові доби незалежної України. У центрі дослідження перебувають новинні повідомлення друкованих та електронних періодичних видань, присвячені близько 100пам'ятникам і скульптурним композиціям, спорудженим у місті впродовж 1991–2019років. Під час аналізу масиву публікацій було звернено увагу на тематичний спектр та архітектоніку повідомлень про монументальні місця пам'яті. У результаті з'ясовано, що широкий інформаційний резонанс щодо встановлення певних пам'ятників був зумовлений не так заслугами історичних осіб, які вшановувалися, як визначався іншими чинниками, зокрема участю представників влади у комеморативних заходах. При цьому повідомлення ЗМІ зрідка містять думку експертів та містян щодо таких місць пам'яті. На сторінках медійних публікацій часто саме представники влади висловлюються з приводу мотивів увічнення та говорять про значення певного місця пам'яті замість безпосередніх ініціаторів, особливо якщо ними є не державні інституції, а громадські організації. Водночас фіксується й інша тенденція: незалежні та опозиційні владі ЗМІ звертають більше уваги саме на мотиви агентів пам'яті, а також розширюють тематичний спектр повідомлень, більш докладно висвітлюючи процес ухвалення рішення та дискусії, пов'язані з цим. На нашу думку, останнє може бути осмислене не тільки як протидія усталеним практикам здійснення та висвітлення у ЗМІ комеморативних заходів, але й як важливий інструмент вироблення нової культури пам'яті та побудови громадянського суспільства. Крім того, на сучасному етапі зростає важливість широкого суспільного діалогу щодо меморіальних ініціатив у місті між представниками різних політичних і професійних співтовариств. Зрештою, затребуваним стає сприйняття монументальних місць пам'яті не лише як ідеологічного ресурсу чи інструменту символічного маркування території, але також засобу створення позитивного і конкурентного образу міста.

Предлагаемая статья представляет собой краткое аналитическое исследование политических, социально-экономических условий, породивших формирование радиорынка в постсоветской России. Описаны этапы и обстоятельства его постепенного возникновения и структурирования, а также основные игроки этого сегмента бизнеса новые радиостанции, возникшие в начале 1990-х гг. При этом автор считает главным в процессе формирования радиорынка в стране разгосударствление имевшихся вещательных структур, появление принципиально новых, взявших за основу работу в новом формате и их коммерциализацию. Вместе с тем в статье подчеркивается, что деятельность новых радиостанций не только бизнес или форма существования в рыночных условиях, но и функция продвижения новых ценностей в массовое сознание и формирования определенной модели действительности, присущей глобальному информационному обществу. ; The current article is the short analytical issue of political, social-economic conditions, which led to appearance of radio business market in post-Soviet Russia. This work envelops phases and circumstances of its step by step emerging and structurisation as well and also main players of that market business segment namely new radio stations, created at the beginning of 90-ies last century. The author considers important in the process of formation of the radio market in the country, the privatization of existing broadcasting structures, the emergence of fundamentally new, taken for a basis the work in a new format and commercialization. However, the article emphasizes that the activities of new radio stations not just a business or a form of existence in the market conditions, but also the function of promoting new values in the mass consciousness and the formation of a certain model of reality inherent in the global information society

El viaje a España de la esposa del Presidente de Argentina es todo un evento mediático y las imágenes que se generan en aquel momento pasan a formar parte fundamental del mito de Evita. En realidad, esas imágenes sufren todo un proceso de borrado, atribución, apropiación y hasta de confrontación. Los medios enfrentan distintas concepciones de lo que debe ser o no debe ser la esposa de un presidente: la dama-pródiga, la dama-artista, la dama-nación, la dama-corazón y hasta la dama-libertad, pues Estados Unidos estrena en ese momento una película sobre otra Primera Dama, Dolley Payne. Todas son máscaras femeninas en el sentido de que representan construcciones discursivas de género muy complejas y contradictorias al servicio de la comunicación política. ; The Eva`s Peron journey to Spain is a media event and the images generated at that time have become in a essential part of the myth of Evita. However, these images suffer a process of deletion, allocation, appropriation and even confrontation. The mass media face different conceptions of what should or should not be the president's wife: the prodigal lady, the artist lady, the nation lady, the heart lady and the freedom lady, as the United States launches a movie about another First Lady, Dolley Payne. All are female masks represent complex and contradictory discursive constructions of genre in service of political communication.

"The 1960s may be over, but the Black Panthers--the ultimate symbol of black power, radical inspiration, and the excesses of the decade--live on. Books on the Panthers continue to be written, hip-hop artists continue to draw inspiration from them, and so many films are made about the Panthers that there is now an annual Black Panther film festival. Cultural historian Jane Rhodes examines the extraordinary staying power of the Panthers in the American imagination by probing their relationship to the media. Rhodes argues that once the media and pop culture latched onto the small, militant group, the Panthers became adept at exploiting and manipulating this coverage--through pamphlets, buttons, posters, ubiquitous press appearances, and photo ops--pioneering a sophisticated version of mass media activism. Paradoxically, the news media participated in the government campaign to eradicate the Panthers while simultaneously elevating them to a celebrity status that remains long after their demise. This new edition will feature a new preface putting the Panthers relationship with the media in context with Black Lives Matter and recent activism against racial profiling and police brutality."--Provided by publisher

Access to more information by a group of voters may represent more knowledge about the political system and incentivize people to make better choices. In this paper I argue that mass media have an impact over voters' knowledge, reflected on one of the main forms of political participation that citizens have in a democracy: voting and politicians' performance. The media outlet I take into account is radio, starting from its last stage of expansion in Colombia, since the mid 1990s. I use a measure of radio based on the counting of stations and the exogenous variation in signal transmission given by municipal topographic characteristics to study the effect of the growing number of radio stations on a set of political and policy results. I find that in municipalities with more radio stations turnout for the different types of elections, namely Presidential (1994-2010), Mayor (1994-2011), Senate (1994-2010) and House (1994-2010) elections, increases. I show that the vote share of the winning party in the Senate elections declines and the effective number of parties expands when there is greater exposure to radio, suggesting an increasing electoral competition. Finally, I find that the presence of local media also influences policy. A larger number of radio stations is associated with more resources to investment and a lower share of spending represented by operating expenditures. ; El acceso a mayor información por parte de un grupo de potenciales votantes puede significar un mayor conocimiento acerca del sistema político e incentivar a las personas a tomar mejores decisiones. En este documento postulo que los medios masivos de comunicación generan un impacto sobre el conocimiento de los votantes, reflejado en una de las principales formas de participación política que poseen los ciudadanos en una democracia: el voto, y sobre el desempeño de los políticos. El medio de comunicación que abordo en el artículo es la radio, partiendo de su última etapa de expansión en Colombia, desde mediados de los años 90. Utilizo una medida de radio basada en el conteo de emisoras y la variación exógena en la transmisión de las señales dada por las características topográficas municipales para estudiar el efecto del creciente número de emisoras sobre varios resultados electorales y de política. Los resultados indican que en municipios con más estaciones de radio aumento la participación de los votantes en los diferentes comicios electorales, a saber, elecciones Presidenciales (1994-2010), de Alcalde (1994-2011), de Senado (1994-2010) y Cámara de Representantes (1994-2010).

Politics and Mass Communication have been an unbreakable duo for many centuries. Public meetings, Newspapers, Magazines, Radio, Television are the major communication tools. With the advent of new media technologies, the political campaign has gained a new dimension. During the last elections Indian political parties used Websites, E mails, IVRS, SMSs, Internet, Banners, Online Advertising, Blogs, Mobile Phones, etc. This study has aimed to assess the effectiveness of new media political campaigns during the elections. Content analysis, Survey and In depth Interview methods were used in the study. The study has revealed surprising facts. Every large political party has tried to use all the available new media tools. Television, Mobile phone and Internet have played a great role. The utilization of new media communication tools and strategies gave a new facet that was highly beneficial to the Indian politics. The political parties have reached a large number of voters through the new media. It made their election campaign easy, fast and successful. This paper aims to examine the extent use of social media by the political parties to promote their image and political messages, among their supporters and peoples in social media. The paper intends to examine how people consume the political issues or political discussion on social media. It was studied on the basis of the responses received from a sample of 100 respondents in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh region. Results reveal interesting information on the types of social media used the ratings of the most used social media and their impact on society. Ashish Sharma "Social Media and Political Communication in India: An analysis of 2017 Legislative Assembly Elections in Himachal Pradesh" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-2 | Issue-2 , February 2018, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd9478.pdf

THE AUTHORS FIRST CONSIDER THE ADVANTAGES PRESIDENTS ENJOY OVER THE MEDIA AND THE METHODS THEY USE TO EXPLOIT THEM SO AS TO MAXIMIZE THEIR POWER. THEN, USING A CASE STUDY OF PRESIDENT CARTER, THE AUTHORS ATTEMPT TO ILLUSTRATE THE LIMITATIONS OF SUCH PRESIDENTIAL RESOURCES.

IntroductionThe unfolding pandemic of COVID-19, also known as coronavirus, has caused challenges across the globe. Shelter-in-place, lock-down, and social distancing policies increased the use of social media for societies to stay connected. This study investigated psychological issues societies experienced from using social media among community during this critical period.MethodsCross-sectional online surveys were used to collect qualitative data from 1991 respondents living in the UK, USA and Australia during April-May 2020 when shelter-in-place or stay-at-home policies were in place.ResultsConcerns over misinformation, conspiracy theories, and fake news were repetitively raised as a critical challenge associated with reports of negative psychological consequences during the COVID-19 pandemic. Overall, 1 in 3 respondent expressed concerns over misinformation as the key challenge, with higher prevalence among respondents from the USA (41) than UK (35) and Australia (32), χ2(2)=8.5, p=0.015. While some thought social media had facilitated social connections, others said that differing opinions from friends and families have put stress on relationships and created negative psychology. Conflicting information (including information from government bodies, news outlets, information articles and individual opinions) have caused additional stress and anxiety.ConclusionsThe spread of misinformation, fake news, and conspiracy theories have caused psychosocial challenges and disconnections in the community. Special attention is needed to address psychological issues caused by the spread of misinformation on social media during the crisis.