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ROHRBACH - BERG Rohrbach - Berg ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite (III) Impressum (IV) Inhalt (V) Zur Geschichte der Besiedlung und Entwicklung von Rohrbach - Berg von den Anfängen bis in die Neuzeit ([1]*) Überblick (2*) Allgemeine Voraussetzungen (3*) Naturräumliche Gegebenheiten (3*) [Karte]: (4*) Die Verkehrslage (5*) Das mittelalterliche Gesellschaftssystem (6*) Das alltägliche Leben (11*) [Abb.]: Burgplatz im Nöstelbacherhölzl. (14*) [Abb.]: Größte Einfachheit ist typisch für den Burgenbau vor 1200, Holz ist das wichtigste Baumaterial (15*) Die Herkunft der ersten Siedler (16*) Folgende Dorfnamen von Rohrbach-Berg weisen deutliche Anklänge an Ortsnamen unserer benachbarten Gegenden auf: (17*) Rohrbach - Berg im Lauf der Geschichte (20*) Vorgeschichte und Römerzeit (20*) Die Zeit vor Christi Geburt (20*) Die Römerzeit (21*) Rohrbach-Berg im Mittelalter (500-1500) (22*) Im "Land der Abtei" (1010-1161) (22*) Rohrbach-Berg im Hochstift Passau (1161- ca. 1400) (25*) a) Burgenkette und Rodungsgeschlechter (26*) Die Berger (Perger, de monte) (28*) [3 Abb.]: (1)Perger am Perg. (2)Falkenstein II. (3)Haichenbach I. (28*) Die Falkensteiner und Haichenbacher (29*) Stammtafel. (30*) Die Sprinzensteiner (32*) Die Hautzenberger (33*) Die Herleinsberger (34*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hautzenberger (2)Herleinsperger (34*) Die Ruestorfer (35*) [Abb.]: Ruestorf. (35*) b) Die Einzelhöfe (37*) c) Die Dörfer (42*) d) Der Markt Rohrbach (43*) Überlegungen zur Baugeschichte von Rohrbach (47*) Die Gründung des Marktes Rohrbach (47*) [Karte]: Nach den derzeitigen Unterlagen kann man die erste Bauperiode von Rohrbach und damit den Burgfried nach folgender Skizze rekonstruieren: (48*) Zu dieser Kartenskizze (49*) Zum quadratischen Marktplatz: (50*) Änderungen im 14. Jahrhundert (51*) [Abb.]: Rohrbachs gotische Reste. Die vorkragenden Steine sind Zeugen gotischer Bausubstanz, die sich im Erdgeschoß mancher Häuser erhalten haben. Abgebildetes Haus: Rohrbach 17 (Marktplatz 30). Entstanden zwischen 1450 und 1600 (52*) Nach 1427/1446 (53*) [Karte]:Versuch der Rekonstruktion, wie der Bau einer Befestigungsmauer möglich gewesen wäre: ([54]*) Mauer und Graben? (55*) [Karte]: Rohrbach um 1450 Versuch der Rekonstruktion des Rohrbacher Baubestandes nach dem Wiederaufbau nach der Zerstörung durch die Hussiten (1427/1446) ([56]*) (Fortsetzung von S. 53*) (57*) [Abb.]: Markverleihungsurkunde 1459 (58*) Der Markt und die Märkte (59*) [Abb.]:Der Viehmarkt in Rohrbach. Ansicht des Rohrbacher Marktplatzes als Viehmarkt aus der Zeit um 1900 (60*) Im Mühl- und Machlandviertel (= oberes und unteres Mühlviertel) waren die Wochenmärkte in folgender Weise organisiert: (61*) [Abb.]: Rohrbacher Viehmarkt. Zeitungsdruck aus der Zeit um 1895 (62*) Rohrbach im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (65*) Das Urbar 1570 (66*) Behauste Güter im Markt Rohrbach (66*) [Karte]: Rohrbach um 1570. Versuch der Rekonstruktion des Baubestandes von Rohrbach zur Zeit der Anlage des ersten Urbars 1570 (67*) Bemerkungen zu den Eintragungen: (69*) Rohrbach-Berg im Bauernkrieg von 1595 bis 1598 (70*) Rohrbach-Berg im Bauernkrieg 1626 (77*) Eine Marktordnung vom Jahr 1667 (81*) [2 Abb.]: Werke der Steinmetzkunst geben Zeugnis vom Fleiß und auch vom sicheren Formbewußtsein dieser Kunsthandwerker (1)Oben: Brunnen vom Jahr 1795 (Rohrbach 4, Marktplatz 17) (2)Unten: Steintisch um 1800 (Rohrbach 41, Marktplatz 37) (83*) Die Grundherrschaft (86*) Die Menschen von Rohrbach-Berg gehörten zu 14 Grundherrschaften; diese ergeben, nach der größe des Herrschaftsgebietes geordnet, folgende Reihung der Herrschaften: (86*) [Abb.]: Die Freyung von Rohrbach. Das Richtschwert über dem Marktwappen (drei Schilfkolben auf moorigem grund) ist Symbol der (niedrigen) Gerichtsbarkeit des Magistrates über seine Untertanen (88*) Die Marktrichter von Rohrbach [1307 1849] (89*) [2 Abb]: (1)Rechts: Handwerksschild vom Jahr 1764 (Rohrbach 41, Marktplatz 37) (2)Links: Die Barockfassade eines höchst selbstbewußten Bürgerhauses (Rohrbach 41, Marktplatz 37) ([91]*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach um 1830. Ansicht des Marktplatzes von Rohrbach. Aquarell aus der Zeit um 1830. Original Privatbesitz in Rohrbach (92*) Gemeindevorsteher nach dem neuen Gesetz. Die Bürgermeister von Rohrbach [1849 - 1983] (93*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rohrbach 1879. Bleistiftzeichnung im Skizzenbuch von Carl Radler (2)Rohrbach - Bahnhofsstraße. Ansichtskarte aus der Zeit um 1910 ([94]*) Die Bürgermeister der Gemeinde Berg [1865 - 1979] (95*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach 1885. Bleistiftzeichnung von Peter Krenn aus dem Jahr 1885 (96*) Geschichte der Pfarre Rohrbach (98*) Zum Ausklang. (97*) Geschichte der Pfarre Rohrbach (98*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach Rathaus u. Kirche (98*) Erster Teil Bau- und Kunstgeschichte ([99]*) [2 Abb.]: Zwei Ansichten Rohrbachs mit dem früheren Kirchturm ([100]*) Der Bau der barocken Pfarrkirche (1697 - 1700) (101*) Die zehn ältesten Gedenksteine (106*) 1. Grabstein 1562 (oder 1582) (106*) [Abb.]: I. Grabstein Sebastian Aigner 1562 ( oder 1582) (107*) 2. Porträt-Grabstein 1583 (108*) 3. Familiengrabstein Oedt 1583 (108*) [Abb.]: 2. Porträtgrabstein Sebastian von Oedt 1583 (109*) [Plan]: Plan der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach 1696 (110 - 111*) [Abb.]: 3. Familiengrabstein Oedt 1583 ([112]*) 4. Grabstein Weinberger 1641 5. Grabstein Stöger 1688 (113*) [Abb.]: 4. Grabstein Michael weinberger 1641 (114*) [Abb.]: 5. Grabstein Stöger 1688 ([115]*) 6. Wappenschild 1699 (116*) [Abb.]: 6. Wappenschild 1699 (117*) 7. Grabstein Gruber 1706. 8. Grabstein Oedt 1719 (118*) [Abb.]: 7. Grabstein Zacharias Gruber 1706 (119*) [Abb.]: 8. Grabstein Erasmus Anton von Oedt 1719 (120*) 9. Gedenkstein 1720. 10. Wappenstein der Familie Rödern 1743 (121*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Portal der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach mit dem Wappenschild des Abtes Michael Felder von dem Jahr der Fertigstellung des Gooteshauses. (2)Das Taufbecken der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach, bald nach 1700 entstanden, Tischlerarbeiten von H. g. Stempl (?), Figuren der Taufe Jesu geschnitzt vom Bildhauer G. W. Wagner (?) ([122]*) Kunstgeschichtliche Führung durch die Pfarrkirche Rohrbach (123*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Langhaus (124*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Hochaltar (126*) [Abb.]: Blick zur Anna-Kapelle, Rödern-Wappen (128*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Kanzel ([130]*) [Abb.]: Die sieben Zufluchten. Andachtsbild um 1800. (132*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Marienaltar (136*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche, Orgel (138*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rathaus Rohrbach. Die Fleischlauben mit stuckierten Wappenschildern aus der Zeit des Barock um 1750 (2)Rathaus Rohrbach. Der Kern des Gebäudes enthält noch gotische Bausubstanz aus der Zeit um 1450 in sich (142*) [Tabelle]: Die Glocken, die am 4. Dezember 1949 von Abt Cajetan Lang die kirchliche Segnung erhielten, sind folgende: (143*) Sonstige Sehenswürdigkeiten (143*) [Abb.]: Die Dreifaltigkeitssäule (1743). Ansichtskarte vom Jahr 1910 (144*) [Abb.]: Dreifaltigkeitssäule (146*) Wallfahrtskirche Maria - Trost am Berg bei R. (150*) Bau- und Kunstgeschichte der Wallfahrtskirche Maria Trost am Berg bei Rohrbach (150*) [Abb.]: Maria-Trost-Kirche (150*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rechts: Hochaltar der Wallfahrtskirche Maria Trost (2)Links: Kapelle mit zwei Engeln (152*) [Abb.]: St. Sebastian - Altar (154*) Kapellen und Denkmäler rund um die Berger Kirche (157*) Das Benefizium mit Kirche und Benefiziatenhaus wurde am 14. November 1912 vom Stift Schlägl angekauft, und von diesem Zeitpunkt an versehen Schlägler Chorherren das Benefizium und damit die Seelsorge an der Wallfahrtskirche Maria Trost: (157*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben Buchet - Kapelle, (2)Unten Hl. Grab (158*) Kapellen am Wallfahrtsweg von Haslach zum Berg (159*) [Karte]: (160*) Die Maria-Hilf-Kapelle (162*) [Abb.]: Deckenfresko der Maria Hilf-Kapelle (1764). (162*) [Abb.]: Der Schickanus. Statue des hl. Ivo von Helori 1720/30 (164*) Kapellen am Wallfahrtsweg von Rohrbach zum Berg (165*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Links: Die Statue der hl. Mutter Anna der Maria-Hilf-Kapelle kann als Werk des Bildhauers Johann Worath (1609 - 1680) angesprochen werden. (2)Rechts: Die Maria-Schnee-Kapelle befindet sich am Wallfahrtsweg, der von Haslach zum Berg führt ([166]*) Die Michaels-Kapelle bei Krien (168*) [Abb.]: St. Michaels - Kapelle bei Krien (168*) Geschichte der Pfarre Rohrbach Zweiter Teil Kirchen- und Pfarrgeschichte von Isfried H. Pichler (171*) [Abb.]: der Apostel Jakobus als Pilger und Prediger im Siegel des Pfarramtes Rohrbach (172*) Kirchen- und Pfarrgeschichte (173*) Patrozinium St. Jakob (173*) Der Umfang der Pfarre Rohrbach im Mittelalter kann nicht ganz genau, aber doch im wesentlichen angegeben werden: (175*) Inkorporation an das Stift Schlägl (176*) Die Pfarrer des 14. Jahrhunderts (179*) Das Herleinsperger-Benefizium St. Georg (1413) (182*) Die Pfarrer des 15. Jahrhunderts (184*) St. Wolfgang am Stein (185*) Filialkirche Oepping (193*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben: Votivkirche mit Darstellung des ehemaligen Bürgerspitals (Rohrbach 33) an der Bahnhofstraße (2)Rechts: Der Hahn auf dem Rathaus zu Rohrbach ([196]*) Rohrbach im Jahrhundert der Reformationswirren (1526 - 1626) (197*) Pfarrer Johannes Pigler (1526 - 1533) (197*) Pfarrer Georg Nadler (1533 - 1544) Pfarrer Christoph Kreuss (-1561-) (198*) Pfarrer Andreas Schueschitz (1568 - 1570) Pfarrer Michael Träxel (1570 - 1583) (199*) Pfarrer Kaspar Diethmayr (1583 - 1587) (200*) Pfarrer David Gebhardt (1588 - 1595 und 1599 - 1623) (200*) Martin Huber. Wolfgang Mayeröberl. Hieronymus Kammerstock (1597 - 1599) Pfarrer David Gebhardt (201*) Pfarrer Michael Pögl (1623 - 1625) Pfarrer Wilhelm Georg Göhl (1625 - 1626) (202*) Rohrbach im 17. Jahrhundert (1626 - 1695) (203*) Pfarrer David Goll (1627 - 1629) (203*) Pfarrer Johannes Rehbock (1629 - 1645) (203*) [Abb.]: Widmung der "Exempla tragica" von Theodorich von Rödern an den Rohrbacher Pfarrer Domink Wirth. Dieses Büchlein kam 1670 in die Stiftsbibliothek Schlägl ([204]*) Pfarrer Matthäus Ill (1646 - 1651) (205*) Pfarrer Dominik Wirth (1651 - 1674) (205*) Pfarrer Benedikt Fischer (1674 - 1695) (206*) Die Pfarrer des 18. Jahrhunderts (207*) Pfarrer Wilhelm Kammerruck (1695 - 1705) (207*) Pfarrer Dr. Adalbert Landgraf (1705 - 1727) (207*) [Abb.]: Glorreicher Röderischer Schutz- und Trost-Berg Mariae. (208*) Pfarrer Dr. Franz Posch (1727 - 1731) (209*) Pfarrer Dominik kammerruck (1731 - 1749) (210*) Pfarrer Mathias Wöss (1749 - 1775) (211*) Pfarrer Michael Schmidinger (1775 - 1782) (211*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach 1933 Zeitungsdruck des Viehmarktes vom jahr 1933. Interessant die steilen, schindelgedeckten Dächer (212*) Pfarrer Augustin Bachmann (1782 - 1797) (213*) [Abb.]: Pfarrer Bruno Spalt ist als erster Rohrbacher Pfarrer im Bildnis überliefert. Porträt von Franz Wenger 1802 (214*) Pfarrer Bruno Spalt (1797 - 1805) (215*) Die Pfarrer des 19. Jahrhunderts (216*) Pfarrer Franz Xaver Popp (1805 - 1813) (216*) Pfarrer Norbert Ruezinger (1813 - 1830) (216*) Pfarrer Friedrich Bayer (1830 - 1840) (217*) Pfarrer Dr. Ferdinand Ramet (1840 - 1866) (218*) Pfarrer Konrad Weinbauer (1866 - 1878) (218*) Pfarrer Ludwig Freyinger (1878 - 1887) (219*) Pfarrprovisor Hermann Voraberger (1887/88) (220*) Pfarrer Raphael Cambefort (1888 - 1898) (221*) Die Pfarrer des 20. Jahrhunderts (222*) Pfarrer Ferdinand Laad (1898 - 1917) (222*) Pfarrer Norbert Wipplinger (1917 - 1928) (222*) Pfarrer Pius Feldler (1928 - 1931) (223*) [Abb.]:Hugo H. Haimann (18. 7. 1880 - 12. 2. 1961) (224*) Pfarrer Hugo Haimann (1931 - 1946) (225*) [Abb.]: Jakob L. Pichler (2. 11. 1892 - 26. 5. 1961) ([226]*) Pfarrer Jakob Pichler (1946 - 1961) (227*) Pfarrer Johannes Felhofer (1961 - 1963) (228*) Pfarrer Otto Karasek (1963 - 1967) (228*) Pfarrprovisor Bruno Grünberger (1967) (229*) Pfarrer Albert Dorninger (seit (1967) (229*) [Abb.]: Rohrbacher Pfarrblatt ([230]*) Literaturverzeichnis (232*) [Abb.]: Das Hirtenhäusl (Rohrbach 34, an der Bahnhofstraße) hat die alte Bauweise der einfachen Häuser des Böhmerwaldgebietes dokumentarisch bewahrt, bis es 1939 abgetragen worden ist. Typisch ist das gemauerte Sockelgeschoß, auf dem der Aufbau in Holzbauweise errichtet worden ist. Ebenso typisch ist das flache Dach, dessen Legeschindeln mit Steinen beschwert wurden. (240*) Anhang. Register der Personen- und Ortsnamen und der wichtigsten Sachbegriffe ([241]*) A, B (242*) C - E (243*) F (243*) G (244*) H (244*) I = J (245*) K (245*) L (246*) M (246*) N, O (247*) P (247*) R (248*) S (249*) SCH (249*) St, T (250*) U (250*) V - Z (251*) Häuserchronik Rohrbach - Berg ([1]) I. Teil Straßenverzeichnis Rohrbach - Berg ([1]) Einleitung (2) Akademiestrasse (Ro 1). Am Binderhügel (Ro 2) (5) Am Schlosserhügel (6) Angerweg (Bg 7) (6) Bahnhofstrasse (Ro 3, Bg 8) (7) [Karte]: Gemeinde Berg bei Rohrbach Strassenkarte (9) [Karte]: Strassenkarte Rohrbach (10 - [11]) Illustrationen (12) Bergfeld (Bg 20) (13) Berggasse (Ro 4, Bg 11) (14) Bergweg (Bg 17) (15) Birkenweg (Ro 5) (16) Böhmerwaldstrasse (Ro 6) (17) Brucknerstrasse (Ro 7) (17) [Abb.]: Anton Bruckner (1824 - 1896) (18) Ehrenreiterweg (Ro 8). Erlengrund (Bg 9) (19) Fadingerstrasse (Ro 9) (20) Feldweg (Ro 43) (20) Friedhofweg (Ro 10). Fürlingerberg (Bg 1) (21) Gartenstrasse (Ro 11) Götzendorfer Steig (Ro 12) (22) Grabenstrasse (Ro 13) (23) [Abb.]: Franz Grillparzer (1791 - 1872) (24) Grillparzerstrasse (Ro 14). Hafnerweg (Bg 21) (25) Hanriederstrasse (Ro 15) (25) [Abb.]: Norbert hanrieder (1842 - 1913) ([27]) Harrauerstrasse (Ro 17) (28) Haslacherstrasse (Ro 18) (29) Hofmark (Bg 10) (30) Höhenweg (Bg 14) Hopfengasse (Ro 19) (31) Im Tal (Bg 6) Krankenhausstrasse (Ro 20) (32) Lerchenweg (Ro 22) (33) Linzer Strasse (Ro 23) (33) [Abb.]: Maria-Trost bei Rohrbach. ([34]) Maria Trost (Bg 15) (35) Marktplatz (Stadtplatz (Ro 24) (35) Mayrhoffeld (Ro 26) (37) Mitterfeld (Ro 27) (38) Mitterweg (Bg 18) (38) Molkereistrasse (Bg 2) (39) Muldenweg (Ro 28) Parkweg (Ro 29) (40) Pfaffenberg (Bg 13) Pfarrgasse (Ro 30) (41) Poeschlgasse (Ro 31) Rödernweg (Bg 16) (42) Schnopfhagenstrasse (Ro 32) (42) [Abb.]: Hans Schnopfhagen (1845 - 1908) ([43]) Schulstrasse (Ro 34) (44) Schulweg (Bg 12) (45) Siedlungsstrasse (Ro 35) (45) Spielplatzgasse (Bg 5) (46) Spitalfeld (Ro 36) (46) Sportplatzgasse (Ro 37) Stadtplatz: Siehe Marktplatz Steinland (Ro 38) (47) [Abb.]: Franz Stelzhamer (1802 - 1874) (48) Stelzhamerstrasse (Ro 39) (49) Stifterstrasse (Ro 40, Bg 19) (49) [Abb.]: Adalbert Stifter (50) Stift - Schlägler - Siedlung (Bg 4) (52) Wagner von der Mühl-Strasse (53) Wandschamlweg (Ro 41) (54) Wimholzsiedlung (Bg 3) (54) Wirtschaftszeile (Ro) (55) [Abb.]: Wagner von der Mühl: Seine Eltern erwarben 1890 Rohrbach 66 (Marktplatz 9) (56) Epilog (56a) Brände in Rohrbach: (56a) [Zeitunsartikel]: Rohrbach. Der Umbau des alten Baderhauses (56b) Rohrbach 41 (Marktplatz 37): (56c) 2. Teil Häuserchronik Rohrbach - Berg ([57]) Einleitung (58) Wie ist die Häuserchronik aufgebaut und wie ist sie zu lesen? (59) Verzeichnis der erhaltenen und für die Häuserchronik Rohrbach - Berg bearbeiteten Bände des "alten" Grundbuches, die im oberösterreichischen Landesarchiv (4020 Linz, Anzengruberstraße 19) aufbewahrt werden. (63) Häuserchronik Rohrbach (67) Rohrbach 1: Linzer Straße 10 (67) Rohrbach 2: Linzer Straße 8 (67) Rohrbach 3: Marktplatz 16 (68) Rohrbach 4: Marktplatz 17 (69) Rohrbach 5: Marktplatz 18 (70) Rohrbach 6: Marktplatz 19 (70) Rohrbach 7: Marktplatz 20 (71) Rohrbach 8: Marktplatz 21 (72) Rohrbach 9: Marktplatz 22 (73) Rohrbach 10: Marktplatz 23 (73) Rohrbach 11: Marktplatz 24 (74) Rohrbach 11a: Marktplatz 24 Rohrbach 12: Marktplatz 25 (75) Rohrbach 13: Marktplatz 26 (76) Rohrbach 14: Marktplatz 27 (76) Rohrbach 15: Marktplatz 28 (77) Rohrbach 16: Marktplatz 29 (78) Rohrbach 17: Marktplatz 30 (79) Rohrbach 18: Hanriederstraße 3 (79) Rohrbach 19: Hanriederstraße 18 (80) Rohrbach 20: Hanriederstraße 8 (80) Rohrbach 21: Hanriederstraße 6 (81) Rohrbach 22: Hanriederstraße 4 (82) Rohrbach 23: Hanriederstraße 2 (82) Rohrbach 24: Marktplatz 31 (83) Rohrbach 25: Marktplatz 32 (84) Rohrbach 26: Marktplatz 33 (85) Rohrbach 27: Marktplatz 34 (85) Rohrbach 28: Marktplatz 35 (86) Rohrbach 29: Bahnhofstraße 3 (87) Rohrbach 30: Bahnhofstraße 9 Rohrbach 31: Harrauerstraße 1 (88) Rohrbach 32: (Bahnhofstraße) Rohrbach 33: (Bahnhofstraße) Rohrbach 34: (Bahnhofstraße) (89) Rohrbach 35: Bahnhofstraße 16 (90) Rohrbach 36: Bahnhofstraße 14 (90) Rohrbach 37: Bahnhofstraße 12 (91) Rohrbach 38: Bahnhofstraße 10 (92) Rohrbach 39: Bahnhofstraße 4 (92) Rohrbach 40: Marktplatz 36 (93) Rohrbach 41: Marktplatz 37 (93) Rohrbach 42: Poeschlgasse 3 (94) Rohrbach 43: Poeschlgasse 5 (95) Rohrbach 44 und 81: Berggasse 1 und Poschlgasse 7 (96) Rohrbach 45: Berggasse 5 (97) Rohrbach 46: Berggasse 2 (97) Rohrbach 47: Pfarrgasse 8 (98) Rohrbach 48: Pfarrgasse 6 (98) Rohrbach 49: Pfarrgasse 4 (99) Rohrbach 50: Poeschlgasse 2 (100) Rohrbach 51: Marktplatz 38 (101) Rohrbach 52: Marktplatz 39 (101) Rohrbach 53: Marktplatz 40 (102) Rohrbach 54: Marktplatz 41 (103) Rohrbach 55: Marktplatz 42 (103) Rohrbach 56: Marktplatz 43 (104) Rohrbach 57: Marktplatz 44 (105) Rohrbach 58: Marktplatz 1 (105) Rohrbach 59: Marktplatz 2 (106) Rohrbach 60: Marktplatz 3 (107) Rohrbach 61: Marktplatz 4 (108) Rohrbach 62: Marktplatz 5 (109) Rohrbach 63: Marktplatz 6 (109) Rohrbach 64: Marktplatz 7 (110) Rohrbach 65: Marktplatz 8 (111) Rohrbach 66: Marktplatz 9 (111) Rohrbach 67: Marktplatz 10 (112) Rohrbach 68: Marktplatz 11 (113) Rohrbach 69: Marktplatz 12 (113) Rohrbach 70: Marktplatz 13 (114) Rohrbach 71: Marktplatz 14 (115) Rohrbach 72: Linzer Straße 1 (115) Rohrbach 73: Linzer Straße 5 (116) Rohrbach 74: Linzer Straße 7 Rohrbach 75: Linzer Straße 11 (117) Rohrbach 76: Stifterstraße 1 (118) Rohrbach 77: Stifterstraße 7 (118) Rohrbach 78, 79 siehe: Mayrhof Rohrbach 80: Bahnhofstraße 6 (119) Rohrbach 81 Rohrbach 82: Linzer Straße 3 Rohrbach 83: Linzer Straße 9 (120) Rohrbach 84: Linzer Straße 2 Rohrbach 85: Marktplatz 15 Rohrbach 86: Bahnhofstraße 8 (121) Rohrbach 87: Hanriederstraße 15 Rohrbach 88: Linzer Straße 4 (122) Rohrbach 89: Linzer Straße 6 (122) Rohrbach 90: Hanriederstraße 16 Rohrbach 91 und 100: Linzer Straße 12 und 14 Rohrbach 92: Bahnhofstraße 7 - 9 - 11 (123) Rohrbach 93: Hanriederstraße 5 Rohrbach 94: Hanriederstraße 9 Rohrbach 95: Hanriederstraße 7 Rohrbach 96: Harrauerstraße 4 (124) Rohrbach 97 und 98: Poeschlgasse 4 und 6 Rohrbach 99: Hanriederstraße 20 Rohrbach 100: Linzer Straße 14 Rohrbach 101: Hanriederstraße 14 (125) Rohrbach 102: Hanriederstraße 2a Rohrbach 103 und 104: Stifterstraße 9 und 11 Rohrbach 105: Stifterstraße 8 Rohrbach 106: Hopfengasse 3 (126) Rohrbach 107: Bahnhofstraße 15 Rohrbach 108: Bahnhofstraße 13 Rohrbach 109: Grabenstraße 1 (127) Rohrbach 110: Stfiterstraße 23 (127) Rohrbach 111: Stfiterstraße 15 Rohrbach 112: Bahnhofstraße 5 Rohrbach 113: Stfiterstraße 17 (128) Rohrbach 114: Bahnhofstraße 28 (128) Rohrbach 115: Hanriederstraße 22 Rohrbach 116: Siedlungsstraße 23 Rohrbach 117: Siedlungsstraße 21 (129) Rohrbach 118: Siedlungsstraße 19 Rohrbach 119: Siedlungsstraße 17 Rohrbach 120: Siedlungsstraße 15 Rohrbach 121: Siedlungsstraße 20 (130) Rohrbach 122: Siedlungsstraße 22 Rohrbach 123: Siedlungsstraße 24 Rohrbach 124: Siedlungsstraße 26 Rohrbach 125: Siedlungsstraße 28 (131) Rohrbach 126: Siedlungsstraße 30 Rohrbach 127: Siedlungsstraße 32 Rohrbach 128: Stifterstraße 19 Rohrbach 129: Stifterstraße 21 (132) Rohrbach 130: Hanriederstraße 26 Rohrbach 131, 132, 133: Harrauerstraße 9, 11, 13 Rohrbach 134: Friedhofweg 2 Rohrbach 135: Harrauerstraße 6, 8 (133) Rohrbach 136: Harrauerstraße 18 (133) Rohrbach 137: Harrauerstraße 20 Rohrbach 138: Harrauerstraße 22 Rohrbach 139: Harrauerstraße 24 (134) Rohrbach 140: Harrauerstraße 26 Rohrbach 141: Harrauerstraße 28 Rohrbach 142: Harrauerstraße 23 Rohrbach 143: Harrauerstraße 21 (135) Rohrbach 144: Siedlungsstraße 2 (135) Rohrbach 145: Siedlungsstraße 4 Rohrbach 146: Siedlungsstraße 6 Rohrbach 147: Siedlungsstraße 8 (136) Rohrbach 148: Siedlungsstraße 10 Rohrbach 149: Siedlungsstraße 12 Rohrbach 150: Siedlungsstraße 14 Rohrbach 151: Siedlungsstraße 16 (137) Rohrbach 152: Siedlungsstraße 18 (137) Rohrbach 153: Siedlungsstraße 13 Rohrbach 154: Siedlungsstraße 11 Rohrbach 155: Siedlungsstraße 9 Rohrbach 156: Siedlungsstraße 7 (138) Rohrbach 157: Siedlungsstraße 5 Rohrbach 158: Siedlungsstraße 3 Rohrbach 159: Siedlungsstraße 1 Rohrbach 160: Harrauerstraße 27 (139) Rohrbach 161: Akademiestraße 6 (139) Rohrbach 162: Bahnhofstraße 11 Rohrbach 163: Harrauerstraße 5 Rohrbach 164: siehe Mayrhof 1 Rohrbach 165: Harrauerstraße 38 Rohrbach 166: Stifterstraße 24 (140) Rohrbach 167: Ehrenreiterweg 5 Rohrbach 168: Hanriederstraße 40 Rohrbach 169: Birkenweg 4 Rohrbach 170 : Schulstraße 5 Rohrbach 171 : Schulstraße 3 (141) Rohrbach 172 : Stifterstraße 5 Rohrbach 173 : Stifterstraße 13 Rohrbach 174 : Stifterstraße 14 Rohrbach 175 : Linzer Straße 16 Rohrbach 176 : Stifterstraße 10 (142) Rohrbach 177: Haslacher Straße 3 Rohrbach 178: Stifterstraße 6 Rohrbach 179: Linzer Straße 13 Rohrbach 180: Schulstraße 8 (143) Rohrbach 1181: Harrauerstraße 31 (143) Rohrbach 182: Harrauerstraße 25 Rohrbach 183: Grabenstraße 29 Rohrbach 184: Grabenstraße 27 Rohrbach 185: Grabenstraße 25 (144) Rohrbach 186: Grabenstraße 23 Rohrbach 187: Gartenstraße 1 Rohrbach 188: Gartenstraße 3 Rohrbach 189: Gartenstraße 5 Rohrbach 190: Gartenstraße 7 (145) Rohrbach 191: Gartenstraße 9 Rohrbach 192: Schulstraße 10 Rohrbach 193: Hanriederstraße 27 Rohrbach 194: Berggasse 1 Rohrbach 195: Hanriederstraße 9a (146) Rohrbach 197: Berggasse 8 Rohrbach 197: Gewerbeallee 3 (Feldweg 3) Rohrbach 198: Spitalfeld 32 Rohrbach 199: Hanriederstraße 32 (147) Rohrbach 200: Bahnhofstraße 23 Rohrbach 201: Hopfengasse 5 Rohrbach 202: Stifterstraße 27 Rohrbach 203: Hanriederstraße 28 Rohrbach 204: Haslacher Straße 11 (148) Rohrbach 205: Stifterstraße 20 Rohrbach 206: Haslacher Straße 9 Rohrbach 207: Grabenstraße 6 Rohrbach 208: Sportplatzgasse 8 Rohrbach 209: Sportplatzgasse 6 (149) Rohrbach 210: Sportplatzgasse 2 Rohrbach 211: Sportplatzgasse 4 Rohrbach 212: Gartenstraße 11 Rohrbach 213: Bahnhofstra 15 Rohrbach 214 und 218: Ehrenreiterweg 9 und 11 (150) Rohrbach 215: Ehrenreiterweg 8 Rohrbach 216: Schulstraße 6 Rohrbach 217: Mayrhoffeld 3 Rohrbach 218: siehe Rohrbach 214 Rohrbach 219: Harrauer Straße 30 (151) Rohrbach 220: Grabenstraße 21 Rohrbach 221: Bahnhofstraße 20 Rohrbach 222: Bahnhofstraße 27 Rohrbach 223: Grabenstraße 35 Rohrbach 224: Stifterstraße 29 (152) Rohrbach 225: Bahnhofstraße 21 Rohrbach 226: Pfarrgasse 8a Rohrbach 227: Poeschlgasse 1 Rohrbach 228: Mayrhoffeld 7 Rohrbach 229: Grabenstraße 37 (153) Rohrbach 230: Harrauer Straße 382 Rohrbach 231: Hanriederstraße 30 Rohrbach 232: Steinland 12 Rohrbach 233: Stifterstraße 16 (154) Rohrbach 234: Birkenweg 6 Rohrbach 235: Birkenweg 8 Rohrbach 236: Gartenstraße 8 Rohrbach 237: Gartenstraße 3 Rohrbach 238 und 239: Haslacher Straße 7 und 7a (155) Rohrbach 240: Mayrhoffeld 5 Rohrbach 241: Grabenstraße 10 Rohrbach 242: Birkenweg 1 Rohrbach 243: Harrauer Straße 40 Rohrbach 244: Grabenstraße 4 (156) Rohrbach 245: Hopfengasse 18 Rohrbach 246: Bahnhofstraße 24 Rohrbach 247: Grabenstraße 17 Rohrbach 248: Harrauer Straße 32 Rohrbach 249: Haslacher Straße 13 (157) Rohrbach 250: Haslacher Straße 15 Rohrbach 251: Gartenstraße 4 Rohrbach 252: Gartenstraße 6 Rohrbach 253 und 254: Gartenstraße 8 und 10 Rohrbach 255: Linzer Straße 17 (158) Rohrbach 256: Spitalfeld 18 Rohrbach 257: Grabenstraße 5 Rohrbach 259: Bahnhofstraße 26a Rohrbach 260: Böhmerwaldstraße 3 Rohrbach 261: Hanriederstraße 38 (159) Rohrbach 262: Steinland 6 Rohrbach 263: Gartenstraße 2 Rohrbach 264: Hanriederstraße 20a Rohrbach 265: Akademiestraße 8 Rohrbach 266: Spitalfeld 34 (160) Rohrbach 267: Harrauer Straße 14 Rohrbach 268: Stifterstraße 6 Rohrbach 269: Schulstraße 12 Rohrbach 270: Haslacher Straße 23 Rohrbach 271: Ehrenreiterweg 14 (161) Rohrbach 272: Schulstraße 7 Rohrbach 273: Bahnhofstraße 22 Rohrbach 274: Pfarrgasse 10 Rohrbach 275: Steinland 4 Rohrbach 276: Ehrenreiterweg 18 (162) Rohrbach 277: Hopfengasse 13 und 15 Rohrbach 278: Schnopfhagenstraße 3 Rohrbach 279: Hanriederstraße 23 Rohrbach 280 Rohrbach 281: Schulstraße 4 (163) Rohrbach 282: Schnopfhagenstraße 8 Rohrbach 283: Schnopfhagenstraße 5 Rohrbach 284: Schnopfhagenstraße 10 Rohrbach 285: Grabenstraße 16 Rohrbach 286: Stelzhamerstraße 6 (164) Rohrbach 287: Stifterstraße 25 Rohrbach 288: Wagner von der Mühl - Straße 4 Rohrbach 289: Siedlungsstraße 10a Rohrbach 290: Böhmerwaldstraße 5 Rohrbach 291: Akademiestraße 15 Rohrbach 292: Grabenstraße 9 (165) Rohrbach 293: Grabenstraße 31 Rohrbach 294: Stelzhamerstraße 5 Rohrbach 295: Mitterfeld 4 Rohrbach 296: Ehrenreiterweg 20 Rohrbach 297: Krankenhausstraße 22 (166) Rohrbach 298: Lanzersdorf 27 Rohrbach 299: Ehrenreiterweg 23 Rohrbach 300: Grabenstraße 16 Rohrbach 301: Mitterfeld 14 Rohrbach 302: Ehrenreiterweg 10 Rohrbach 303: Mayrhoffeld 9 (167) Rohrbach 304: Mitterfeld 11 Rohrbach 305: Mayrhoffeld 13 Rohrbach 306: Gewerbeallee Rohrbach 307: Haslacher Straße 2 Rohrbach 308: Steinland 14 Rohrbach 309: Mayrhoffeld 11 (168) Rohrbach 310, 311, 312, 313: Fadingerstraße 12 und 13, Lerchenweg 11 und 13 Rohrbach 314 und 315: Lerchenweg 8 Rohrbach 316: Harrau 12 Rohrbach 317: Brucknerstraße 9 Rohrbach 318: Brucknerstraße 11 (169) Rohrbach 319: Fadingerstraße 9 Rohrbach 320: Wandschamlweg 6 Rohrbach 321: Brucknerstraße 5 Rohrbach 322: Fadingerstraße 8 Rohrbach 323: Akademiestraße 12 Rohrbach 324: Lerchenweg 1 (170) Rohrbach 325: Fadingerstraße 1 Rohrbach 326: Harrauer Straße 34 Rohrbach 327: Brucknerstraße 1 Rohrbach 328: Brucknerstraße 7 Rohrbach 329: Fadingerstraße 11 (171) Rohrbach 330: Harrauer Straße 42 Rohrbach 331: Steinland 7 Rohrbach 332: Grillparzerstraße 3 Rohrbach 333: Mitterfeld 6 Rohrbach 334: Ehrenreiterweg 29 Rohrbach 335: Siedlungsstraße 20 (172) Rohrbach 336: Hanriederstraße 2b Rohrbach 337: Ehrenreiterweg 27 Rohrbach 338: Ehrenreiterweg 31 Rohrbach 339: Fadingerstraße 6 Rohrbach 340: Krankenhausstraße 1 (173) Rohrbach 341: Götzendorfer Steig 9 Rohrbach 342: Brucknerstraße 3 Rohrbach 343: Mitterfeld 13a, b, c; 15a, b; 16a, b, c, d Rohrbach 344: Haslacher Straße 4 Rohrbach 345: Grabenstraße 39 (174) Rohrbach 346: Fadingerstraße 7 Rohrbach 347: Muldenweg 8 Rohrbach 348: Parkweg 3 Rohrbach 349: Grabenstraße 45 Rohrbach 350: Akademiestraße21 Rohrbach 351: Ehrenreiterweg 25 (175) Rohrbach 352: Brucknerstraße 8 Rohrbach 353: Fadingerstraße 10 Rohrbach 354: Linzerstraße 18 Rohrbach 355: Fadingerstraße 5 Rohrbach 356: Lerchenweg 18 (176) Rohrbach 357: Parkweg 7 (176) Rohrbach 358: Böhmerwaldstraße 7 Rohrbach 359: Grabenstraße 33 Rohrbach 360: Am Binderhügel 2 Rohrbach 361: Krankenhausstraße 28 (177) Rohrbach 362: Gewerbeallee (Feldweg) Rohrbach 363: Krankenhausstraße 4 Rohrbach 364: Stifterstraße 12 Rohrbach 365: Harrauer Straße 39 Rohrbach 366: Götzendorfer Steig 15a (178) Rohrbach 367: Grabenstraße 36 (178) Rohrbach 368: Mitterfeld 12 Rohrbach 370: Muldenweg 6 Rohrbach 370: Muldenweg 10 (179) Rohrbach 372: Muldenweg 11 Rohrbach 373: Schnopfenhagenstraße 12 Rohrbach 374: Wandschamlweg 4 Rohrbach 375: Wandschamlweg 5 Rohrbach 376a: Hopfengasse 20 (180) Rohrbach 376b: Hopfengasse 22 Rohrbach 377: Muldenweg 3 Rohrbach 378: Muldenweg 4 Rohrbach 379: Muldenweg 2 Rohrbach 380: Harrauer Straße 45 Rohrbach 381: Harrauer Straße 44 Rohrbach 382: Muldenweg 5 (181) Rohrbach 383: Grabenstraße 19 Rohrbach 384: Stifterstraße 26 Rohrbach 385: Harrauer Straße 29 Rohrbach 386: Am Schlosserhügel Rohrbach 387: Wirtschaftszeile 2 Rohrbach 388: Wirtschaftszeile 1 Rohrbach 389: Hopfengasse (182) Rohrbach 390: Am Schlosserhügel 5 Rohrbach 391: Gewerbeallee Rohrbach 392: Grabenstraße Rohrbach 393: Rohrbach 394: Am Schlosserhügel 15 Rohrbach 395: Am Schlosserhügel 11 Rohrbach 396: Am Schlosserhügel 7 (183) Rohrbach 397: Am Schlosserhügel 17 Rohrbach 398: Am Schlosserhügel 13 Rohrbach 399: Am Schlosserhügel 9 Rohrbach 400: Am Schlosserhügel 18 Rohrbach 401: Am Schlosserhügel 6 Rohrbach 402: Am Schlosserhügel 10 Rohrbach 403: Am Schlosserhügel 14 (184) Rohrbach 404: Mayrhof 7 Rohrbach 405: Grabenstraße 12 Rohrbach 406: Haslacher Straße 17 Rohrbach 407: Harrauer Straße Rohrbach 408: Spitalfeld Rohrbach 409: Gewerbeallee Rohrbach 410: Sportplatzgasse 1 (184a) Rohrbach 411: Sportplatzgasse 3 Rohrbach 412: Sportplatzgasse 5 Rohrbach 413: Sportplatzgasse 7 Rohrbach 414: Haslacher Straße 6 (184b) Berg bei Rohrbach ([185]) [Karte]: Berg bei Rohrbach ([185]) Zur Geschichte von Berg ([186]) Die Perger. Die Ruestorfer ([186]) Die Grafen von Rödern (187) Verschiedene Besitzer von Berg (189a) Schloß Berg. Das Schloß Berg wurde nach 1912 zerstückelt und existiert jetzt in folgenden Realitäten: Brände in Berg (189b) [Abb.]: Schloß Berg (190) Häuserchronik Berg (191) Berg 1: Berggasse 10 - Schulweg 1, 3 (191) Berg 2: Berggasse 12 (192) Berg 3: Berggasse 14 (192) Berg 4: Berggasse 13 (193) Berg 5: Berggasse 23 (194) Berg 6: Hofmark 1 (194) Berg 7: Hofmark 3 und Hofmark 23 (195) Berg 8 und ehem. 30 zu Berg: Hofmark 4 (196) Berg 9: Hofmark 6 (197) Berg 10: Hofmark 15 (197) Berg 11: Hofmark 16 (198) Berg 12: Hofmark 17 (199) Berg 13: Pfaffenberg 4 (200) Berg 14: Bergweg 9 Berg 14: (alt) (201) Berg 15: Bergweg 15 (202) Berg 16: Bergweg 16 (Berggasse 43) (202) Berg 17: Stifterstraße 69 (203) Berg 18: Stifterstraße 70 (204) Berg 19 und 20: Maria Trost 3 und 4 (205) Berg 21: Maria Trost 2 (205) [Abb.]: Benefiziatenhaus Berg 20 (Maria Trost 3) Das in den Jahren 1708/1709 erbaute Benefiziatenhaus sicherte die Seelsorge an der Maria-Trost-Wallfahrtskirche. Das Benefizium wurde 1706 von Gräfin Maria Theresia von Rödern g. Freifrau von Oedt auf Götzendorf gestiftet. Dieses Haus, im Volksmund "Pfarrhof" genannt, ist im Jahr 1973 renoviert und modernisiert worden. ([206]) Berg 22: Bahnhofstraße 55 (Wimmhof) (207) Berg 23: Berggasse (207) [Abb.]: Renaissance-Portal. Einfahrt in das Schloß Berg; bereits zu sehen am Stich von G. M. Vischer 1679; der Löwe gibt Kunde vom Selbstbewußtsein der Herrschaften des 17./18. Jahrhunderts. Ausgeführt wurde dieses Portal wohl von der gerade zu berühmten "Firma" Getzinger aus Haslach an der Mühl. ([208]) Berg 23: Berggasse 20, 21 (209) Berg 24: Berggasse 28 (210) [Abb.]: Rundell-Häusl Berg 24 (Berggasse 28) Rest der gartengebäude des Schlosses Berg; als Rundturm im Kupferstich von G. M. Vischer 1679 bereits zu sehen (211) [Abb.]: Marien-Kapelle. Diese Kapelle bei Berg 25 (Maria Trost 1) am Wallfahrtsweg von Rohrbach nach Maria Trost hat mehrere Namen. Um 1780 wird sie "Urlaub Capellen" genannt (der Wallfahrer nimmt "Urlaub", Abschied, vom Heiligtum). Dann taucht der Name Teufelskapelle (in sich selbst ein Widerspruch!) auf, wohl wegen der Sage vom Teufelstanz, die man hier lokalisierte. Die Umgestaltung als Marien-Kapelle, die Sicherung durch ein Schmiedeeiserenes Gitter und der gepflegte Blumenschmuck sind lobend hervorzuheben! ([212]) Berg 25: Maria Trost 1 (213) Berg 26: Bergweg 2 (Berggasse 36) (213) Berg 27: Hofmark 2 (214) Berg 28: Bergweg 14 (Berggasse 42) (214) Berg 29: Hofmark 2a (215) Berg 30 (8): Hofmark Berg 30: Bahnhofstraße 57 (216) [Abb.]: Kreuzsäule im Hof des ehemaligen Schlosses Berg (217) Berg 31: Bahnhofstraße 58 Berg 32: Bergweg 3 (Berggasse 37) Berg 33: Berggasse 15 Berg 34: Berggasse 16 (218) Berg 35: Berggasse 34 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 36: Berggasse 35 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 37: Berggasse 32 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 38: Bahnhofstraße 46 Berg 39: Hofmark 7 (219) Berg 40: Bahnhofstraße 45 Berg 41: Berggasse 25 Berg 42: Berggasse 26 Berg 43: Berggasse 31 Berg 41 und 42 (220) Berg 44: Berggasse 24 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 45: Bahnhofstraße 4 Berg 46: Bahnhofstraße 64 Berg 47: Berggasse 18 (221) Berg 48: Hofmark 5 Berg 49: Stifterstraße 67 Berg 50: Stifterstraße 31 Berg 51: Hofmark 9 (222) Berg 52: Berggasse 17 Berg 53 (alt): Baufläche 1956 gelöscht Berg 53 (neu): Berggasse 33 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 54: Bahnhofstraße 31 Berg 55: Bahnhofstraße 33 (223) Berg 56: Bahnhofstraße 35 Berg 57: Bahnhofstraße 37 Berg 58: Bahnhofstraße 39 Berg 59: Bahnhofstraße 41 Berg 60: Bahnhofstraße 65 (224) Berg 61: Bahnhofstraße 67 Berg 62: Wimholzsiedlung 1 Berg 63: Wimholzsiedlung 2 Berg 64: Wimholzsiedlung 3 Berg 65: Wimholzsiedlung 4 (225) Berg 66: Wimholzsiedlung 5 Berg 67: Wimholzsiedlung 6 Berg 68: Wimholzsiedlung 7 Berg 69: Wimholzsiedlung 8 (226) Berg 70: Wimholzsiedlung 9 Berg 71: Wimholzsiedlung 10 Berg 72: Wimholzsiedlung 11 Berg 73: Wimholzsiedlung 12 (227) Berg 74: Wimholzsiedlung 13 (227) Berg 75: Wimholzsiedlung 17 Berg 76: Wimholzsiedlung 15 Berg 77: Wimholzsiedlung 16 (228) Berg 78: Wimholzsiedlung 14 (228) Berg 79: Bahnhofstraße 54 Berg 80: Bahnhofstraße 53 Berg 81: Hofmark 8 Berg 82: Mitterweg 15 (229) Berg 83: Bergweg 20 (Berggasse 45) Berg 84: Bergweg 6 (Berggasse 38) Berg 85: Hofmark 11 Berg 86: Angerweg 2 Berg 87: Bahnhofstraße 59 (230) Berg 88: Stifterstraße 68 Berg 89: Hofmark 14 Berg 90: Bahnhofstraße 38 Berg 91: Bahnhofstraße 42 Berg 92: Bahnhofstraße 40 (231) Berg 93: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 3 Berg 94: Stifterstraße 33 Berg 95: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 10 Berg 96: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 5 Berg 97: Berggasse 30 Berg 98: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 7 (232) Berg 99: Hofmmark 13 Berg 100: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 4 Berg 102: Bergweg 13 Berg 103: Bahnhofstraße 62 (233) Berg 104: Bahnhofstraße 56 Berg 105: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 2 Berg 106: Stifterstraße 32 Berg 107: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 9 Berg 108: Bahnhofstraße 44 (234) [Abb.]: Bildstock beim Haus Berg 106 (Stifterstraße 32); der kielförmige Bogen erinnert an ein spätgotisches Vorbild. (235) Berg 109: Pfaffenberg 1 (Berggasse 27) Berg 110: Berggasse 22 Berg 111: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 11 Berg 112: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 15 Berg 113: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 6 (236) Berg 114: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 1 Berg 115: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 8 Berg 116: Bahnhofstraße 42a Berg 117: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 16 Berg 118: Mitterweg 16 (237) Berg 119: Spielplatzgasse 3 (237) Berg 120: Mokereistraße 1 Berg 121: Mokereistraße 2 Berg 122: Hofmark 10 Berg 123: Bahnhofstraße 36 (238) Berg 124: Bahnhofstraße 70 Berg 125: Bahnhofstraße 69 Berg 126: Mitterweg 5 Berg 127: Mitterweg 6 Berg 128: Mitterweg 7 Berg 129: Hofmark 12 (239) Berg 130: Wimholzsiedlung 18 Berg 131: Stifterstraße 43 (früher 38) Berg 132: Stifterstraße 435 (früher 39) Berg 133: Stifterstraße 47 (früher 40) Berg 134: Stifterstraße 49 (früher 41) Berg 135: Stifterstraße 31 (früher 42) (240) Berg 136: Stifterstraße 53 (früher 43) Berg 137: Stifterstraße 50 (früher 55) Berg 138: Stifterstraße 41 (früher 37) Berg 139: Hofmark 24 Berg 140: Bahnhofstraße 71 (241) Berg 141: Bahnhofstraße 51 (241) Berg 142: Bahnhofstraße 56 Berg 143: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 14 Berg 144: Mitterweg 17 Berg 145: Bergfeld 9 Berg 146: Stifterstraße 37 (früher 35) (242) Berg 147: Bergfeld 7 Berg 148: Bahnhofstraße 72 Berg 149: Wimholzsiedlung 24 Berg 150: Angerweg 1 (Bahnhofstraße 76) Berg 151: Bergfeld 5 Berg 152: Stifterstraße 34 (243) Berg 153: Stifterstraße 55 (früher 44) Berg 154: Molkereistraße 3 Berg 155: Molkereistraße 4 Berg 156: Stifterstraße 52 Berg 157: Bergfeld 4 (244) Berg 158: Höhenweg 5 (Berggasse 46) Berg 159: Molkereistraße 6 Berg 160: Stifterstraße 57 (früher 45) Berg 161: Bahnhofstraße 63 Berg 162: Bergfeld 1 Berg 163: Bahnhofstraße 34 (245) Berg 164: Wimholzsiedlung 20 Berg 165: Stift-Schägler-Siedlung 17 Berg 166: Stift-Schägler-Siedlung 18 Berg 167: Berggasse 47 Berg 168: Berggasse 48 (246) Berg 169: Bergfeld 6 (246) Berg 170: Angerweg 4 Berg 171: Angerweg 5 Berg 172: Bahnhofstraße 60 Berg 173: Mitterweg 13 (247) Berg 174: Angerweg 6 Berg 175: Bahnhofstraße 43 Berg 176: Bahnhofstraße 48 Berg 177 und 178: Bahnhofstraße 78 und 77 Berg 179: Bergfeld 2 Berg 180: Bergfeld 3 (248) Berg 181: Berggasse 29 Berg 182: Berggasse 39, 49 Berg 183: Berggasse 40 Berg 184: Berggasse 44 Berg 185 und 186: Bergweg 14a Berg 188: Bergweg 17 (249) Berg 189: Bergweg 18 und 18a Berg 190: Bergweg 24 Berg 191: Fürlingerberg 1 Berg 192: Fürlingerberg 4 Berg 193: Fürlingerberg 6 (250) Berg 194: Fürlingerberg 8 (250) Berg 195: Fürlingerberg 10 Berg 196: Höhenweg 1 Berg 197: Höhenweg 2 Berg 198: Hofmark 23 (251) [Abb.]: Maria Trost bei Rohrbach. ([252]) Berg 199: Berg 200: Maria Trost 5 Berg 201: Mitterweg 4 Berg 202: Pfaffenberg 6 Berg 203: Schulweg 5 Berg 204: Bergfeld 13 Berg 205: Stifterstraße 30 Berg 206: Stifterstraße 35 (253) [Abb.]: Kreuzsäule am Pfaffenberg auf der Kuppe des Zwischenmühlrückens gelegen, markiert einen Punkt von ganz besonders weitreichender Fernsicht (254) Berg 207: Stifterstraße 58 Berg 208: Stifterstraße 60 Berg 209: Stifterstraße 64 Berg 210: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 6a Berg 211: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 6b Berg 212: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 19 Berg 213: Wimholzsiedlung 22 Berg 214: Wimholzsiedlung 23 (255) Berg 215: Im Tal 4 Berg 216: Wimholzsiedlung 25 Berg 217: Wimholzsiedlung 26 Berg 218: Bahnhofstraße 50 Berg 219: Höhenweg 3 Berg 220: Rödernweg 4 Berg 221: Molkereistraße 13 Berg 222: Bahnhofstraße 49 (256) Berg 223: Höhenweg 9 Berg 224: Bergweg 10 Berg 225: Hafnerweg 1 Berg 226: Hafnerweg 2 Berg 227: Bergweg 8 Berg 228: Fürlingerweg 12 Berg 229: Stifterstraße 48 Berg 230: Berggasse 9 (257) Berg 231: Im Tal 15 Berg 232: Im Tal 22 Berg 233: Im Tal 23 Berg 234: Im Tal 25 Berg 235: Im Tal 26 Berg 236: Im Tal 30 Berg 237: Pfaffenberg 9 Berg 238: Bahnhofstraße 52 Berg 239: Mitterweg 9 Berg 240: Mitterweg 14 Berg 241: Molkereistraße 12 (258) [Abb.]: Grabstein des Franz Anton Graf von Rödern (gestorben am 20. März 1718) Der Stein befindet sich an der Straße vor der Garage des Hauses Berggasse 32 (Berg 37). (259) Anhang zu Berg: Literaturauswahl (260) Götzendorf ([261]) [Abb.]: Götzendorf ([261]) [Karte]: ([262]) Geschichtliche Entwicklung (263) Die Herren von Götzendorf 1180 -1422 (263) Herren von Oedt auf Götzendorf 1453 - 1756 (264) [Abb.]: Der Meierhof nach einer alten Aufnahme. Max Holzer, Verwalter Stöckl. ([265]) Fürsten von Lamberg 1758 - 1912 (267) Benefizium Götzendorf 1719 (267a) Nachträge zu Götzendorf (267b) [Abb.]: Wappenstein Wolf von Oedt ([268]) Häuserchronik Götzendorf (269) Götzendorf 1 (269) Götzendorf 2 (270) Literatur zu Götzendorf (270) Götzendorf 3 (270) [Abb.]: Gezendorf. Kupferstich des Schlosses Götzendorf aus dem Jahre 1674 (271) Götzendorf 4 (272) Götzendorf 5 (272) Götzendorf 6 (273) Götzendorf 7 (273) Götzendorf 8 (274) Götzendorf 9 (275) Götzendorf 10 (276) Götzendorf 11 (277) Götzendorf 12 (alt) (277) Götzendorf 12 (neu) (278) Götzendorf 13 (279) Götzendorf 14 (279) Götzendorf 15 (280) Götzendorf 16 (281) Götzendorf 17 (282) Götzendorf 18 (283) Götzendorf 19 (283) Götzendorf 20 (284) [Abb.]: Hammerschmiede Götzendorf 20. Die Zuleitung des Fischbaches zum Betreiben des schweren Schmiede-Hammers ist noch zu erkennen, die Schmiede jedoch längst nicht mehr in Betrieb. Derzeit bietet eine Gaststätte für Ausflügler und Wanderer willkommene Rast. Im Hintergrund das Nebenhaus, das Obergeschoß von einem geschnitzten Geländer umgeben. (285) Götzendorf 21 (286) Götzendorf 22 (287) Götzendorf 23 (alt) (287) Götzendorf 23 (neu) (288) Götzendorf 24 (288) [Abb.]: Christophorustafel. Spätgotisches Tafelbild, wohl bald nach 1500 entstanden, befand sich ursprünglich in der Schloßkapelle als Heiligenbild beim Hochaltar und wurde zu Beginn des 20. Jh. der Galerie des Stiftes Schlägl überschrieben. Möglicherweisee wurde sie anläßlich der Taufe des hanns Christoph von Oedt (um 1550) angeschafft. ([289]) Götzendorf 25 Götzendorf 26 (290) Götzendorf 27 Götzendorf 28 Götzendorf 29 (291) Götzendorf 30 Götzendorf 31 Götzendorf 32 Götzendorf 33 Götzendorf 34 Götzendorf 36 Götzendorf 37 (292) Götzendorf 39 Götzendorf 40 Götzendorf 41 Götzendorf 42 Götzendorf 43 Götzendorf 45 Götzendorf 50 Götzendorf 52 (293) [Abb.]: Johannes - Nepomuk - Statue. Dies wurde 1719 von Hanns Christoph von Oedt anläßlich seiner Übernahme von Schloß und Herrschaft Götzendorf und als Denkmal für seine 1719 verstorbene Ehefrau Charlotte von Geyersperg (Heirat 1707) errichtet. ([294]) [Abb.]: Dorfkapelle. Sie steht an der Straße zur Hammerschmiede und ist vielleicht identisch mit der Kapelle, über die Benedikt Pillwein 1830 geschrieben hat: 430 Schritte von der Schloßkapelle befindet sich eine dem Einsturz nahe Kapelle. Möglicherweise befand sich hier die Götzendorfer Madonna, bevor sie zum Schutz vor der Witterung und anderen Unbilden in ein Privathaus gebracht worden ist. ([296]) Götzendorf 56 Götzendorf 58 Götzendorf 59 (296a) [Abb.]: Die Götzendorfer Madonna kann stilistisch der Spätgotik zugerechnet werden und ist wohl kurz nach 1500 entstanden. Sie befand sich ursprünglich in der Schloßkapelle und ist derzeit in einem Privathaus (296b) Altenhofen. ([297]) [Abb.]: ([297]) [Karte]: Altenhofen ([298]) Häuserchronik Altenhofen (299) Altenhofen 1 (299) Altenhofen 2 (300) Altenhofen 3 (300) Altenhofen 4 (301) [2 Abb.]: Koblbauer. Der Stattliche Hof des Koblbauer (Altenhofen 5) mit dem restaurierten Türgericht vom Jahr 1810 ([302]) Altenhofen 5 (303) [2 Abb.]: Dorfkapelle gehört zum Haus Altenhofen 2 und ist bemerkenswert wegen ihrer zweiachsigen Anlage und der relativ qualitätsvollen Einrichtung: (1)Christus am Kreuz, in Holz geschnitzt, wohl 19. Jahrh., darunter ein Kästchen mit einem gewickelten Jesuskind, nach Art eines Reliquiars gestaltet. Früher befand sich bei der Kapelle noch ein Vorbau aus Holz mit Sitzbänken. (304) Arbesberg ([306]) [Karte]: Arbesberg ([306]) [Abb.]: Abb. Arbesberg 3 (307) Häuserchronik Arbesberg (308) Arbesberg 1 (308) Arbesberg 2 (309) [Abb.]: Dorfkapelle. Sie gehört zum Haus Nr. 3, dem Sonnleitner-Erbhof. Die Kapelle ist überdurchschnittlich gut gepflegt, mit frischen Blumen und grünen Sträuchern grschmückt, und enthält als große Seltenheit eine Madonna mit dem Jesuskind, beide mit Gewändern bekleidet, nach dem Vorbild des Hochaltares der Maria-Trost-Kirche am Berg bei Rohrbach. ([310]) Arbesberg 3 (311) Arbesberg 4 (312) Arbesberg 5 (312) Arbesberg 6 (313) Arbesberg 7 (314) Arbesberg 8 Arbesberg 9 Arbesberg 10 Arbesberg 11 Arbesberg 12 (315) Arbesberg 13 Arbesberg 14 Arbesberg 16 (316) Autengrub ([317]) [Abb.]: Autengrub wird urkundlich erstmals 1312 genannt: ([317]) [Karte]: Autengrub ([318]) Häuserchronik Autengrub (319) Autengrub 1 Doppelbauerngut (319) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oben rechts: Die frühere Dorfkapelle (2)Oben links: Die 1987 erbaute neue Dorfkapelle (3)Unten: Der Altar der neuen Kapelle ([320]) Autengrub 2 (321) Autengrub 3 Mitterbauerngut (322) Autengrub 4 (323) Autengrub 5 (324) Autengrub 6 (324) Autengrub 7.8 (325) Dobretshofen ([327]) [Abb.]: ([327]) [Karte]: ([328]) Häuserchronik Dobretshofen (329) Dobretshofen 1 (329) Dobretshofen 2 (329) Dobretshofen 3 (330) Dobretshofen 4 (331) Dobretshofen 5 (332) Dobretshofen 6 (333) [5 Abb.]: (1)Oben Dobtresthofen 5 wurde 1802 mit einer bemerkenswerten Stuckfassade versehen; Lorenz Windsteiger schmückte das Haus mit einem Fries, das Namen und Entstehungsjahr angibt; die Fenster des Obergeschoßes zierte er mit klassizistischen Elementen, dazwischen setzte er die Monogramme Jesu und Maria (ein absolut denkmalwürdiges Monument ländlicher Baukunst) Rechte Seite die Kapelle von Dobretshofen (2)Oben links: Kapelle beim Ruggerhof, mit einem schmucken modernen schmiedeeisernen Gitter versehen (3)oben rechts: Kreuzstein an der Landstraße, gußeiserner Kruzifixus mit versilbertem Schutzengel, auf Steinsockel montiert, datiert 1877 (4)unten links: Das Innere der Kapelle in Dobretshofen zeigt eine bäuerliche Malerei der Dreifaltigkeit, in den letzten Jahren aufgefrischt worden (5)unten rechts: Kapelle beim Grüblhof, 1971 neu erbaut anstelle einer baufälligen, die verkehrsmäßig ungünstig gelegen war ([334 - 335]) Dobretshofen 7 (336) Dobretshofen 8 (336) Dobretshofen 9.10 (337) Dobretshofen 11 (338) Dobretshofen 12 (339) Dobretshofen 13 (340) [Abb.]: Die Neumühle (Dobretshofen 12) an der kleinen Mühl, nach dem Türgericht 1829 von Jakob Koblmiller erbaut (340) Fraundorf ([341]) [Abb.]: ([341]) [Karte]: Fraundorf ([342]) Häuserchronik Fraundorf (343) Fraundorf 1 (343) Fraundorf 2 (344) Fraundorf 3 (344) Fraundorf 4 (345) Fraundorf 5 (346) Fraundorf 6 (347) Fraundorf 7 (347) Fraundorf 8 (348) Fraundorf 9 (349) Fraundorf 10 (350) [Abb.]: Kapelle des Hauses Fraundorf 1 erbaut 1856 von Johann Gahleitner renoviert circa 1980 (350) Frindorf ([351]) [Abb.]: ([351]) Die Gemeinde Frindorf (352) Die Bürgermeister von Frindorf [1854 - 1945] (353) [Karte]: Frindorf ([354]) Häuserchronik Frindorf (355) Frindorf 1 (355) Frindorf 2 (355) Frindorf 3 (356) Frindorf 4 (357) Frindorf 5 (358) [Abb.]: Kapelle. Anstelle der freistehenden Kapelle des Hauses Frindorf 5 wurde um 1980 eine Nische an der Außenmauer des Hauses gestaltet. Die Statue Maria mit dem Jesuskind stammt vom Bildhauer Ägidius Gamsjäger, Raffelding bei Eferding. Das Schmiedeeiserne Gitter machte Heinrich Grill, Kunstschmied in Rohrbach. (359) Frindorf 6 (360) Frindorf 7 (361) Frindorf 8 (361) Frindorf 9 (362) Frindorf 10 (363) Frindorf 11 (364) Frindorf 12 (364) Frindorf 13 (365) Frindorf 14 (366) Frindorf 15 (367) Frindorf 16.17 (367) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben: Die Teufelsbruckmühle (Frindorf 16.17) (2)Rechts: Bildstock bei Frindorf vom Jahr 1670 ([368]) Frindorf 18 (369) Frindorf 19 Frindorf 20 (370) Fürling ([371]) [Abb.]: ([371]) [Karte]: Fürling ([372]) Häuserchronik Fürling (373) Fürling 1 (373) Fürling 2.19 (374) Fürling 3 (375) Fürling 4 (375) Fürling 5 Fürling 6 (377) Fürling 7 Fürling 8 (378) Fürling 9 (378) Fürling 10 Fürling 11 (alt) Fürling 11 (neu) (379) Fürling 12 Fürling 13 Fürling 14 Fürling 15 Fürling 16 (380) [2 Abb.]: (1)Breitpfeiler im Fürlingerholz an der Straße von Fürling nach Aigen-Schlägl datiert 1850 (2)Bildstock (sog. Hexensäule) an der Straße zwischen Berg (Molkerei) und Fürling (381) Fürling 17 Fürling 18 Fürling 19 Fürling 20 Fürling 21 Fürling 22 Fürling 23 Fürling 24 (382) Fürling 27 Fürling 28 Fürling 32 Fürling 33 Fürling 34 Fürling 35 Fürling 38 (383) [Abb.]: Kruzifix. Kreuzigungsdarstellung mit einem Blechschnitt-Christus beim Haus Fürling 1 (384) Gattergaßling ([385]) [Abb.]: ([385]) [Karte]: Gattergaßling ([386]) Häuserchronik Gattergaßling (387) Gattergaßling 1 (387) Gattergaßling 2 (388) Gattergaßling 3 Gattergaßling 4 (389) Gattergaßling 5 (389) [2 Abb.]: (1)Pfefferhof ist eines der traditionsreichsten Güter der Pfarre Rohrbach (Gattergaßling Nr. 5) (2)Grand des Pfefferhofes aus dem Jahr 1829; er war ursprünglich beim Asanger in Fraundorf 1 ([390]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bildstock bei Gattergaßling aus dem Jahr 1717 (2)Stuck in der Stube des Pfefferhofes (Gattergaßling 5 ) aus dem Jahr 1807 mit Christus- und Marien-Monogramm (391) Gattergaßling 6 Gattergaßling 7 (393) Gattergaßling 8 (393) Gattergaßling 9 (394) Gattergaßling 10 Gattergaßling 11 (395) [Abb.]: Kapelle beim Dorf Gattergaßling am Türgericht mit 1889 datiert doch vermutlich wesentlich älter (396) Gierling (397) [Abb.]: Gierling 2/3 ([398]) Häuserchronik Gierling (399) Gierling 1.2 (399) Gierling 3 (400) Gierling 4 (401) Gierling 5 (401) Gintersberg (403) [Karte]: Gintersberg ([404]) Gintersberg 1 (405) [Abb.]: Kapelle von Gintersberg (406) Gintersberg 2 ([407]) Gintersberg 3 ([407]) Gintersberg 4 (408) Gintersberg 5.6 (409) Gollner ([411]) [Abb.]: ([411]) [Karte]: ([412]) Häuserchronik Gollner (413) Gollner 1 (413) Gollner 2 (414) Gollner 3 (415) Gollner 4 (415) Gollner 5 (416) [2 Abb.]: Tür und Tor. Besonders gelungen gestaltetes Hoftor (durch geschmiedete Nägel das Sonnenrad angedeutet) und hübsche Haustüre (mit klassizistischen Elementen geschmückt) des Hauses Gollner 5 ([417]) [2 Abb.]: Abb. S. 418: (1)Links oben: Der stattliche Hof Gollner 5 (2)Links unten: Bäuerliche Pietà mit dem hl. Johannes Nep. und einem Pilger (Jakobus,? Felix?), Hauskapelle Gollner 7. ([418]) Gollner 6 (419) Gollner 7 (420) Gollner 8 (421) Gollner 9 (und 15) (422) Gollner 10 (423) Gollner 11.12 (424) Gollner 13 (425) Gollner 14 (426) Gollner 15 (426) Gollner 16 (427) Gollner 17 (428) Gollner 18 (428) Gollner 19 (429) Gollner 20 (429) Gollner 21 Gollner 22 (430 - [431]) [4 Abb.]: Zu den Abbildungen 431: (1)Oben links: Kapelle von Gollner mit Maria-Hilf-Bild, mit schmiedeeisernem Gitter versehen. (2)Oben rechts: Bildstock bei Gollner 5 aus dem Jahr 1690 (3)Unten links: Passionskreuz am Haus Gollner 18 (4)Unten rechts: Breitpfeiler bei Gollner 6 von 1852. Dieser Breitpfeiler wurde 1852 an der Straße zwischen Rohrbach und Gollner gesetzt zum Gedächtnis an den hier am 3. 1. 1852 am Schlagfluß verstorbenen Jakob Mandl aus Hintring; als an dieser Stelle ein Haus (Haslacherstr. 15) erbaut wurde, versetzte man den Bildstock zum Haus Gollner 6, weil hier eine Verwandte des Verstorbenen eingeheiratet hat (430 - [431]) Gollner 23 Gollner 24 Gollner 25 Gollner 26 Gollner 27 Gollner 28 Gollner 29 (432) Grub ([433]) [Karte]: Hauzenberg, Grub ([434]) Häuserchronik Grub (435) Grub 1 (435) Grub 2 (436) Grub 3 (437) Grub 4 Grub 5 Grub 6 (438) [Abb.]: Kapelle zwischen der Ortschaft Grub und dem Haus Grub Nr. 5 (439) Grub 7 Grub 8 Grub 9 (440) [Abb.]: Dreifaltigkeitsbild in der Kapelle zwischen Grub und dem Haus Grub 5. (441) Harau ([442]) [Karte]: Harrau ([442]) Häuserchronik von Harau (444) Harau 1.6 (444) Harau 2 (444) [Abb.]: Bildstock in Form einer Laterne mit Madonnenstatue, zur Erinnerung an Frau Maria Schauer, die ihren Hof (Harau 2) der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach vermacht hat, errichtet an der Stelle, wo die Kapelle ihres Hauses stand. Diesen Bildstock ließ die Pfarre Rohrbach vom Steinmetzmeister Karl Grünzweil, Helfenberg-Waldhäuser im Jahr 1976 anfertigen und aufstellen. ([445]) Harau 3.13 (446) Harau 4.5 (Inhäusel) (447) Harau 7 (448) Harau 8 Harau 9 Harau 10 Harau 11 (449) Harau 12 (Rohrbach 316) Harau 14 (450) Hauzenberg (451) Häuserchronik Hauzenberg (452) Hauzenberg 1 (452) Hauzenberg 2 (452) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapelle des Hauses Hauzenberg 2 (2)Hauzenberg Blick auf Straße und Dorfanger (453) Hauzenberg3.6 (454) Hauzenberg 4 (455) [Abb.]: Kapelle an der Straßengabelung Hauzenberg/Grub, im Volksmund Wildin- (Witwen-) Kapelle bei Hauzenberg genannt; 1985 renoviert. (456) Hauzenberg 5 Hauzenberg 6 (457) Hauzenberg 7 (458) Hehenberg (459) [Karte]: Hehenberg (460) Häuserchronik Hehenberg (461) Hehenberg 1 (461) Hehenberg 2 (461) Hehenberg 3 (462) Hehenberg 4 (463) [2 Abb.]: Kreuzsäule an der Rohrbacher Bundesstraße vom Jahr 1663 gehört zum Rimpflergut (Hehenberg 5) (464) [Abb.]: Hehenberg. Blick auf die Streusiedlung, im Hintergrund der namenlose hohe Berg, von Kimerting aus ([465]) Schutzengel ([465]) Hehenberg 5 (466) Hehenberg 6 Hehenberg 7 (über Arbesberg) (467) Hehenberg 8 (über Arbesberg) (467) Hehenberg 9 (468) Hehenberg 10 (über Arbesberg) (468) Hehenberg 11 Hehenberg 12 (469) Hehenberg 13 Hehenberg 14 Hehenberg später Fürling 10 (470) Notiz zum Schutzengel von Hehenberg (470) Hintring (471) [Abb.]: Hintring 2 ([472]) [Karte]: Hintring ([472]) Häuserchronik Hintring (473) Hintring 1 (473) Hintring 2.3 (473) Hintring 4 (474) Hintring 5 (475) Hintring 6 (476) Hintring 7 (477) Hintring 8 (477) Hintring 9 Hintring 11 (478) Hundbrenning (479) Häuserchronik Hundbrenning (481) Hundbrenning 1 (481) [Karte]: Hundbrenning (482 - [483]) [4 Abb.]: Zu den Abbildungen der nächsten Seite: (1)Oben links: Bildstock bei Hundbrenning 18 neugotische, sorgfältige Formgebung (2)Oben rechts: Kreuzsäule zwischen Felberau und Hundbrenning (3)Unten links: Kapelle im Dorf Hundbrenning, von benachbarten Bäumen stark bedrängt (4)Unten rechts: Kapelle bei Hundbrenning 13 (Almesmühl, Krennschmiede) (482 - [483]) Hundbrenning 2.3 (484) Hundbrenning 4 (484) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hundbrenning, Dorfmitte (2) Hundbrenning 13 ([485]) Hundbrenning 5 (486) Hundbrenning 6 (alt) Hundbrenning 6 (neu) (487) Hundbrenning 7 Hofer (487) Hundbrenning 8 (488) Hundbrenning 9 (489) Hundbrenning 10 (490) Hundbrenning 11 (490) Hundbrenning 12 (491) Hundbrenning 13 (491) Hundbrenning 14 (492) Hundbrenning 15 (493) Hundbrenning 16 (alt) Hundbrenning 16 (neu) (494) Hundbrenning 17 (alt) Hundbrenning 17 (neu) Hundbrenning 18 (alt) Hundbrenning 18 (neu) Hundbrenning 19 (495) Hundbrenning 20 (495) Hundbrenning 21 Hundbrenning 22 Hundbrenning 23 (alt) Hundbrenning 23 (neu) (496) Katzing (497) [Karte]: Katzing (498) Häuserchronik von Katzing (499) Katzing 1 (499) Katzing 2.3 Katzing 3 (500) Katzing 4.5 (501) Katzing 6 (501) Katzing 7 (502) Katzing 8 (503) [Abb.]: Katzing ([504]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapelle im Dorf Katzing (2)Kapelle bei Katzing 4/5 Schwalsed, Neumühl (505) Katzing 9 (506) Katzing 10 (506) Katzing 11 Katzing 12 Katzing 13 (507) Katzing 14 Katzing 15 Katzing 16 Katzing 17 Katzing 18 Katzing 19 (508) Keppling (509) [Karte]: Keppling (510) Häuserchronik Keppling (511) Keppling 1 (511) Keppling 2 (511) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapelle im Dorfe Keppling (2)Unten: Inneres der Kapelle. Bäuerliche Malerei (512) Keppling 3.7 (513) Keppling 4 Ringsenberg (514) [2 Abb.]: (1)Keppling Ansicht von der Dorfstraße (2)Bildstock bei Ringsenberg ([515]) Keppling 5 (516) Keppling 6 (516) Keppling 9 Keppling 10 (517) Keppling 11 Keppling 12 Keppling 13 Keppling 15 Keppling 17 Keppling 18 Keppling 19 Keppling 20 (518) Krien (519) [Karte]: Krien (520) Häuserchronik Krien (521) Krien 1 (521) Krien 2 (521) Krien 3 (522) [2 Abb.]: (1)Krien Blick ins Dorf (2)Kapelle beim Haus Krien 5 ca. 1983 neu erbaut von der F. Feuerwehr ([523]) Krien 4 (524) Krien 5 (525) Krien 6 (525) Krien 7 (526) Krien 8 Krien 9 (527) Krien 10 Krien 11 Krien 13 (528) Lanzerstorf (529) Lanzerstorf (529) Häuserchronik Lanzerstorf (530) Lanzerstorf 1 (530) Lanzerstorf 2 (531) [Karte]: Lanzerstorf ( - ) Lanzerstorf 3 (532) Lanzerstorf 4 (533) [Abb.]: Lanzerstorf. Blick von Westen in die bäuerliche Siedlung (links Nr. 3 und 2, rechts Nr. 4 zu sehen) ( - ) Lanzerstorf 5 (534) Lanzerstorf 6 (535) Lanzerstorf 7 (alt) Lanzerstorf 7 (neu) (537) Lanzerstorf 8.9 (537) Lanzerstorf 10 (538) [Abb.]: Wolketsberg. Blick auf eines der modernisierten Häuser dieses Weilers ( - ) Lanzerstorf 11 (539) [Abb.]: Passionskreuz bei Wolketsberg, geschnitzt von Heinrich Vierlinger, Lanzerstorf 12, um das Jahr 1950 ([540]) Lanzerstorf 12.13 (541) Lanzerstorf 13 Lanzerstorf 14 (542) Lanzerstorf 15 Lanzerstorf 16 Lanzerstorf 17 Lanzerstorf 18 (543) Lanzerstorf 19 Lanzerstorf 20.29 Lanzerstorf 21 Lanzerstorf 22 Lanzerstorf 23 (544) Lanzerstorf 24 Lanzerstorf 25 Lanzerstorf 26 Lanzerstorf 27 Lanzerstorf 28 Lanzerstorf 29 (545) Lanzerstorf 30 Lanzerstorf 31 (546) Liebetsberg (547) [Abb.]: ([548]) [Karte]: Liebetsberg ([548]) Liebetsberg 1 (549) Liebetsberg 2 (549) Liebetsberg 3.9 (550) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Liebetsberg (551) Liebetsberg 4 (552) Liebetsberg 5 (552) Liebetsberg 6 (553) Liebetsberg 7 (553) Liebetsberg 8 (554) Märzing (555) [2 Karten]: (1)Obermärzing (2)Untermärzing (556) Märzing 1 (557) Märzing 2 (alt) (557) Märzing 2 (neu) (558) Märzing 3 (558) Märzing 4 (559) Märzing 5 (alt) Märzing 5 (neu) (560) Märzing 6 (561) Märzing 7 (561) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben: Märzing 6 (2)Unten: Märzing 7 ([562]) Märzing 8.9 (563) Märzing 10 (564) Märzing 11 (= Hundbrenning 18) (565) [6 Abb.]: (1)Oben links: Breitpfeiler bei Untermärzing (2)Oben rechts: Passionskreuz am Haus Obermärzing 7 Abbildungen der rechten Seite: (3)Breitpfeiler in Obermärzing, eingemeißelter Text siehe Märzing 8.9 (4)Oben links: Madonna mit Jesuskind Rückseite des Breitpfeilers (5)Unten links: Kapelle in Untermärzing (Märzing 6). Wegen des Straßenbaues hierher versetzt (6)Unten rechts: madonna mit dem Jesuskind in moderner ansprechender Formgebung im Inneren der Kapelle von Märzing 6 (566 - 567) Märzing 12 (= Spielleiten 4) Märzing 13 Märzing 14 Märzing 15 (568) Mayrhof (569) [Abb.]: Troadkasten bei Mayhof (abgetragen) ([570]) [Karte]: Mayrhof ([570]) Mayrhof 1 (früher: Rohrbach 164) Mayrhof 3 (früher: Rohrbach 76 und 78) (571) Mayrhof 5 (früher Rohrbach 79) (572) Neundling (573) [Karte]: Neundling ([574]) Neundling 1 (575) Neundling 2 (575) Neundling 3 (576) Neundling 4 (577) Neundling 5 (577) Neundling 6.10 (578) Neundling 7 (579) Neundling 8 (580) Neundling 9 (580) Neundling 11 (581) Neundling 12 (582) Neundling 13 (beim "Kaiser) (583) Neundling 14 (583) Neundling 15 (584) Neundling 16 Neundling 17 Neundling 18 (585) Neundling 19 Neundling 20 Neundling 21 Neundling 22 Neundling 23 Neundling 24 Neundling 25 (586) Nößlbach (587) [Abb.]: ([588]) [Karte]: Nößlbach ([588]) Nößlbach 1.2 (589) Nößlbach 3 (590) Nößlbach 4.5 (591) Nößlbach 6.14 (592) Nößlbach 7 (592) Nößlbach 8 (593) [2 Abb.]: (1)Tannzepfenmühle (Nößlbach 9) (2)Holzhäusl bei der Tannzepfmühle (Nößlb. 10) Interessant hier die Holzbauweise auf einem gemauerten Sockel ([594]) Nößlbach 9 (595) Nößlbach 10 (596) Nößlbach 11.17 (596) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bildstock bei Nößlbach Kruzifix aus Gußeisen mit Maria, Johannes und Maria Magdalena (knieend Granitsockel mit Christusmonogramm IHS und Jahreszahl 1895 (2)Unten: Die Magerlmühle (Nößlbach 11) (597) Nößlbach 12 (alt) (598) Nößlbach 12 (neu) Nößlbach 13 Nößlbach 14 Nößlbach 15 (599) Nößlbach 16 Nößlbach 17 (von Nr. 11 abgetrennt 1986) Nößlbach Nößlbach 18 (600) Nößlbach 19 Nößlbach 20 Nößlbach 21 Nößlbach 22 Nößlbach 23 (601) Nößlbach 24 Nößlbach 25 Nößlbach 26 Nößlbach 27 Nößlbach 28 (602) Nößlbach 29 Nößlbach 30 Nößlbach 31 Nößlbach 32 Nößlbach 33 (603) Nößlbach 35 Nößlbach 36 Nößlbach 37 Nößlbach 38 (604) Oberfischbach (605) [Karte]: Oberfischbach (606) Oberfischbach 1 (607) Oberfischbach 2 (607) Oberfischbach 3 (alt) Oberfischbach 3 (neu) (608) Oberfischbach 4 (609) Oberfischbach 5 (609) [5 Abb.]: (1)Abbildung links: Schmiedeeisernes Kreuz zum Andenken an den 1885 zwischen Kimmerting und Oberfischbach im 19. Lebensjahr verunglückten Johannes Jell (Oberfischbach 7) (2)Abb. links unten: Ehrwürdiges Bauernhaus mit alten metallenen Fensterläden Abbildungen der rechten Seite (3)Obere Hälfte: Kapelle in Oberfischbach in den letzten Jahren sorgfältig renoviert (4),(5)Madonna mit dem Jesuskind, im Hintergrund 2 Engel mit den Symbolen des Leidens Christi, in der Kapelle in Oberfischbach. (610 - 611) Oberfischbach 6 (612) Oberfischbach 7 Oberfischbach 8 Oberfischbach 9 Oberfischbach 10 (613) Obergahleiten (614) [Abb.]: Hötzeneck (Obergahleiten 7) (614) [Karte]: Obergahleiten (616) Obergahleiten 1 (617) Obergahleiten 2 Gumpenberg (618) Obergahleiten 3 Ruetzhof (618) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: Kapelle beim Haus Obergahleiten 4 (2)Abb. unten: Obergahleiten Blick zur Dorfmitte (619) Obergahleiten 4 (620) Obergahleiten 5 (621) Obergahleiten 6 (622) Obergahleiten 7 Hötzeneck (622) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: Kapelle bei Pecketsberg (2)Abb. unten Pecketsberg (Obergahleiten 8) (623) Obergahleiten 8 Pecktesberg (624) Obergahleiten 9 (625) Obergahleiten 10 (626) Obergahleiten 11 (627) Obergahleiten 12 (627) Obergahleiten 13 (628) Obergahleiten 14 (629) Obergahleiten 15 Obergahleiten 16 Obergahleiten 17 Obergahleiten 19 (630) Peherstorf (631) [Karte]: Peherstorf (632) Peherstorf 1 (633) Peherstorf 2 (633) Peherstorf 3 (634) [2 Abb.]: (1)Peherstorf Nr. 1 (2)Oberöhlingerhof, Peherstorf 5 (635) Peherstorf 4 (636) Peherstorf 5 (637) Peherstorf 6 (638) Peherstorf 7 (639) Peherstorf 8 Peherstorf 9 (640) Perwolfing (641) [3 Karten]: (1)Rothberg (2)Perwolfing (3)Andexling (642) Perwolfing 1 (643) Perwolfing 2.8 (643) [2 Abb.]: Perwolfing (644) Perwolfing 3 (645) Perwolfing 4.16 (646) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: bei Perwolfing aus dem Jahr 1710 (2)Abb. rechts: Breitpfeiler beim Haus Perwolfing 3 (647) Perwolfing 5 Andexling (648) Perwolfing 6 (648) Perwolfing 7 (650) Perwolfing 8 (650) Perwolfing 9 Perwolfing 10 (651) Perwolfing 11.12 (651) Perwolfing 13 Perwolfing 14 Perwolfing 15 (652) Perwolfing 16 Perwolfing 17 Perwolfing 18 Perwolfing 19 Perwolfing 20 (653) Perwolfing 21 Perwolfing 22 Perwolfing 23 Perwolfing 24 (654) Pitretsberg (655) [Karte]: Pitretsberg (656) Pitretsberg 1 (657) Pitretsberg 2 (658) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: Kapelle beim Dorf Pitretsberg (2)Abb. unten Blick auf das Dorf Pitretsberg (659) Pitretsberg 3 (660) Pitretsberg 4.7 (660) Pitretsberg 5 (661) Pitretsberg 6 (662) Pitretsberg 7 Pitretsberg 8 (663) Pitretsberg 9 Pitretsberg 10 Pitretsberg 11 Pitretsberg 12 Pitretsberg 13 (664) Reith (665) [Karte]: Reith (666) Reith 1 (667) Reith 2.3 (667) Reith 3 (668) [Abb.]: Kapelle bei Reith bemerkenswert das aus Steinen gemauerte Dach (669) Reith 4 (670) Reith 5 (670) Reith 6 (671) Reith 7 Reith 8 (673) Reith 9 Reith 10 Reith 11 (674) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bildstock bei Kollonödt (Reith 13) (2)Detail dieses Bildstockes mit der Jahreszahl 1713. Die Initialen MFN sind derzeit nicht auflösbar (675) Reith 12 Grundbuch KG Steineck 57 Reith 13 Grundbuch KG Steineck 72 Reith 14 Grundbuch KG Steineck 58 (676) Reith 15 Grundbuch KG Steineck 59 Reith 16 Grundbuch KG Steineck 73 Reith 17 Grundbuch KG Steineck 162 Reith 18 Grundbuch KG Steineck 164 (677) Reith 19 Grundbuch KG Steineck 217 (678) [Abb.]: Grenzstein der Katastralgemeinde Steineck an der Straße bei Reith vom Jahr 1787 (678) Rumerstorf (679) [Karte]: Rumerstorf (680) Rumerstorf 1 (680) [2 Abb.]: (1)Links: Troadkasten in Rumerstorf (2)Unten: Blick auf Rumerstorf von der Kapelle zur Dorfmitte (682) Rumerstorf 2 Rumerstorf 3 (683) Rumerstorf 4 (684) Rumerstorf 5.9 (684) Rumerstorf 6 (685) Rumerstorf 7 (686) [2 Abb.]: (1)Links: Kapelle von Rumerstorf 8, erbaut im Jahr 1978 (2)Rechts: Bildstock bei Rumerstorf 8. Stand als Pestsäule ursprünglich im nahen Buchetwald, soll dort ein Pestgrab angezeigt haben; wurde im Jahr 1964/65 ins Dorf versetzt und 1985 renoviert, nachdem sie von einem Lastkraftwagen umgefahren worden war (687) Rumerstorf 8 Rumerstorf 9 Rumerstorf 10 (688) Rumerstorf 11 (früher 3) Rumerstorf 12 Rumerstorf 13 (689) [Abb.]: Eingangstür zum Troadkasten von Rumerstorf, das dargestellte Muster meint die Sonnenscheibe und gibt Zeugnis vom sicheren Formgefühl der ländlichen Zimmerer (690) Scheiblberg (691) [Karte]: Scheiblberg (692) Scheiblberg 1 (693) [2 Abb.]: Scheiblberg 1 (694) Scheiblberg 2 (695) Scheiblberg 3 (696) Scheiblberg 4 (696) [2 Abb.]: (1)Scheiblhof (Scheiblberg 4) (2)Ehrenreiter (Scheiblberg 7.8) (697) Die Herleinsberger. (699) Scheiblberg 5.6 (701) [2 Abb.]: Herleinsperg (Scheiblberg 5) (1)Links: Die "Oberntür", gestaltet in Renaissanceformen, vor 1600 entstanden (1973 abgetragen) (2)Unten: Der Grand des Johann Berger vom Jahr 1829 (702) Scheiblberg 6 (703) Scheiblberg 7.8 (703) Scheiblberg 7 (neu) (704) Scheiblberg 9 (704) Scheiblberg 10 (705) Scheiblberg 11 (705) Scheiblberg 12 Scheiblberg 13 Scheiblberg 14 Scheiblberg 15 (706) Scheiblberg 16 Scheiblberg 17 Scheiblberg 18 Scheiblberg 19 Scheiblberg 20 Scheiblberg 21 (707) Scheiblberg 22 Scheiblberg 23 Scheiblberg 25 Scheiblberg 26 (708 - 709) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oben links: Kreuzsäule beim Bruckhäusl, Scheiblberg 9 hier datiert mit dem Jahr 1850 (2)Oben rechts: Die Brücke über den Froschbach in einfacher, gefälliger Formgebung; am Gewölbe datiert 1857 (3)Unten links: Kapelle unterhalb des Scheiblhofs (4)Unten rechts: Kapelle oberhalb des Scheiblhofs, ursprünglich eine Christophoruskapelle (708 - 709) Scheiblberg 27 Scheiblberg 28 Scheiblberg 30 Scheiblberg 31 Scheiblberg 34 Scheiblberg 35 (710) Schönberg (711) [Karte]: Schönberg (712) Schönberg 1 (713) Schönberg 2 (713) Schönberg 3 (714) Schönberg 4 (715) Schönberg 5 (716) Schönberg 6 (717) Schönberg 7.8 (717) Schönberg 9 (718) Schönberg 10.11 (719) Schönberg 11 (neu) (720) [Abb.]: Schönberg 4, Kapelle (720) Sexling (721) [Karte]: Sexling ([722]) Sexling 1.10 (723) Sexling 2.3 (723) [2 Abb.]: Sexling (1)Links: Bildstock bei Sexling, Inschrift GK 1832 (GK kann Georg Kobler oder Georg Kitzmüller bedeuten, Nr. 1 od. 7.8) (2)Unten Blick ins Dorf Sexling (724) Sexling 2 (neu) (725) Sexling 4 (725) Sexling 5.6 (726) Sexling 7.8 (727) Sexling 8 (neu) (728) Sexling 9 (728) Sexling 10 (Eigentümer siehe Sexling 1) (729) Sexling 11.12 (729) [2 Abb.] Zizelbauer (sexling 11.12) (1)Links: Kapelle beim Zizelhof (2)Unten: Blick auf den Zizelhof von Maria Trost aus (730) Sexling 13 (731) Sexling 14 (731) Sexling 15 Grundbuch KG Berg 119 (732) Sexling 16 (732) Sexling 17 (alt) Klingreithhäusel Herrschaft Berg 3/843 Grundbuch KG Berg 121 (733) Sexling 17 (neu) Sexling 18 herrschaft Pürnstein 161/681 Grundbuch KG Berg 122 (734) Sexling 19 Grundbuch KG Berg 153 (734) Sexling 20 Von Nr. 7.8 abgeschieben Sexling 21 Grundbuch KG Berg 270 Sexling 22 Grundbuch KG Berg 388 Sexling 23 Grundbuch KG Berg 410 (735) Sexling 24 Grundbuch KG Berg 462 Sexling 25 Grundbuch KG Berg 487 Sexling 26 Grundbuch KG Berg 489 Sexling 27 Grundbuch KG Berg 514 Sexling 28 Grundbuch KG berg 529 Sexling 29 Grundbuch KG Berg 536 (736) Sexling 30 Grundbuch KG Berg 626 Sexling 32 Grundbuch KG Berg 661 Sexling 33 Grundbuch KG Berg 660 Sexling 35 Grundbuch KG Berg 669 Sexling 36 Grundbuch KG Berg 663 Sexling 40 Grundbuch KG Berg 637 (737) Sexling 44 Grundbuch KG Berg 662 Sexling 47 Grundbuch Haus Nr. 7 in Sexling: KG Berg 220 Sexling 34 Sexling 37 Sexling 42 Sexling 43 Sexling 48 Sexling 51 (738) Spielleiten (739) [Karte]: Spielleiten (740) Spielleiten 1 (741) [Abb.]: Spielleiten 1 (742) Spielleiten 2 Spielleiten 3 (743) Spielleiten 4 (alt) Spielleiten 4 (neu) (744) Sprinzenstein (745) Eigentümer des Schlosses und der herrschaft Sprinzenstein [1253 - 1972] (746) Sprinzenstein als politische Gemeinde (1850 - 1945) (747) [Karte]: Sprinzenstein ([748]) Sprinzenstein 1 (749) Sprinzenstein 2.13 (749) [5 Abb.]: (1)Kupferstich des Schlosses Sprinzenstein aus dem Jahr 1674 von Georg Matthäus Vischer in der Topographia Austriae Superioris Modernae, Blatt 171. (2)Oben links: Felix-Kapelle beim Dorf Sprinzenstein mit der Inschrift: Gestiftet zu Ehren des heiligen Felix im Jahre nach Christi Geburt MDCCLX (1760). (3)Oben rechts: Statue des hl. Felix, wahrscheinlich aus dem Jahr 1760 (4)Unten rechts: Johannes Nepomuk-Kapelle zwischen Sprinzenstein und Altenhofen an der Landstraße, von mächtigen Bäumen stark eingeengt (5)Unten links: Statue Johannes Nepomuk aus dieser Kapelle. (750 - 751) Sprinzenstein 3 Sprinzenstein 4 (752) Sprinzenstein 5 (752) [2 Abb.]: Sprinzenstein (1)Kreuzsäule beim Schloß Sprinzenstein aus dem Jahr 1598 (2)Das Schloß am Abhang zur Kleinen Mühl in natürlich geschützter Lage (753) Sprinzenstein 6 (alt) (754) Sprinzenstein 6 (neu) Sprinzenstein 7 (755) [2 Abb.]: Sprinzenstein (1)Das Wappen des Schlosses Sprinzenstein in einer Renaissance-Kartusche: Oben rechts gekrönter schwarzer Greif (vogel), unten links ein Sprinz auf Steinen (redendes Wappen); oben links und unten rechts fünf schräg geteilte Felder; im Herzschild wachsender silberner Auerochs (2)Die Taverne des Schlosses mit der Bauinschrift 1574, eines der ältesten gemauerten Häuser der Gegend (756) Sprinzenstein 8 Sprinzenstein 9 (757) Sprinzenstein 10 Sprinzenstein 11.14 (758) Sprinzenstein 12 (alt) (758) [2 Abb.]: Sprinzenstein (1)Das Schloß, am Abhang zur Kleinen Mühl, von gewaltigen Fundamentmauern getragen (2)Die Sprinzelmühle (Sprinzenstein 11.14) in der Nähe des Schlosses an der Kleinen Mühl war lange Zeit Mühle und Säge (759) Sprinzenstein 12 (neu) Sprinzenstein 13 (760) Sprinzenstein 14 Sprinzenstein 15 Sprinzenstein 17 (761) Literatur zur Geschichte Sprinzensteins (762) Steineck (763) [Karte]: Steineck (764) Steineck 1 (765) Steineck 2 (765) [2 Abb.]: Steineck Voitenhof (Steineck 9.10) (766) Steineck 3 (alt) (767) Steineck 3 (neu) (768) Steineck 4 (768) Steineck 5 (769) Steineck 6 (770) Steineck 7 Pfeffermühle (770) [2 Abb.]: Pfeffermühle (Steineck 7) (1)Blick auf die angestaute Große Mühl mit der Zuleitung zur Mühle (2)Blick auf die Pfeffermühle in Richtung Nordwesten (771) Steineck 8 (772) [2 Abb.]: Pfeffermühl-Kapelle (1)Links: Ansicht der Kapelle, die in den letzten Jahren renoviert worden ist. (2)Rechts: Bild mit folgender Inschrift: Erinnerung an Jakob Stegmüler, welcher den 10. Juli 1881 verunglückte. Es wird gebeten um einen Vater Unser. Die Darstellung (bäuerliche Malerei) zeigt den Kanal mit unterschlächtigen Wasserrädern, darüber ein Maria-Hilf-Bild nach Vorbild des Passauer Cranach-Bildes. (773) Steineck 9.10 (774) Steineck10 (774) Steineck 11 Steineck 12 (775) Steineck 13 (775) Steineck 14 Steineck 17 Steineck 18 Steineck 15 Steineck 16 (776) Unterfischbach (777) [Karte]: Unterfischbach ([778]) Unterfischbach 1 (779) Unterfischbach 2 (779) Unterfischbach 3 (780) Unterfischbach 4 (781) [2 Abb.]: Unterfischbach (1)Freiluftmalerei (Fresko?) am Haus Unterfischbach 3 mit dem Sinnspruch: Segle ruhig weiter, Gott ist dein Begleiter, Auch wenn der Mast bricht, Gott verläßt dich nicht. Signiert mit "List" und dattiert 19. 6. 1987. (2)Blick auf das Dorf Unterfischbach mit seinen teilweise modernisierten Häusern. (782) Unterfischbach 5 (783) Unterfischbach 6.7 (783) Unterfischbach 8 (784) [2 Abb.]: Kapellen von Unterfischbach (1)Links: Kapelle bei Unterfischbach 2, erbaut im Jahr 1949, signiert mit den Initialen L A Ar (Ludwig und Anna Anreiter) und der Inschrift "Gelobt sei Jesus Christus" mit Schablonenbuchstaben (2)rechts: Kapelle beim Ruetzhof (Unterfischbach 6.7), in den letzten Jahren vorbildlich renoviert worden; im Inneren Gedächtnisinschriften an die verstorbenen der Eigentümerfamilie (785) Wandschamel (787) [Karte]: Wandschaml (788) Wandschamel 1.3 (789) Wandschamel 2.7 (789) [Abb.]: Wandschamel - Dorfmitte (790) Wandschamel 4 (791) [2 Abb.]: Kapellen von Wandschamel (1)Links: Hötzendorferkapelle an der Rohrbacher Bundesstraße zwischen der Wimholzsiedlung und der Bahnüberquerung (2)Rechts: Wegerhof-Kapelle (Wandschamel 5.6) (792) Wandschamel 5.6 (793) [Abb.]: Wegerhof-Kapelle. Die Dreifaltigkeit als Gnadenthron, bäuerliche Malerei aus dem Jahr 1744, renoviert 1856 von HHHH, und 1967 von Hans Küblböck (794) Wandschamel 8 (Das Kellerhäusl) (795) Wandschamel 9 Wandschamel 10 Wandschamel 11 Wandschamel 12 Wandschamel 13 (796) Anhang Register der Personen- und Ortsnamen Photonachweis ([797]) Register der Personen- und Ortsnamen zusammengestellt von Isfried H. Pichler (798) A (799) B = P (800) C siehe K (805) D = T (805) E (807) F = V (808) G (811) H (814) I = J (819) K = C (819) L (823) M (826) N (828) O (829) P siehe B (830) R (830) S (833) SCH (833) SEB (836) SP (836) ST (837) U (839) W (839) Z (842) Photonachweis (843) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

Aus der Einleitung: Das Zeitschriftenangebot in Kiosken und Buchläden ist heute nur noch schwer überschaubar. Nahezu täglich kommen neue Titel hinzu, andere hingegen werden eingestellt und machen den Platz frei für Neues. Das Segment der Frauenzeitschriften sticht durch seine Vielzahl an Publikationen hervor: Etwa 50 Hefte wollen ihre Leserinnen über die effektivsten Diäten, die besten Kochrezepte, die neueste Mode, über Liebe, Lust und Luxus, Kosmetik, Wohnen und Reisen, aber auch Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft informieren. Das Angebot befriedigt sowohl die Interessen der popkulturell interessierten Feministin als auch die der koch- und rätselinteressierten Hausfrau. Blickt man 20 Jahre zurück, auf die Liste des Postzeitungsvertriebs (PVZ) der DDR, so fand sich dort ebenfalls eine große Auswahl an Zeitschriften und Zeitungen. Nur eins suchte man vergeblich: die Frauenzeitschriften. In einem Staat, der für sich beanspruchte, die Gleichberechtigung der Frau verwirklicht zu haben, betrachtete man es als überflüssig nach Geschlechtern getrennte Publikationen zu produzieren. Trotzdem erschienen Zeitschriften, die sich thematisch an eine weibliche Leserschaft richteten. Dazu zählte auch die SIBYLLE, die darüber hinaus aber noch den Anspruch stellte, ein 'Kulturjournal im umfassenden Sinne' zu sein, in dem 'Kunst und Literatur […] ihren gleichberechtigten Platz neben der dominierenden Mode' hatten. Da Medien eine zentrale Rolle bei der Hervorbringung von Selbstbildern einnehmen, indem sie Sinn- und Deutungsmuster vervielfältigen und als Vermittler der jeweils gültigen Werte und Normen fungieren, macht dies Zeitschriften zu interessanten Forschungsobjekten. Die Reglementierungen des DDR-Mediensystem ließen eine freie Presse im bürgerlich-liberalen Sinne nicht zu. Vielmehr wurde die Presse instrumentalisiert und als 'schärfste Waffe' der Partei betrachtet. Diese Voraussetzungen lassen erwarten, dass sich politische Vorgaben in Presseerzeugnissen niederschlugen und deren Inhalt beeinflussten. Zeitschriften eigenen sich für die Untersuchung von politischen Richtlinien und deren Umsetzung, da sie in ihrer Gesamtheit die ganze Gesellschaft wiederspiegeln und 'damit sowohl den von Sektor zu Sektor, von Phase zu Phase ganz unterschiedlichen Grad ihrer 'Durchherrschung' als auch die Eigensinnigkeiten, 'Abweichungen' und Widerstände'. Die SIBYLLE qualifiziert sich insbesondere auch durch den umfangreichen Platz, den sie der Mode einräumte, für eine Analyse, da an Mode, als Ausdrucksmittel der jeweiligen Zeit, vieles ablesbar ist: 'Der Stil einer Kulturepoche, der Stand der Technik, die soziale Stellung der Frau in der Gesellschaft'. Die Frage nach der Reichweite der Diktatur, inwieweit die vorgegebenen Ideale und abgebildeten und ausformulierten Leitbilder Einfluss auf den Alltag und die Lebensweise der DDR-Bürger hatte, kann und soll im Rahmen dieser Arbeit nicht beantwortet werden. Ein Überblick über die aktuelle Forschung soll jedoch gegeben werden, um den Spielraum der SIBYLLE-Redakteure zu verdeutlichen. Die ausführliche Diskussion der Reichweite der Diktatur kumuliert in dem Versuch einer Definition des Herrschaftssystems der DDR: SABROW weist das Konzept einer 'durchherrschten Gesellschaft', in der die Grenze zwischen privat und öffentlich vollständig aufgehoben wurde und kaum Raum für selbstbestimmte Lebensentwürfe blieb, zurück. Er spricht stattdessen von einer Partizipationsdiktatur, die sich über die massenhafte Einbindung der Bürger entfaltete und in der die vermeintlich totalitäre Durchdringung der Gesellschaft tatsächlich ein täglicher Aushandlungsprozess war. Die DDR-Bürger reagierten demnach nicht nur passiv auf Anweisungen von 'oben', sondern interpretierten und füllten die Direktiven durch eigene Aneignungen mit Sinn, um sie anschließend in soziale Praxis zu übersetzen. KOCKA benutzt den Begriff der modernen Diktatur, um den DDR-Staat zu qualifizieren, wobei 'Moderne' einen bürokratisch durchorganisierten Verwaltungsapparat, eine monokratische Parteiherrschaft als Führungsmittel, Hochindustrialisierung, Moderne im Geschlechterverhältnis und bei Repressionsmethoden kennzeichnet. Moderne Diktaturen heben die Trennung der Sphären von Individuum, Familie, Gesellschaft und Staat auf und führen im Ergebnis zu einer Verstaatlichung der Gesellschaft unter Preisgabe des Individuums. Bei JARAUSCH findet sich der Begriff der Fürsorgediktatur, in welcher die politisch-ideologisch motivierte Fürsorge der Herrschenden für die Bevölkerung Bevormundungen und oktroyierte Dienstleistungen beinhaltete. Das Gebiet des DDR-Mediensystems erwies sich als gut erforscht. Der Diskurs bezüglich der Beherrschung der öffentlichen und veröffentlichten Meinung verläuft relativ einheitlich und konstatiert einen straff organisierten, effektiv arbeitenden Kontroll- und Lenkungsapparat. Über das Verhältnis von politischem Auftrag und Freiräumen, von Zensur und Selbstzensur herrscht kein Konsens in Forscherkreisen. Der auf diesem Gebiet omnipräsente HOLZWEIßIG stellt jedoch immer wieder heraus, dass es keinerlei Freiräume für Journalisten gab. Was als Spielraum empfunden wurde sei vielmehr von der Parteiführung aus taktischen Gründen gewollt und/oder geduldet worden. Auf der Ebene der DDR-Medien, insbesondere der der Zeitschriften, ist die bisherige Forschung sehr überschaubar. Bis auf das Überblickswerk von BARCK/LANGERMANN/LOKATIS lassen sich nur wenige Ergebnisse auf diesem Gebiet finden. Zeitschriften sind eine bis dato stark vernachlässigte Quellengruppe. Für diesen Umstand lassen sich mehrere Ursachen ausmachen: 1.) richtete sich die DDR-Medienforschung und -auswertung primär auf die Tagespresse, so dass 2.) nur wenige Zeitschriften kontinuierlich in Bibliothekssammlungen aufgenommen wurden und dadurch der Forschung zur Verfügung standen. 3.) wurden Zeitschriften in der BRD vorwiegend als Quelle für Fragestellungen und nicht als eigentlicher Forschungsgegenstand herangezogen. Zudem richtete sich 4.) Forschung einseitig auf Parteipublikationen und vordergründig politische Inhalte und vernachlässigte populäre (Massen)Blätter. 5.) überstanden nur wenige Zeitschriften wirtschaftlich die Wendezeit, so dass mit ihrer Einstellung oftmals auch das gesamte Redaktionsarchiv vernichtet wurde und sich heute nur noch schwer vollständige Sammlungen, offizieller Schriftverkehr, Vermerke und Notizen finden lassen. Das Gebiet der 'Frauenzeitschriften' in der DDR stellte sich als wenig erforscht dar, lediglich DANIELA SCHEEL, SABINE SCHMIDT und SABINE TONSCHEIDT publizierten umfassender zu diesem Thema. Im Verlauf der Arbeit war die Beschaffung der Quellen, der SIBYLLE-Ausgaben, eine Herausforderung, da neben der Berliner Zentral- und Landesbibliothek nur noch die Universitätsbibliothek in Leipzig einen kompletten Bestand der Ausgaben von 1956-1995 aufweist. Des weiteren waren die Exemplare in Berlin nur vor Ort einsehbar, eine Ausleihe und auch das Anfertigen von Kopien war nicht gestattet, so dass die Sichtung und Bearbeitung des Untersuchungsmaterials immer in konzentrierten Blöcken erfolgen musste und bei der Bild- und Textanalyse nicht im Original vorlag. Ebenso schwierig und nahezu ergebnislos war die Recherche nach Sekundärliteratur zur SIBYLLE, die bisher kaum Gegenstand wissenschaftlicher Forschung war. 2001 wurde eine Magisterarbeit über die Geschichte der SIBYLLE in Form eines Dokumentarfilmes von Julie Schrader angefertigt, jedoch blieben die Bemühungen, mit der Autorin oder dem Verleih in Kontakt zu treten ohne Erfolg. Als sehr hilfreich erwies sich ein von der ehemaligen SIBYLLE-Redakteurin DOROTHEA MELIS herausgegebene Bild- und Sammelband über die Modefotografie in der SIBYLLE. Im Gegensatz dazu ist das Gebiet der DDR-Frauenforschung sehr gut erschlossen. Die gesichtete Literatur zum Thema gibt relativ einheitliche Einschätzungen und Bewertungen zur Rolle und Stellung der Frau in der DDR. Insbesondere GISELA HELWIG und HILDEGARD MARIA NICKEL haben mit ihrem Werk eine solide Basis für die weitere Forschung gelegt. Die Themenwahl der Arbeit begründet sich unter anderem auch in der Lektüre des Buches von HELWIG/NICKEL im Rahmen der Vorbereitungen auf die mündliche Magisterprüfung der Autorin. Des weiteren war die Zeitschrift SIBYLLE bereits bekannt, da Mitglieder der Familie noch Exemplare aus DDR-Zeiten aufbewahrt hatten. Noch bevor die Idee zu dieser Arbeit entstand, wurden bereits einige wenige Ausgaben mit großem Interesse gelesen, so dass die SIBYLLE als Untersuchungsobjekt für diese Magisterarbeit naheliegend war und letztlich auch gewählt wurde. Die Untersuchung der Kommunikationsinhalte der Zeitschrift SIBYLLE soll die Entwicklung des Frauenleitbildes über vier Jahrzehnte rekonstruieren und mit den offiziellen Richtlinien vergleichen. Insbesondere Widersprüche und Gegenbilder sollen auf dem Weg von der 'Dame' der 1950er Jahre zur 'Frau, die alles kann' der 1980er Jahre gesucht und, wenn vorhanden, in den kultur- und sozialpolitischen Kontext eingeordnet werden. Durch die Betrachtung des visuellen Diskurses, der durch die Mode im Medium Fotografie vermittelt wird, sowie die Untersuchung des sprachlichen Diskurses über die 'sozialistische Frau' soll der Wandel des Frauenleitbildes untersucht werden. Beide Diskursstränge sind für das Konzept einer Frauenzeitschrift essentiell, um die intendierte politisch-erzieherische Wirkung entfalten zu können. Visuell und sprachlich informieren sie Frauen wie eine dem Leitbild entsprechende sozialistische Frauenpersönlichkeit zu sein habe. In ihrer Funktion, die Welt sowohl über das fotografische Bild als auch sprachlich über Texte interpretierend zu deuten und zu strukturieren, reproduzieren sie die Einstellungskomplexe ihrer Macher. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit, die Entwicklung des Frauenleitbildes über vier Jahrzehnte DDR aufzuzeigen, soll mit Hilfe der methodischen Instrumente der Inhalts- und Fotoanalyse erreicht werden. Es wird zu untersuchen sein, ob die im redaktionellen Teil entworfenen Leitbilder mit den inszenierten der Modefotografie übereinstimmen oder ob sich hier widersprüchliche Aussagen finden lassen. Im Blickfeld soll dabei immer die Relation zum politischen gewollten Leitbild bleiben. Um das Forschungsziel zu erreichen gliedert sich diese Arbeit in einen theoretischen und einen forschungspraktischen Abschnitt. Im Anschluss an die Einleitung wird das System und die Funktionen der Massenmedien in der DDR erläutert (2.). Dazu wird mit Rückgriff auf Lenins Pressetheorie (2.1) und die Grundprinzipien des sozialistischen Journalismus (2.2) das Fundament beschrieben, auf dem die öffentliche Meinung der DDR basierte. Anschließend werden die Kontroll- und Lenkungsmechanismen (2.3), mit denen die Partei ihr Meinungsmonopol sicherstellte, vorgestellt. Dabei werden zum Einem die juristischen Bestimmungen (2.3.1), zum Anderen die institutionalisierten Kontrollmechanismen (2.3.1) der DDR beschrieben. In diesem Teil orientiert sich die Arbeit vor allen an HOLZWEIßIG, sowie an PÜRER/RAABE. Abgeschlossen wird das Kapitel der Massenmedien mit der Darstellung der staatlichen Zeitschriftenpolitik (2.4.1), der den Zeitschriften zugeschriebenen Funktionen (2.4.2), sowie einem Überblick über die Entwicklung der 'Frauenzeitschriften' in der DDR (2.4.3). Der daran anschließende Abschnitt thematisiert die Frau in der DDR: Einer Darstellung der juristischen Bestimmungen, die die Gleichstellung von Mann und Frau festschrieben (3.1) folgt eine Übersicht der sozialpolitische Maßnahmen zur Frauenförderung (3.2). Anschließend werden Bildung (3.3), Beruf und Einkommen (3.4), sowie die Stellung der Frau in Politik und Gesellschaft der DDR (3.5) beschrieben. Das Frauenleitbild, welches entlang der vorangegangenen Punkte entwickelt wurde, wird abschließend (3.6) für die vier Jahrzehnte der DDR jeweils erläutert. Auf Basis des theoretischen Fundaments aus den beiden ersten Abschnitten der Arbeit erfolgt die forschungspraktische Umsetzung im 4. Kapitel. Dazu wird zunächst das inhaltsanalytische Instrumentarium für die Untersuchung ausgewählt (4.1), sowie ein Profil des Untersuchungsgegenstandes SIBYLLE angefertigt (4.2). Anschließend wird anhand der Fotoanalyse (4.3) und der Inhaltsanalyse (4.4) der einzelnen Jahrzehnte die Entwicklung des Frauenleitbildes aufgezeigt. Bilanz wird im fünften Kapitel gezogen. Darin wird die theoretische und methodische Arbeit bewertet, sowie Probleme und Fragen diskutiert, die während der Untersuchung entstanden sind. Im Anhang I findet sich eine Übersicht über die Presseerzeugnisse der DDR, eine tabellarische Auflistung der Redaktionsmitglieder der SIBYLLE für die einzelnen Untersuchungszeiträume bildet den Anhang II. Eine Auswahl von Bildern, die Gegenstand der Fotoanalyse waren und zum Verständnis der Untersuchungsergebnisse beitragen soll, bildet Anhang III. In Anhang IV findet sich eine grafische Aufbereitung der Ergebnisse der quantitativen Inhaltsanalyse.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: Abkürzungsverzeichnisv 1.Einleitung1 2.Massenmedien in der DDR7 2.1Pressetheorie8 2.2Grundprinzipien des sozialistischen Journalismus11 2.3Lenkung und Kontrolle13 2.3.1Rechtslage in der DDR13 2.3.2Institutionalisiertes Kontroll- und Lenkungssystem15 Exkurs: Das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit und die Medien18 2.4Zeitschriften in der DDR19 2.4.1Grundlagen staatlicher Zeitschriftenpolitik20 2.4.2Funktion und Gegenstand von Zeitschriften22 2.4.3Entwicklung der Frauenzeitschrift in der DDR23 3.Stellung der Frau in der DDR24 3.1Rechtliche Gleichstellung der Frau26 3.2Familien- und Frauenpolitik28 3.3Bildung31 3.4Berufs- und Einkommensstruktur33 3.5Politik und Gesellschaft35 3.6Frauenleitbild38 4.Zeitschriftenbetrachtung41 4.1Anlage der Untersuchung42 4.2Profil SIBYLLE44 Leserprofil52 4.3Fotoanalyse53 4.3.1Die Fünfziger: Fein gepflegte Dame, nette und adrette Hausfrau56 4.3.2Die Sechziger: 'Bloß keine Hausfrauen-Pose'60 4.3.3Die Siebziger: Stilpluralismus mit Gefühl63 4.3.4Die Achtziger: Alles ist (un)möglich65 4.4Inhaltsanalyse68 4.4.1Frauenbild 1956 bis 195871 4.4.2Frauenbild 1966 bis 196779 4.4.3Frauenbild 1976 bis 197784 4.4.4Frauenbild 1986 bis 198789 5.Schlussbetrachtung95 6.Anhang98 Anhang I: Übersicht Presseerzeugnisse der DDR98 Anhang II: Redaktionsmitglieder SIBYLLE99 Anhang III: Bilder SIBYLLE101 Anhang IV: Themenprofil SIBYLLE136 7.Literaturverzeichnis138 7.1Primärliteratur138 7.2Sekundärliteratur138 Gesetzestexte138 Bibliographien, Handbücher, Nachschlagewerke138 Monographien, Sammelwerke138 Beiträge in Zeitschriften, Zeitungen und Sammelwerken140 Internetdokumente144Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 4.3.1, Die Fünfziger: Fein gepflegte Dame, nette und adrette Hausfrau: Mode kann nicht kulturunabhängig gedacht und entworfen werden. Der Grundsatz galt auch in der DDR. Seit den Anfängen der sozialistischen Bewegung gab es Bestreben, den Luxus und den Wechsel der Moden zu beseitigen, um statt dessen eine bedarfsgerechte und mit hohem Gebrauchswert ausgestatte Kleiderproduktion zu etablieren. Die Debatten um das Modeverständnis gewannen Ende der 1950er Jahre im Zuge der Entstalinisierung und der damit einhergehenden kulturpolitischen Diskussionen neue Konturen. Die Arbeiter sollten als 'werktätige Intelligenz', als 'herrschende Klasse' das modebestimmende Milieu bilden. Die Mode, welche in den Ausgaben des ersten Untersuchungszeitraumes fotografisch inszeniert wurde, lässt sich als biedere Hausfrauenmode aus der Vorkriegszeit beschreiben. Diese eher reaktionären denn innovativen Tendenzen verwirren anfänglich, da sie dem Bild von der neuen sozialistischen Frau diametral gegenüber stehen. MÜHLBERG sieht darin den Versuch der Wiederherstellung der Normalität durch ein gestriges Erscheinungsbild Ausdruck zu verleihen. War die 'sozialistische Frauenpersönlichkeit' in den Anfangsjahren der Republik vor allem 'tüchtig', verschob sich der Akzent ab Mitte der 1950er Jahre zur vordergründig 'schönen' Frau. BUDDE macht dafür zwei Faktoren aus. Zum einen blieb der Bedarf an Arbeitskräften auf einem konstant hohen Niveau. Der Anteil der berufstätigen Frauen stagnierte jedoch bei rund 50 Prozent. Zum anderen bestand das Interesse, körperliche Arbeit mit Insignien der Weiblichkeit zu versehen, um so dem Schreckensbild der 'ostdeutschen Mannweiber' entgegen zu wirken. So mahnte eine Freie Deutsche Jugend (FDJ)-Funktionärin: 'Wir müssen uns immer bemühen, nicht nur innerlich, sondern auch äußerlich gepflegt und ordentlich aufzutreten und vor allem Mädchen zu bleiben'. Anstelle der überzogenen Bemühungen der Anfangsjahre, die Frauen als resolute und robuste Kameradin an der Seite des Mannes kräftig zupackend zu zeigen und dadurch die gleichberechtigte Stellung der Frau in der sozialistischen Gesellschaft zu visualisieren, trat die Forderungen nach mehr Weiblichkeit. In der Enzyklopädie 'Die Frau' wird der hohe Erwartungsdruck deutlich: 'Die Frau unserer Zeit hat nicht nur das Recht, sondern auch die Pflicht, gut und gepflegt auszusehen. Sie präsentiert mit ihrer Erscheinung den Staat, dessen Bürgerin sie ist. Neben der Forderung an die Frau, sich deshalb allseitig zu bilden und am öffentlichen Leben gleichberechtigt mit dem Mann teilzunehmen, muß auch verlangt werden, daß ihr Äußeres dieser neuen gesellschaftlichen Stellung in jeder Weise entspricht. Dazu gehört in erster Linie neben Formen des Auftretens und gutgewählter Kleidung eine gründliche und regelmäßige Körperpflege. Sie ist kein Luxus.' SIBYLLE entsprach diesen Forderungen nur unzureichend in ihren Anfangsjahren. Geschmacksbildend und weltgewandt wollte man sich präsentieren, steif und unnatürlich, seltsam antiquiert und bieder wurde das Ziel inszeniert. Vorgeführt wurden Abend- und Cocktailkleider, Hüte, Taschen und andere Accessoires. Alltagsmode und praktische Kleidung fanden sich kaum. Die Versuche, 'geschmackvolle Mode für unsere werktätigen Frauen' zu zeigen, manifestierten sich in Roben, plissierten Röcken und Cocktail-Kleidern, die im Widerspruch zum erklärten Modeverständnis standen. Hosen und Hosenanzüge werden kaum gezeigt, da sie noch eindeutig der männlichen Kleidung zugeordnet wurden. Lediglich im geschützten Raum der Privatsphäre oder in der Freizeit waren es auch weibliche Kleidungsstücke. In der Ausgabe 1/1956 finden sich zwar auch Tageskleider, die '[f]ür das Büro genau das Richtige' sind, im Fokus steht jedoch nicht ihre Praktikabilität, sondern das Potential, mit ihnen 'einen wohlwollenden Blick Ihrer Kollegen empfangen' zu können. Die Modelle erscheinen dazu keineswegs als selbstsichere Frauen, vielmehr erzeugen das Lächeln, das Festhalten an Einrichtungsgegenständen und die Vermeidung des direkten Blickkontaktes mit der Kamera den Eindruck von Unsicherheit und lassen die Frauen in den Bildern als Fremdkörper wirken. Auch in anderen Ausgaben wird zweckmäßige Kleidung für die berufstätige Frau thematisiert, jedoch meist nur am Rande und mit Fokus auf dem praktischen Nutzen, zum Beispiel bezüglich der Reinigung. So heißt es in 3/1957: 'Kein noch so zweckmäßiges und schickes Kleid kann den Anforderungen einer berufstätigen Frau so sehr entgegenkommen, wie die Zusammenstellung von Rock und Bluse. [E]r [der Rock; AR] ist auch leichter zu reinigen und zu bügeln als ein ganzes Kleid'. Exemplarisch ist hier festzustellen, dass Kleidung für Frauen primär einfach zu pflegen sein musste. Das ist ein Hinweis auf die Belastungen, denen die (berufstätigen) DDR-Frauen gegenüber standen: Die pflegeleichten, neuen, synthetischen Stoffe sollten dazu beitragen, die Frau von den Mühen der zeitintensiven und erst ansatzweise technisierten Hausarbeit zu entlasten. Desweiteren fällt auf, dass Hausfrauen-Mode auch in einem häuslichen Kontext respektive mit Accessoires aus dem Haushalt inszeniert wird. Die Garderobe für 'die […] moderne berufstätige Frau' hingegen wird nicht kontextualisiert, sondern auf der Wiese und im schmucklosen, steril wirkenden Studio inszeniert. Erst 1958 finden sich Aufnahmen, die in einer adäquat erscheinenden Umgebung aufgenommen wurden. Eine Fotoserie zeigt in der Ausgabe 1/1958 Modestücke, die 'die Wünsche, die eine moderne berufstätige Frau an ihre Garderobe stellt', erfüllt. Abgelichtet wurden die Modelle auf der Straße, auf ihrem Weg zur Arbeit. In derselben Ausgabe findet sich auch ein Bericht, warum die richtige Kleidung wichtig für den beruflichen Erfolg ist. Vorgestellt werden sieben Frauen, fotografiert in ihrem beruflichen Umfeld. Neben dem Beruf fehlen persönliche Angaben, bedient werden hier vorrangig Klischees: Die junge Mathematiklehrerin weiß sich vor 50 Schülern Respekt zu verschaffen - das Foto zeigt sie aber milde lächelnd, fast ein wenig schüchtern in die Klasse blickend. Die Juristin ist besorgt, sich zu 'konventionell und 'angsterregend' zu kleiden'. Das vorgestellte Kostüm verleiht ihr eine 'seriöse, doch nicht unweibliche Note'. Die Sekretärin, das 'Fräulein', kleidet sich hingegen lieber jugendlich und sportlich, die Redakteurin 'liebt eine unaufdringliche Bürokleidung […] die nicht alt macht'. Auch die zukünftige Objektleiterin der SIBYLLE-Boutique wird in damenhaft und zurückhaltend wirkender, die Figur streckender Kleidung gezeigt. Allen Abbildungen gemeinsam ist, dass die Frauen sich an etwas festhalten, abstützen oder anlehnen, den direkten Blick in die Kamera vermeiden oder, wie im Falle der Modeschöpferin, durch den Blick in die entgegengesetzte Richtung, bezuglos zu ihrer Arbeit wirken. Diese Art der Inszenierung findet sich wiederholt. Auffällig in den ersten Ausgaben ist zudem die Sprache, mit der die Modeaufnahmen kommentiert wurden: Es dominiert der Diminutiv. Zu sehen gab es 'Kostümchen', 'Blüschen', 'Hütchen', 'Jäckchen', 'Gürtelchen', 'Kleidchen', 'Schleifchen', 'Käppchen', 'Röckchen', 'Schürzchen', 'Kittelchen' mit 'Ärmelchen', 'Fältchen', 'Pünktchen' und 'Knöpfchen'. Wiederholend wird die Kleidung mit Adjektiven wie 'elegant', 'weiblich/feminin/fraulich', 'sportlich', 'damenhaft', 'apart', 'leger', 'adrett', 'jugendlich/jung', 'liebenswert', 'flott', 'duftig', 'gefällig', 'salopp', 'charmant', 'anspruchsvoll', 'klassisch', 'modisch', 'kess', 'anmutig', 'sachlich', 'tragbar', 'kokett', 'fesch' und 'entzückend' beschrieben. Männermode hingegen besteht aus 'Hemden' und 'Hüte', 'Jacken' und 'Mäntel'. Auch wird hier viel sparsamer mit Attribuierungen umgegangen: Der Herr ist 'jung' und 'seriös'. Der Hausfrau wird explizit Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet. So lässt sich anhand der Schürzen sagen, 'daß sich der Typ unserer Hausfrau verändert hat', denn auch bei der Hausarbeit zählen 'jugendliches und frisches Aussehen'. Der Hausanzug kommt praktischerweise mit einer kleinen Schürze und ist daneben auch noch hübsch anzusehen. Für die Ausgaben des ersten Untersuchungszeitraums lässt sich bezüglich des visuellen Diskurses zur Deutung der Weiblichkeit feststellen: Durch den Rückgriff auf Weiblichkeitsklischees wird der gesellschaftliche Prozess der Restabilisierung der Normalität unterstützt. Für das Erscheinungsbild der Frau bedeutete dies, dass es harmonisch, unauffällig und einen angenehmen Eindruck hinterlassen sollte. Die traditionelle Deutung von Weiblichkeit wird auch durch die Betonung der Geschlechterdifferenzen determiniert. Wie bereits ausgeführt, unterscheiden sich die sprachlich verwandten Mittel stark. Dem folgt auch die bildhafte Umsetzung: Männermode ist eckig, kantig und betont rational, Frauenkleidung akzentuiert die Taille und hinterlässt dadurch einen grazilen, weiblichen Gesamteindruck. Dieser wird, vor allem in den ersten Ausgaben, durch die geziert-gerundete Körperhaltung unterstützt. Viele Posen erinnern, zum Beispiel durch das Anwinkeln der Arme, an das klassische Ballett. Erst in den letzten Ausgaben dieses Untersuchungszeitraums erscheinen Fotostrecken, auf denen die Modelle nicht mehr steif und eingefroren, sondern offen und natürlich wirken. Auch der breitbeinige Stand findet sich vereinzelt, jedoch wird der Eindruck von Eckigkeit durch abgewinkelte Füße, abgeknickte Hüften und Arme wieder abgemildert. Bevorzugt wird Kleidung für die berufstätige Frau so inszeniert. Auf diese Art wird versucht, berufliche Kompetenz mit weiblicher Anmut zu kombinieren und somit den Ängsten vor einer Vermännlichung der berufstätigen Frau entgegenzutreten.

Aus der Einleitung: Seit mittlerweile über 30 Jahren ist das zentralandine Land Bolivien Schauplatz des Konflikts um die Coca-Pflanze. Im weiten Spannungsbogen des Konflikts kollidieren die traditionelle, mythisch-spirituelle Weltsicht der Indios im Bezug auf die planta divina mit den Verwertungsinteressen der Spaß- und Konsumgesellschaften westlicher Prägung. Als Rohstoff für die Drogenproduktion international geächtet, erwachsen für Bolivien aus der exzessiven Coca-Produktion erhebliche politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Probleme. In diesem Zusammenhang lassen sich anhand des Coca-Kokain-Komplexes exemplarisch einige typisch entwicklungsgeografische Problemfelder nachzeichnen: - Die Wirtschaftsstrukturen rund um die Coca sind von reiner Ressourcenextraktion und dem Verbleib des allergrößten Teils der Wertsteigerung in den Konsumentenländern gekennzeichnet. Durch den Umfang der Coca-Kokain-Ökonomie entstehen für Bolivien zudem bei nur geringer Exportdiversifikation prekäre gesamtwirtschaftliche Abhängigkeiten vom Export eines Agrarprodukts und seiner Derivate. - Durch die weitgehende Illegalität dieses Sektors wird Bolivien international unter erheblichen politischen Druck gesetzt und damit die nationale Selbstbestimmung eingeschränkt. Darüber hinaus wird die nationale Souveränität infolge der nicht angemessenen Beteiligung Boliviens an Entscheidungsprozessen und der Intervention verschiedener nicht-bolivianischer Akteure unterminiert. - Die rein antidrogenpolitisch motivierte Stigmatisierung der Coca reflektiert nicht ihren traditionellen Stellenwert für die indianischen Gesellschaften und zeigt so die fortgesetzte Nicht-Anerkennung und Nicht-Achtung der Lebens- und Wirtschaftsweisen der bolivianischen Urbevölkerung. Diese Form kultureller Marginalisierung verweist auf die fortgesetzte politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Marginalisierung eines Großteils der autochthonen Bevölkerung. Im Rahmen eines neu aufkeimenden indianischen Selbstbewusstseins im Kampf um die indigene Emanzipation gewinnt dieser Umstand erheblich an gesellschaftlicher Brisanz und Sprengkraft. An diesen Gegebenheiten hat sich trotz eines über 20 Jahre währenden, intensiven Antidrogenkrieges nur wenig geändert. Die zahllosen antidrogenpolitischen Strategien können damit weitgehend als gescheitert angesehen werden. Die grundsätzlich veränderten politischen Konstellationen des Landes nach den Wahlen im Dezember 2005 leisteten jedoch einer gänzlich neuen Herangehensweise an die Problematik Vorschub, die insbesondere aus drei politischen Prämissen von Präsident und Regierungspartei herrührt: - der Rolle und Bedeutung von Morales als erstem indigenen Präsidenten Südamerikas; - der politischen Herkunft Morales' aus der Coca-Bauernbewegung; - der sozialistischen Ausrichtung der Regierungspartei. Vor diesem Hintergrund sind neue Untersuchungen, die sowohl die historischen Strukturen und Prozesse als auch mögliche aktuelle Veränderungen in den genannten Problemfeldern unter den veränderten politisch-ökonomisch-sozialen Vorzeichen analysieren, absolut notwendig. Durch die Ergebnisse solcher Studien wird es möglich, die Auswirkungen einer veränderten Coca-Politik zu vergleichen und zu bewerten. Eine theoretisch stringente Untersuchung, die sowohl die historischen als auch die aktuellen Entwicklungen des Coca-Kokain-Komplexes einbezieht, steht trotz der Fülle von Sekundärmaterial bisher noch aus. Die vorliegende Arbeit will in bescheidenem Rahmen einen Beitrag leisten, diese Lücke schließen zu helfen. Die Untersuchungen dieser Arbeit werden in den theoretischen Rahmen der Dependenztheorien eingebettet, da sie einen konsistenten Erklärungszusammenhang der oben genannten Problemfelder anzubieten scheinen. Gleichwohl soll im Hinblick auf die entwicklungstheoretische Debatte dieser Rahmen nicht allzu eng aufgefasst werden. Weder wird ein globaler Gültigkeitsanspruch postuliert, noch wird angenommen, dass alle Theoreme im konkreten Fall zwingend gleichermaßen zutreffend sein müssen. Vielmehr sollen sie als theoretisches Modell verstanden werden, das es ermöglicht, sich einem Verständnis des Zusammenhangs von Entwicklung mit Strukturen und Prozessen des Coca-Kokain-Komplexes anzunähern. Insofern handelt es sich also bei der Untersuchung um eine theoriegeleitete Studie, in der Aktualität und Gültigkeit modelltheoretischer Annahmen anhand eines konkreten Fallbeispiels überprüft werden sollen. Die konkreten Zielsetzungen dieser Arbeit sind mit Bezug auf die oben genannten Problemfelder: 1. den Coca-Kokain-Komplex und seine historische Genese im undogmatisch aufgefassten, dependenztheoretischen Rahmen darzustellen. 2. die inhärenten Strukturen und Prozesse des Coca-Kokain-Komplexes zu analysieren und im Bezug auf ihre Auswirkungen auf eine dependenztheoretisch verstandene Entwicklungskonzeption zu bewerten. Zur Untersuchung dieser Fragestellungen wurden anlässlich eines Forschungsaufenthaltes zwischen Februar und August 2008 intensive Recherchen durchgeführt. Dabei konnte neben der gezielten Untersuchungsarbeit ganz allgemein ein Bild vom Land und der Thematik gewonnen werden. Die Beantwortung der untersuchten Fragestellungen wird durch die Auswertung und argumentative Kontextualisierung der im Rahmen des Forschungsaufenthaltes gewonnenen oder anderweitig verfügbaren Sekundärmaterialien erfolgen. Konkret wurden folgende methodische Schritte durchgeführt: - Intensive Bibliotheksrecherche (Verzeichnis der besuchten Bibliotheken im Anhang.). - Ausgiebige Interviews mit Experten fast aller relevanten Bereiche (Verzeichnis der Interviews im Anhang.). - Zeitungsrecherche in deutschen, bolivianischen und anderen Tages-, Wochen- und Fachzeitungen. - Internetrecherche auf einschlägigen Seiten und in dort veröffentlichten Dokumenten. - Beschaffung öffentlichen und nicht-öffentlichen Daten- und Informationsmaterials. - Intensive teilnehmende Beobachtung der politischen und sozialen Prozesse im Land mit besonderem Fokus auf die Problematik der refundación (Neugründung) Bolivien und die Coca-Thematik. Im Verlaufe der Untersuchung stellte sich heraus, dass viele der notwendigen Daten nicht zu beschaffen oder sehr widersprüchlich waren. Dies liegt vor allem an folgenden Eigenheiten des Untersuchungsgegenstandes: Drogenhandel: Diese illegale Wirtschaftsaktivität nicht wird offiziell erfasst, sie hat per se das Bestreben, unentdeckt zu bleiben und verfügt über potente Schutzpatrone. Politischer Gehalt: Die Problematik ist explizit politisch gefärbt, die Datenhandhabung, -erfassung und -publizierung hat daher erhebliche politisch-ökonomische Konsequenzen, wodurch Daten nicht nur wissenschaftlich, sondern nach politischem Kalkül zu betrachten sind. Insuffizienz des bolivianischen Staates: Für eine adäquate, konsequente und transparente Handhabung der Thematik fehlen finanzielle, logistische, personelle und institutionelle Ressourcen. Geografische Schwierigkeiten: Durch die Lage der Anbaugebiete und Boliviens an sich wird die Kontrolle von Coca- und Drogenproduktion sowie deren Handel erheblich erschwert. In den Produktionsgebieten, aber auch in den größtenteils unerschlossenen Grenzgebieten ist der Staat in weiten Teilen nicht oder kaum präsent. Hinzu kommen die Bedeutung nicht-quantifizierbarer Sachverhalte in dependenztheoretischen Ansätzen sowie die angesichts der Komplexität der behandelten Problemstellungen sehr beschränkten Möglichkeiten einer angemessenen, vollständigen und tiefgehenden Analyse im Rahmen einer studentischen Magisterarbeit. Trotz des bedeutenden illegalen Anteils dieses Wirtschaftssektors soll hier betont werden, dass die Mechanismen des Handels auf dieses Gut wie auf jedes andere zutreffen. Die Illegalität führt lediglich dazu, dass Gewinnspannen höher ausfallen und politische und polizeilich-militärische Kontrollmaßnahmen mit einem ungestörten Handelsverlauf interferieren. Die Drogenkontrolle gliedert sich in vier Teilbereiche: - Prävention und Rehabilitation: Vorbeugung von Drogenkonsum und Wiedereingliederung ehemaliger Konsumenten; - Erradikation: Vernichtung von Pflanzen, die als Drogenrohstoff dienen können; - Interdiktion: polizeiliche Arbeit zur Unterbindung von Drogenproduktion und -handel sowie zugehöriger Delikte; - Alternative Entwicklung: produzentenbezogener Entwicklungsansatz zur Schaffung ökonomischer Alternativen zur Drogenpflanzenproduktion. Die Arbeit wird die genannten Fragestellungen vor dem geografischen Hintergrund Boliviens bearbeiten. Dazu muss eingeschränkt werden, dass ein konkreter räumlicher Bezug aufgrund der Problemstellung als Makroanalyse eines ursächlich internationalen Problemkomplexes nur bedingt gelten kann. Zentrale analytische Kategorien wie zum Beispiel Abhängigkeit können nur anhand des Abstraktums des politischen Raumes, beziehungsweise des Wirtschaftsraumes Boliviens erarbeitet werden. Ein konkret eingrenzbarer räumlicher Bezug ist hauptsächlich im Zusammenhang mit dem Coca-Anbau, den Erradikationsmaßnahmen und der Produktion von und dem Handel mit Drogen gegeben. Außerdem waren die sozialen Konflikte größtenteils an die Produktionsgebiete gebunden, wie auch die drogenkontrollpolitisch motivierten Maßnahmen der alternativen Entwicklung sich direkt auf Coca-Anbau- und Abwanderungsgebiete konzentrieren. Lediglich für diese Bereiche lässt sich die Analyse also gezielt räumlich abgrenzen. Der zeitliche Horizont der Untersuchung wird vom Gegenstand bestimmt. Eine organisierte, explizit international ausgerichtete Drogenproduktion entstand in Bolivien erstmals unter dem Diktator Hugo Banzer Suárez, der 1971 die Macht ergriff. Alle folgenden Entwicklungen sind bis ungefähr August des Jahres 2008 berücksichtigt. Daten zu Coca-Anbau und Wirtschaft lagen für 2008 noch nicht vor, sodass viele aktuelle Aspekte mit Bezug auf das Jahr 2007 dargestellt werden. Die Arbeit formuliert im ersten Abschnitt A den zugrunde liegenden Entwicklungsbegriff (A: 1). Nach der Darstellung der Dependenztheorien und ihrer Grundannahmen (A: 2.1) werden diese in der entwicklungstheoretischen Diskussion verortet (A: 2.2). Anschließend wird kurz die Auswahl dieses theoretischen Ansatzes begründet (A: 2.3). Der folgende Abschnitt B stellt die allgemeinen Rahmenbedingungen des bolivianischen Coca-Kokain-Komplexes vor. Nach der botanischen und physiologischen Charakterisierung des Coca-Blatts (B: 1.1 - 1.2) werden die Anbaugebiete vorgestellt (B: 1.3). Anschließend wird ein kulturhistorischer Überblick über die Verwendung der Coca im lateinamerikanischen und bolivianischen Kontext gegeben (B: 2). Darauf folgt die Darstellung der Problematik des weltweiten Kokainkonsums und -handels. Auch auf die Grundlagen der Kokain-Herstellung wird an dieser Stelle eingegangen (B: 3). Das abschließende Kapitel (B: 4) widmet sich der Beschreibung der geschichtlich-politischen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Grundlagen des heutigen Boliviens. Der folgende Hauptteil der Arbeit (C) beschreibt die Entwicklung des Coca-Kokain-Komplexes in Bolivien. Dabei wird zunächst kurz auf historische Entwicklungen eingegangen (C: 1.1 - 1.2) und anschließend mit der Darstellung des UN-Einheitsabkommens zu Betäubungsmitteln die Grundlage der internationalen Drogenkontrolle vermittelt (C: 1.3). Anschließend werden die eigentlichen Entwicklungen des bolivianischen Coca-Kokain-Komplexes ausgeführt. Die Entwicklungen werden in drei Phasen eingeteilt. Die erste Phase markiert Entstehung und ersten Boom der bolivianischen Kokain-Ökonomie (C: 2). Ab 1987/88, dem Beginn der zweiten Phase (C: 3), wurde im Land durch die Schaffung eines umfangreichen rechtlichen und institutionellen Rahmens der Drogenkontrolle der Kampf gegen den Drogenhandel aufgenommen. In der letzten Phase hatte 2005 eine aus der Coca-Bauernbewegung stammende Regierung die Macht übernommen und es wurde versucht, neue und eigenständige Wege in der Coca-Politik zu gehen (C: 4). In dem abschließenden Analyseabschnitt D werden die Auswirkungen der historischen und aktuellen Entwicklungen des Coca-Kokain-Komplexes auf die dependenztheoretisch verstandene Entwicklungskonzeption untersucht.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: Einleitung1 ATHEORETISCHE EINBETTUNG6 1.Entwicklungsbegriff und Entwicklungsziele6 2.Entwicklungstheoretische Einbettung9 2.1Dependenztheoretische Grundaussagen und -annahmen9 2.2Die Dependenztheorien in der entwicklungstheoretischen Diskussion18 2.3Rechtfertigung der theoretischen Einbettung20 2.3.1Die Aktualität dependenztheoretischer Prämissen vor dem gewandelten Hintergrund des 21. Jahrhunderts20 2.3.2Dependenztheoretische Prämissen im bolivianischen Kontext22 BBOLIVIEN: RAHMENBEDINGUNGEN DES COCA-KOKAIN-KOMPLEXES23 1.Botanische Grundlagen und Einordnung der Anbaugebiete23 1.1Botanische Grundlagen23 1.2Physiologische Eigenschaften des Coca-Blattes24 1.3.Beschreibung der Anbaugebiete25 2.Kulturhistorischer Überblick über Nutzung und Verbreitung des Coca-Blattes29 2.1Coca in den präkolumbianischen Kulturen29 2.2Die aktuelle kulturelle und soziale Funktion der Coca in den indianisch geprägten Gesellschaften des bolivianischen Andenraums30 2.2.1Religiös-ritueller Gebrauch30 2.2.2Medizinischer Gebrauch31 2.2.3Sozialer Gebrauch31 2.3.4Aufputschender Gebrauch32 2.2.5Die Verbreitung traditioneller Coca-Nutzung in Bolivien32 3.Drogenkonsum und Drogenhandel34 3.1Kokainherstellung34 3.2Kokainkonsum in den USA, Europa und Lateinamerika35 3.3Internationaler Drogenhandel36 4.Politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen in Bolivien37 4.1Abriss der jüngeren bolivianischen Geschichte seit der nationalen Revolution 195237 4.2Wirtschaftliche Kenndaten40 4.3Gesellschaftliche Kenndaten41 CDER COCA-KOKAIN-KOMPLEX IN BOLIVIEN42 1.Der Bedeutungswandel der Coca von der Konquista bis zum Drogenrohstoff42 1.1Kirche, Silber und Coca42 1.2Coca im Wandel veränderter Nutzungsmöglichkeiten44 1.3Das Einheitsabkommen zu Betäubungsmitteln der UNO 196145 2.1971-1987: Militärdiktatoren und Kokainmafia. Die Entstehung der bolivianischen Kokain-Ökonomie46 2.1Die Entstehung der Kokain-Ökonomie unter Banzer46 2.2Die Narcocracia49 2.3Nach der Demokratisierung51 2.3.1Migrationsbewegungen in den Chapare51 2.3.2Militarisierung und soziale Konflikte53 2.3.3Alternative Entwicklung56 3.1987-2005: Der Krieg gegen die Drogen. Bolivianische Drogenkontrollpolitik unter US-amerikanischen Vorzeichen58 3.1Internationaler Rahmen der Drogenkontrollpolitik58 3.1.1Multilaterale Übereinkünfte58 3.1.2Grundlagen US-amerikanischer Drogenkontrolle im Ausland59 3.1.3Bilaterale Verträge62 3.2Antidrogenstrategien in Bolivien64 3.2.1Der 'Plan trienal' und die Gründung der bolivianischen Drogenkontrollinstitutionen64 3.2.2Das Gesetz 100865 3.2.3Bolivianische Ansätze66 3.2.4Die Opción Cero und der Plan für die Würde68 3.2.5Der Niedergang US-amerikanisch-bolivianischer Ansätze der Drogenkontrolle70 3.2.6Militärisch-polizeiliche Interdiktionsmaßnahmen72 3.3Soziale Widerstandsbewegungen73 3.4Alternative Entwicklung76 4.2005-2008: Der bolivianische Weg. Entwicklung mit Coca79 4.1Die politische Situation Boliviens nach der Wahl 200579 4.2Eckpfeiler der neuen Coca-Politik81 4.2.1Normativer Rahmen81 4.2.2Neuerungen im institutionellen Rahmen84 4.3Umsetzung und Einschätzung85 DDER BOLIVIANISCHE COCA-KOKAIN-KOMPLEX IM LICHTE DEPENDENZTHEORETISCHER MODELLVORSTELLUNGEN89 1.Grundlagen: Das Einheitsabkommen von 1961 und die revalorización der Coca89 2.Wirtschaft91 3.Politik98 4.Sozialer Kontext102 5.Entwicklung104 Schlussbetrachtung und Ausblick106 Anhang111 Verzeichnis der besuchten Bibliotheken112 Verzeichnis der Interviews113 Abbildung 1: Nährwertvergleich von 100g Coca-Blättern mit 50 pflanzlichen lateinamerikanischen Nahrungsmitteln117 Karte 1: Coca-Anbau in Bolivien, 2007118 Karte 2: Coca-Anbau in den Yungas und Apolo, 2007119 Karte 3: Coca-Anbau im Chapare, 2007120 Tabelle 1:Prävalenzen des Kokainkonsums 2007 oder letztes verfügbares Jahr in ausgewählten Ländern und Regionen121 Tabelle 2: Prävalenzen des Crack- und pasta base-Konsums 2007 in ausgewählten Ländern121 Tabelle 3: Coca-Anbau und Erradikation in Bolivien 1970 - 2008, nach Regionen122 Abbildung 2: Coca-Anbau und Alternativer Anbau im Chapare 1976 - 2003124 Tabelle 4: Bolivien: Coca-Kokain-Ökonomie 1980125 Tabelle 5: Bolivien: Coca-Kokain-Ökonomie 1993126 Tabelle 6: Bolivien: Coca-Kokain-Ökonomie 2007127 Literaturverzeichnis129Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 4.3, Umsetzung und Einschätzung: Da der normative und institutionelle Rahmen der Coca-Politik der MAS-Regierung erst vor relativ kurzer Zeit festgeschrieben wurde, sind die konkrete Umsetzung und Auswirkungen derselben noch schwer zu erfassen oder zu bewerten. Insgesamt sorgen die fundamental geänderte Regierungspolitik, aber auch der Ausschluss der USAID aus dem Chapare Ende Juni 2008, sowie die Ausweisung des US-Botschafters Goldberg nach dem von Morales mit 63% der Stimmen gewonnenen referendum revocatorio Ende August 2008 für ein grundsätzlich verändertes Entwicklungspanorama in diesem Bereich. Revalorización: Die Neubewertung des Coca-Blatts konnte intern durch die Aufnahme in die neue Verfassung, sowie die Verabschiedung des PND und die veränderte Ausrichtung der Estrategia de Lucha Contra el Narcotráfico y Revalorización de la Hoja de Coca weitestgehend umgesetzt werden. Auf internationaler Ebene ist die angestrebte Neubewertung der Coca hingegen ungleich schwieriger umzusetzen. Das Projekt auf diplomatischer Ebene voran zu treiben sind der Außenminister David Choquehuanca und der Vizeminister des Viceministerio de Defensa Social y Sustancias Controladas (VDS-SC), Felipe Cáceres beauftragt, die beide über wenig diplomatische Erfahrung verfügen. Konkret ist bisher nur ein relativ erfolgloser Vorstoß gemacht worden. In den relevanten internationalen Politik- und Machtstrukturen spielt Bolivien eine nur untergeordnete Rolle. Die Änderung der Einheitskonvention ist ein langwieriger und komplizierter diplomatischer Prozess. Zur gänzlichen Herausnahme der Coca aus der Liste I müsste ein Plenarsbeschluss auf UN-Ebene erreicht werden. Aber auch für andere, geringfügigere Änderungen müsste mindestens ein Beschluss von circa 30 Staaten getroffen werden. Es ist extrem unwahrscheinlich, dass es Bolivien gelingen wird, eine solche Allianz zu schmieden: Die USA und – bisher – die EU stehen einem solchen Projekt ablehnend gegenüber. Gleichzeitig haben sie ausreichend Einfluss, dass auch andere Länder in ihrem Sinne abstimmen. Die beiden anderen Coca-produzierenden Ländern Peru und Kolumbien verweigern sich dem Projekt ebenfalls. Die Anbauflächen in diesen Ländern sind wesentlich größer, der traditionelle Konsum wesentlich geringer. So existiert einerseits keine Bolivien vergleichbare breite Verankerung der Coca in der lokalen Kultur, während andererseits die Probleme des organisierten Drogenhandels in beiden Ländern in politischer, wirtschaftlicher und sozialer Hinsicht wesentlich eklatanter sind. Für die Nachbarstaaten Chile, Argentinien und Brasilien stellt das bolivianische Kokain eine erhebliche Gesundheits- und Sicherheitsbedrohung dar. Im südamerikanischen Kontext ist folglich nur eine Unterstützung von Seiten Venezuelas und Ecuadors zu erwarten. Im globalen Kontext versucht Bolivien neue Allianzen als geostrategischen Gegenentwurf zur US-Hegemonie zu schmieden. In diesem Zusammenhang könnte das Projekt der revalorización Unterstützung durch Länder wie China, Nordkorea oder Südafrika erfahren, mit denen, wie auch mit den engen lateinamerikanischen Verbündeten Venezuela, Kuba und Ecuador Verhandlungen über den Handel mit alternativen Coca-Produkten für Verwendungen im medizinischen oder Nahrungsmittelbereich geführt wurden. Große Hoffnungen werden von Bolivien in die regelmäßige Revision des Wiener Abkommens gesetzt, die im Frühjahr 2009 ansteht. Kontrolle des Drogenhandels: Bei der Kontrolle des Drogenhandels ist Bolivien seit 2005 deutlich effektiver geworden. Gegenüber 2005 sind die Beschlagnahmungen um 55,6% gestiegen, während die Flächen im gleichen Zeitraum nur um 13,8% zunahmen. Bis zum August des Jahres 2008 war schon mehr Kokain und Base als im gesamten Vorjahr beschlagnahmt worden (17,94 t). Dennoch ist die absolute Zunahme des Coca-Anbaus auf zuletzt (2007) 28 900 ha bedenklich. 2007 wurden 62,11% der Yungas-Coca und nur 4,22% der Chapare-Coca auf den legalen Märkten Villa Fatima und Sacaba gehandelt (vergl. Tab. 6 (Anhang)). Damit erhöhte sich die potenzielle Kokain-Produktion in Bolivien von 2006 auf 2007 um 11% auf 104 t. Die wichtigste Coca-Anbauregion sind heute die Yungas (19 800 ha). Dort verschiebt sich der Coca-Anbau zunehmend in die tieferen, tropischen Lagen (La Asunta, Palos Blancos), wo höhere Erträge erzielt werden und infolge der spontanen Kolonisationsprozesse die staatliche Kontrolle noch nicht greift. Auch die Drogenproduktion ist heute nicht mehr an die Anbau-Gebiete gebunden. Insgesamt zeigt aber die gesteigerte Effektivität, wie auch die Zusage sich 2009 mit 16 Mio. US-$ erstmalig an der Finanzierung der Interdiktion in nennenswertem Maßstab zu beteiligen den Willen und die Fähigkeit der Regierung Morales gegen Drogenhandel und -produktion auf dem nationalen Territorium vorzugehen. Control social und cato-Regelung: Das Konzept der control social stellt ein effektives Instrument zur Kontrolle und Regulierung des Coca-Anbaus auf kooperativer, konfliktfreier Basis dar. Die Regierung wertet die Produzenten deutlich auf, indem sie nicht mehr nur als Objekt, sondern auch als Partner der Anbaukontrolle begriffen werden. Das Konzept der geteilten Verantwortung wird in dieser Hinsicht auch auf den Bereich Staat-Zivilgesellschaft ausgeweitet. Gleichzeitig wird die Rolle und Bedeutung der cocalero-Organisationen als regionale Verwaltungsinstitutionen anerkannt. Sie haben gegenüber ihren Mitgliedern erhebliche Durchsetzungs- und Kontrollmacht. Die Strafen (Lizenzverlust, Flächenverlust, Ausschluss aus der Gemeinschaft) sind effektive Abschreckungsmechanismen, die auf den traditionellen Sozial- und Wirtschaftsstrukturen der Anbaugebiete basieren. Durch das Konzept kann die racionalización von Coca-Feldern durchgeführt werden, ohne die hohen sozialen Kosten der erzwungenen Erradikation zahlen zu müssen. Obwohl von Zwangsmaßnahmen abgesehen wurde und kooperative Kontrollmechanismen in Zusammenarbeit mit den cocaleros angewendet wurden, konnten 2006 (6 073 ha) und 2007 (6 269 ha) die internationalen Erradikationsverpflichtungen erfüllt werden. Die cato-Regelung ermöglichte die Legalisierung der Lebensgrundlage eines Großteils der Chapare-Bauern. Ein cato erlaubt bei legaler Vermarktung ein jährliches Einkommen von knapp 1 400 US-$, das damit höher als das durchschnittliche PKE und deutlich über dem ländlichen landwirtschaftlichen Durchschnittslohn von 347 US-$ im Jahr liegt. Beide Regelungen haben wesentlich zur Befriedung der Anbaugebiete beigetragen und ermöglichen die Gestaltung der weiteren Coca-Politik auf einer legalen und kooperativen Basis. Auf dieser Grundlage kann ein neues Vertrauensverhältnis zwischen Staat und Produzenten aufgebaut werden, das dem geteilten Interesse der verminderten Drogenproduktion nur förderlich sein kann. Transformación productiva: Hauptprojekt der transformación productiva ist die Industrialisierung der Coca, anhand der bedeutendere Mehrwertgewinne erzeugt werden könnten. In Planung sind dafür aktuell drei Fabriken zur Herstellung von Coca-Tees. Darüber hinaus existieren viele und innovative Ideen und Ansätze, aber es ist in diesem Fall fraglich, ob ein ausreichender Markt in Bolivien zur Verfügung steht. Die bisher hergestellten alternativen Coca-Produkte haben keine besondere Akzeptanz in der bolivianischen Bevölkerung gefunden. Weitere Probleme ergeben sich aus dem Finanzierungsbedarf solcher Projekte. Auch Fachpersonal ist womöglich nicht ausreichend vorhanden. Über Absichtserklärungen ist der Ansatz der produktiven Transformation bisher nicht hinausgekommen. Dass, wie angestrebt, 4 000 ha Coca durch die industrielle Weiterverarbeitung im Land absorbiert werden könnten, erscheint ohne den Zugang zu Auslandsmärkten illusorisch. Alternative Entwicklung: Im Bereich alternative, beziehungsweise integrale Entwicklung gibt es bisher kaum Fortschritte. Insbesondere der Ausschluss der USAID aus dem Chapare und die befristete Arbeit in den Yungas beeinflussen die zukünftige Entwicklungen stark. Für die Regierungsprojekte besteht weiterhin Finanzierungsbedarf, der noch nicht geklärt werden konnte. Die mit der integralen Entwicklung beauftragte DIGPROCOCA ist bisher noch ausschließlich mit der Erfassung und Rationalisierung von Coca-Flächen beschäftigt.

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LINZER HESSEN Linzer Hessen ( - ) Einband ( - ) Impressum ( - ) [Abb.]:Kaiser Franz Josef I. ( - ) [Abb.]: Kaiser und König Karl I. ( - ) Titelseite ([1]) Impressum ([2]) [Begleitworte]: ([3]) [Begleitworte]: ([4]) [Begleitworte]: ([5]) Vorwort des Verfassers ([6]) [Gedicht]: ([7]) [Abb.]:Ernst Ludwig Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein ([8]) Aus der Geschichte der Hesseninfanterie vor dem Weltkrieg (9) Der Bestallungsbrief (9) [Abb.]: Kaiser Karl VI. (10) [Abb.]: Eugenio von Savoyen (11) Organisation, Besoldung, Fahnen. Höhere Führung und innere Ordnung (12) Pflichten und Strafen (12) [Abb.]: Österreichische Infanterie zur Zeit der Regimentsgründung 1733 (13) Kulturhistorisches um 1733 (14) Musterliste aus dem Jahre 1754 (15) [Abb.]: Offiziere und Grenadier um die Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts (15) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Schlacht bei Kolin (2)Die Schlacht bei Kolin. Sturmangriff des Regiments Salm (16) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Leopold Graf Daun in der Schlacht bei Hofkirch (17) [Abb.]: Die Schlacht bei Landshut (18) [2 Abb.]: (1)Belagerung von Glatz (2)Gefecht bei Freyberg (19) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Gideon Freiherr von Laudon nimmt die Übergabe Belgrads entgegen (2)Die Schlacht bei Belgrad (20) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Nikolaus Fürst zu Salm-Salm ( - ) Erste Inhaber des Regimentes (21) [4 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschalleutnant Franz Graf Ferraris (1770 - 1775) (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Josef Freiherr von Tillier (1775 - 1788) (3)Feldzeugmeister Wilhelm Baron Kiebeck (1788 - 1811) (4)Kardinal Erzherzog Rudolf von Österreich (1811 - 1831) (21) [3 Abb.]: (1)Feldzeugmeister Franz Richter von Binnenthal (1832 - 1840) (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Johann Hrabovsky von Hrabova (1840 - 1848) (3)Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Freiherr von Wolgemuth (1849 - 1851) (22) Todesmutige Vierzehner an der bayrisch-salzburgischen Grenze 1805 (23) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ludwig III., Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein (1851 - 1877) (2)Ludwig IV., Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein (1877 - 1892) (23) Kämpfe auf heimatlichem Boden (25) [Abb.]: Das Gefecht bei Ebelsberg (25) Napoleon geschlagen (26) [Abb.]: Generalissimus Erzherzog Carl in der Schlacht bei Aspern (27) [Abb.]: Klebek-Infanterie im Sturm auf Aspern (28) Das Regiment der Befreiungskriege 1813 - 1815 (28) [Abb.]: Einzug der Verbündeten in Paris (31) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Carl Fürst Schwarzenberg meldet den verbündeten Monarchen - Kaiser Franz I. von Österreich, Zar Alexander I. von Rußland und König Friedrich Wilhelm III. von Preußen - den Sieg bei Leipzig ( - ) [Abb.]: Feldzeugmeister Franz Richter von Binnenthal mit seinem Stabe (35) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fahnenweihe beim k. k. Linien-Infanterieregiment Nr. 14 im Jahre 1841 am Linzer Hauptplatz (2)Major Johann Wanivenhaus Edler von Spangfeld (1805 - 1841) (Grenadier, Leutnant, Oberleutnant und Hauptmann im Regiment) (36) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Josef Graf Radetzky (37) [Abb.]: Leutnant Moritz Crammer erhielt 1848 die Goldene Tapferkeitsmedaille (38) Aus dem "Reiße-Büchl" meines Großvaters (38) [2 Abb.]: (1)Infanterist unter Feldmarschall Radetzky (2)General und Grenadier in der napoleonischen Zeit (39) [Abb.]: Hesseninfanterie im Sturme auf Ponte vecchio di Magenta ( - ) Rangliste der Offiziere 1859: (41) Magenta. Ponte-vecchio achtmal gestürmt (42) [Abb.]: Hessen im Kampf mit französischer Garde in der Schlacht bei Solferino (43) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Ritter von Benedek bei Solferino (45) [Abb.]: Oberleutnant Ludwig Pauli rettete in der Schlacht bei Magenta im Handgeemenge die Fahne des 1. Baons (46) [Abb.]: Heldentod des Obersten Ferdinand Mumb von Mühlheim bei Solferino (47) Solferino - Översee - Veile (48) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Freiherr von Gablenz begrüßt die Schwarzgelbe Brigade - I. R. 14 und I. R. 27 - bei Oeversee ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessen, die ersten in Veile (2)Hessengedenktafel in Böhmisch-Leipa (49) Königgrätz (50) [2 Abb.]: (1)Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe 1866 (2)Gefreiter Johann Jax, nachmaliger Fabrikbesitzer, lebt 93jährig in Linz (50) [Abb.]: Bischof Franz Josef Rudigier weiht 1882 die Fahne des IV. Hessenbataillons im Linzer Dome ( - ) Lorbeeren im Süden (51) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Albrecht nach dem Siege bei Custozza (51) [Abb.]: Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe vor dem Ausmarsch auf den italienischen Kriegsschauplatz im Jahre 1866 (53) Die Hessen in der Krivoschije 1882 (54) [Abb.]: Die Borche di Cattaro mit der Lovcengruppe (54) [Abb.]: Der Hessenobelisk am Friedhof von Cattaro (55) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Karl Watzek † Mitkämpfer von 1866 und 1882 (2)Leutnant i. d. Res. Max Ritter v. Ulrich (1882) (3)Leutnant i. d. Res. Heinrich Taschauer Mitkämpfer von 1882 (56) [3 Abb.]: (1)Innsbruck (2)Innsbruck: Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe der 8. Feldkompagnie (Sitzend: Feldwebel Anton Steinkellner, Oberleutnant Karl Zeller, Hauptmann Cölestin Kahler, Leutnant Viktor Grundner, Reserveunteroffizier Josef Stöhringer) (3)1901: Fünzigjähriges Hessen-Inhaberjubiläum in Bozen (57) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bregenz (2)Bodensee-Reunion in Bregenz 1907 General der Kavallerie Erzherzog Eugen beim Empfang der bayerischen und württembergischen Offiziere (3)S. M. Kaiser Franz Josef besichtigt das Regiment nach einer Manöverübung in Kärnten (58) [3 Abb.]: (1)1908: Empfang des Linzer Hausregiments am Franz-Josef-Platz (2)Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe der 8. Feldkompagnie (Mitte: Leutnant Hermann Seif, Leutnant i. d. Res. Wilhelm Eppinger) (3)Linz 1911: Das Offizierskorps des Regimentes (Sitzend: Hauptmann Freiherr v. Saar, Hauptmann Freiherr v. Mayer, Hauptmann Walter, Hauptmann Heissig, Major v. Rizetti, Major Pöschmann, Major Lewandowski, Oberleutnant Michl, kaiserlich japanischer Major Hildekadzu Kashi, Oberst Edler v. Hinke, Oberstleutnant Rabatsch, Major Benesch, Major Markovic, königlich rumänischer Oberleutnant Parajanu, Major Vitzthum, Major Tenner, Stabsarzt Dr. Hubka, Hauptmann Malina) (59) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberst v. Hinke mit Offizieren in der Manöverstation Mayerhofen Zillertal (2)Regimentstambour Josef Bilek (1914 - 1918) (60) [4 Abb.]: (1)1911: Sand bei Bruneck (2)Die 8. Feldkompagnie nach Überquerung des Schwarzensteingletschers (3)Das Regiment bei Landro am Marsche nach Cortina d'Ampezzo (4)Plätzwiese mit Monte Cristallo (61) Oberste und Kommandanten des Regimentes: (62) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Ferdinand Mumb v. Mühlheim (2)Oberst Adolf Schütte Freiherr v. Waxensberg (62) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Hugo Ritter Taulow v. Rosenthal (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Edler v. Cornaro (3)Generalmajor Gustav Scharinger Ritter v. Olósy (4)Oberst Oskar Negrelli Ritter v. Moldelbe (63) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Siegmund Klug Edler v. Klugenwald (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Wilhelm Lahousen Edler v. Vivremont (3)Oberst Heinrich Polaczek (4)Oberst Johann Linhart (64) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Alfred Edler von Hinke (2)Generalmajor Friedrich Edler von Löw (3)Oberst Artur von Pöschmann (ad interim) (4)Oberst Thomas Benesch (65) [Abb.]: Oberst Richard von Vittorelli (66) [Widmung]: (66) Kämpfe und regimentsgeschichtliche Ereignisse (1739 - 1882) (67) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberstleutnant Ing. Karl Heppner (ad interim) (2)Oberst August von Ontl (67) [Abb.]: General-Feldzeugmeister Christian Reichsritter von Vogelsang, kommandierender General in den Niederlanden, Gouverneur von Luxemburg (68) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Alexander, Prinz von Hessen und bei Rhein, erwarb 1859 als Divisionär bei Solferino das Ritterkreuz des Militär-Maria-Thersia-Ordens (69) Theresien-Ordensritter vor dem Weltkriege (70) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Maximilian Prinz zu Salm-Salm, als Major 1757 erster Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens im Regiment (70) [Abb.]: Generalmajor Adam Freiherr Krammer von Obereck, als Oberst 1757 zweiter Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens im Regimente (71) [Tabelle]: Verzeichnis der dem Regimente vor dem Weltkriege verliehenen Tapferkeistmedaillen (71) Die Garnisonen der Vierzehner (72 - 73) [2 Abb.]: (1)Garnisonsstadt Linz im Hintergrund die Alpenkette (2)Eidesleistung der Rekruten in der Schloßkaserne zu Linz 1902 (72 - 73) Hochgestellte Persönlichkeiten die im Regimente in Diesntleistung standen (74) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Joseph Fürst Lobkowitz (2)Feldzeugmeister Maximilian Graf Baillet de Latour, Hofkriegsratspräsident (74) [3 Abb.]: (1)Karl, regierender Fürst zu Ysenburg (2)Feldzeugmeister Franz Marquis Lusignan (3)Feldzeugmeister Franz Flliot de Crenneville, Oberstkämmerer Sr. Majestät des Kaisers Franz Josef (75) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Erzherzog Ernst (2)General der Infanterie Franz Schaedler, Armeeinspektor, Inhaber des I.-R. 30 (3)Generaloberst Adolf Freiherr von Rhemen zu Bärenfeld, Generalgouverneur von Serbien (4)General der Infanterie Ludwig von Fabini (76) [2 Abb.]: Ferdinand I., Zar von Bulgarien, k. u. k. Feldmarschall (77) Das Hessen-Regiment Nr. 14 im Weltkrieg (78) Mobilisierung (78) [Abb.]: Titelbild der Kaiser-Manifeste (79) Manifest Kaiser Franz Josefs vom 28. Juli 1914. An meine Völker! (79) Armee- und Flottenbefehl Kaiser Franz Josefs. Kaiser Wilhelm. An das deutsche Heer und die deutsche Marine. (80) Die Kommandobesetzung zeigt folgendes Bild: (81) [Abb.]: Die Hessenfahne am Ausmarschtage des Regimentes (Fahnenträger Kadett i. d. R. Leidinger, rechts Oblt. v. Pospischil) (81) Heerführer und höhere Kommandanten im Weltkriege (82) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Erzherzog Eugen, Kommandant der Südwestfront (2)Feldmarschall Franz Graf Conrad von Hötzendorf, Chef des Generalstabes bis Februar 1917, sodann Kommandant der "Heeresgruppe Conrad" (82) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich, Armeeoberkommandant bis Februar 1917 (2)Feldmarschall Svetozar Boroevic von Bojna, Kommandant der Isonzoarmee, 1918 Kommandant der "Heeresgruppe Boroevic" (83) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst Erzherzog Josef Ferdinand Kommandant der IV. Armee (2)Generaloberst Alois Fürst Schönburg-Hartenstein, Kommandant des Edelweißkorps, 1918 Kommandant der VI. Armee (84) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst Viktor Graf Dankl, Landesverteidigungskommandant von Tirol, 1916 Kommandant der XI. Armee (2)Generaloberst Josef Freiherr Roth von Limanowa-Lapanów, Kommandant des XIV. Armeekorps, 1916 Landesverteidigungskommandant von Tirol (85) [2 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie Horsetzky Ernst Edler v. Hornthal Kommandant der 3. Infanteriedivision, 1918 Kommandant des XXVI. Armeekorps (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Heinrich Wieden von Alpenbach, Kommandant der Edelweißdivision (86) Der Feldzug gegen Rußland 1914 - 1915 (87) Ausmarsch und Aufmarsch (87) [Abb.]: Ausmarsch der Maschinengewehrabteilung II/14 (Hauptmann Agathon Kotschy) (88) Rangliste der Offiziere und der Offiziersaspiranten im Februar 1914 (88) [2 Abb.]: (1)Budapest: Oberleutnant Richard Tenner mit Offizieren des II. Feldbataillons (2)Menageverteilung am Bahnhof in Budapest (89) Die Feuertauf (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rudki bei Sambor (2)Kaiserfeier des 2. Feldbaons in Rudki östlich Sambor (91) [Karte]: 28. August 1914. (92) [Abb.]: Mittagsrast bei Oserdów (92) [Abb.]: Gefechtsentwicklung des Regimentes zur Weltkriegsfeuertaufe im Gefechte bei Oserdów-Przewadów (93) Lehrgeld im Bewegungskrieg (93) [Abb.]: Gefechtsstandpunkt des 3. Infanterie-Divisionskommandos (Feldmarschalleutnant Roth) bei Oserdów (93) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erste Feuerstellung des Feldkanonenregiments Steyr Nr. 14 bei Oserdów (2)Die ersten Kriegsgefangenen in Oserdów (94) [3 Abb.]: (1)Das russische Grenzwachhaus nördlich Liski (2)Die erste feldmäßigen Deckungen (Schützenlöcher) des Regimentes nach dem Gefecht bei Liski (3)Die ersten Schützengräben des Regimentes nach dem Gefecht bei Liski (95) [2 Karten]: (1)31. August 4 h früh (2)30. August 2 h 30 min - 31. August 3 h 30 min früh (96) Grauenvolles Erwachen (96) [Abb.]: Die Weltkriegs-Feuertaufe der Hessen bei Oserdów ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Regiment lagert nach dem Gefecht bei Liski (2)Regimentstrain bei Liski (97) Strapazenreicher Rückzug (98) Der Überfall bei Michalówka (98) Das erste Marschbaon (99) [Karte]: Wegskizze nördlich von Lemberg (99) Der vereitelte Finkenfang (100) [Abb.]: Sanitätspatrouille des 2. Feldbaons bei Lemberg (100) Heiße Kämpfe am San (101) Der rollende Rubel (102) [Abb.]: Ruthenische Bauern bringen Schlachtvieh (103) Der Vorstoß nördlich Krakau (103) [Abb.]: Krakau (104) Die Fahne in Gefahr (104) [Abb.]: Kloster Lezajsk am San (105) Aus Gefechtsberichten (105) Die Schlacht von Limanowa - Lapanów (107) [3 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Limanowa nach Norden (2)Umgebung von Limanowa (3)Höhen nordwestlich von Limanowa (107) [Abb.]: Esrtürmung eines russischen Schützengrabens bei Limanowa (108) Kriegsgeschichte im Telegrammstil (108) [3 Abb.]: (1)Westlich von Limanówa (2)Gelände um Lapanów (3)Sicht von der Stradomkahöhe gegen Südwest (109) Die Stradomka-Brücke (110) [Karte]: Buczyna (8. XII. 1914) und Grabina (9. XII. 1914) (111) [Abb.]: Die Gegend um Sobolów (112) Hessen-Weihnacht (112) Im Sicherungsdienst am Dunajec (113) [2 Karten]: (1)Radlów - Niwka 19. - 27. XII. 1914 (2)Wielka - Wies, Dunajec - Sicherung 1./I. - 18./I. 1915 (114) [Abb.]: Höhe 419 (115) [3 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschalleutnant von Korsetzky im Schützengraben bei Janowice links Oberstleutnant Ontl (2)Maschinengewehrstand nördlich Janowice (3)Stellung der 16. Feldkompagnie bei Janowice (116) Der Durchbruch bei Tarnów (116) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bei Janowice. Sicht vom Maschinengewehrstützpunkt III/14 (2)Stellung mit Unterstand bei Janowice (117) [4 Abb.]: (1)Deckung des Regimentskommandos bei Janowice (2)Maschinengewehrstützpunkt III/14 bei Janowice (3)Baum-Beobachtungsstand in der Stellung bei Janowice (4)Stellung der 10. Feldkomapagnie bei Janowice (118) Der Sturm bricht los (119) [4 Abb.]: (1)Russischer Schützengraben (2)Stellungen am Lubinkabach (3)Schützengraben bei Lubinka (4)Eigene Stellung bei Lubinka (119) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Waldstellung bei Lubinka (2)Feindliche Stellung bei Lubinka (120) Hinter den Russen her (121) [3 Abb.]: (1)42-cm-Mörser vor Tarnów (2)Der Mörser feuerbereit (3)Laderaum des Mörsers (121) [3 Abb.]: (1)Trichter nach dem Einschlag eines 30.5-cm-Mörsergeschosses (2)Erbeutetes russisches Maschinengewehr (3)Heldengräber bei Tarnów (122) [2 Karten]: (1)Bildbaumhöhe- 456 (2)M. H. Woźniczna, Kłokowa (123) [2 Karten]: (1)Zdol 306 (2)Zawada (124) Der russische Zusammenbruch (124) Atempause am San (124) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Gefangenenkolonne nach dem Durchbruch bei Gorlice - Tarnów (2)Russische Schützengräben am San (125) [2 Abb.]: (1)Nachrichtenpatrouille am San (2)Mannschaftsgruppe in einem Gefechtsunterstand am San (links: Zugsführer Johann Reischl, rechts: Feldwebel Franz Weixelbaumer) (126) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefechtsunterstände am San (2)Russische Gefangene werden beim Divisionskommando verhört (127) Zum zweitenmal über die Grenze (128) [Abb.]: Das Regiment überschreitet die russische Grenze - Vorbeimarsch an Obst v. Vittorelli (128) [Abb.]: Oberst v. Vittorello besichtigt die Gefechtsstellungen bei Letownia (129) Die Julikämpfe an der Bystrzyca (130) [Karte]: (130) [2 Karten]: (131) Kosaken attackieren (131) Letzte Reserve (132) [Abb.]: Abwehr der Kosakenattacke an der Bystrzyca (2. Schlacht bei Krasnik - Lublin). - Bildmitte: Hauptmann Ernst Eisner, rechts: Oberleutnant Walter Vogt ( - ) [Abb.]: Zuckerfabrik Zakrzówek (133) [Abb.]: Lublin (134) Direktion Lublin (134) Allein voraus (135) [Abb.]: Oberleutnant Burian überschreitet mit einem Nachrichtendetachement die Reste einer Brücke bei Turka (136) Marsch durch die russische Unendlichkeit (137) [2 Abb.]: (1)Im "Fuchsloch" (2)Eingang zum "Fuchsloch" (137) [2 Abb.]: (1)Infanteriebeobachtungsstand im Schützengraben (2)Wellblechunterschlupf (138) Fall der Festung Luck (139) [Abb.]: Luck (139) [2 Abb.]: (Eigener Fesselballon bei Luck (2)Verankerter Fesselballon bei Luck (140) Vor dem russischen Haustor (140) [Abb.]: Kompagnieküche bei Luck (140) [2 Abb.]: (1)Reservestellung vor Olyka (2)Stellung vor Olyka (141) [Abb.]: Postenunterstände bei Olyka (142) Halten bis zum letzten Mann (142) Schwankendes Kriegsglück (142) [3 Abb.]: (1)Stellung bei Krupy (2)Straßensperre vor Krupy (3)Hundegespann (143) [Abb.]: Von den Russen gesprengte Eisenbahnbrücke über den Styr, rechts eigen Kriegsbrücke (144) Winter im fernen Osten (144) Das Leben im Schützengraben. Hessenrobinsonade (145) [Abb.]: Kriegsbrücke über den Styr (145) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unterstand in der Reservestellung bei Pokalzczewo (2)Feldmesse im "Hessenwäldchen" bei Pokalzczewo (146) Post im Niemandsland (146) [Abb.]: Unterstand des Regimentskommandos in der Stellung bei Pokalzczewo (im Vordergrund Oberstleutnant v. Ontl und Hauptmann Eisner) (147) Das Abschiedsgefecht (147) [Abb.]: Kompagnie Hauptmann Vogel in der Stellung bei Pokalzczewo (147) Ins heilige Land Tirol (148) [Abb.]: Erzherzog-Thronfolger Karl Franz Josef beim Regimente in Chorlupy. Vor Seiner kaiserlichen Hoheit Oblt. i. d. Res. Adalbert Neuhauser (148) [Karte]: Russischer Kriegsschauplatz (149) Erlebnisse des Infanteristen Moser (150) Die ersten Gefechte Ende August 1914 (150) Das 1. Marschbaon des Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14 in der Schlacht bei Lemberg (152) Tapfere Vierzehner am San und nördlich von Krakau (153) Das Regiment in der Schlacht von Komarów (156) [Karte]: Lage der Gruppe Erzh. Josef Ferdinand (3., 8. ITD. und 41. HITD.) am 28. August 1914, ca. 5h nachm. (157) [Karte]: Feuertaufe, 28. VIII. 1914 1h nachm. Beginn der Entwicklung (158) [Karte]: Feuertaufe, 28. VIII. 1914 5h30 nachm. Einbruch, Verfolgung, Nächtigung. (159) [Karte]: Lage des IR. 14 am 30./8. 1914 als Divisionsreserve. (162) [Karte]:30.(8. 1914 4./14 Geschützbedeckung bei 2. Bt./GHD. 14, rückt in den Nachmittagsstunden ein und nimmt abends am Angriff des Rgts. teil. (163) [Karte]:Nächtigung des IR. 14 vom 30. auf den 31./8. (4h30 vorm. russischer Überfall). (165) Der erste Offensivtag bei Gorlice 1915 (166) [Abb.]: Drahtverhau vor eigenen Stellungen am russischen Kriegsschauplatz (167) Aus meinem Kriegstagebuch. Im Brückenkopf Krupy (169) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rundsicht von Luck (2)Oberleutnant Steffan mit der Fahnenkompagnie vor dem Empfang des Erzherzog-Thronfolgers Karl Franz Josef bei Chorlupy (170 - 171) Der italienische Feldzug 1915 - 1918 (172) Die Offensive auf der Hochfläche von Vielgereuth (172) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kastell Trient (2)Straße Calliano - Vielgereuth (Folgaria) (173) [2 Abb.]: (1)Etschtal bei Calliano (2)35-cm-Kanone (174) Der Monte Coston erstürmt (175) [3 Abb.]: (1)Gardolo im Etschtal (2)Typisches Etschtaler Bauerngehöft (3)30.5-cm-Mörser feuerbereit (175) [Abb.]: Vielgereuth (176) Ein harter Bissen (176) [Abb.]: Angriff auf den Monte Coston ( - ) [4 Abb.]: (1)Gefechtsvorrückung am Hang des Monte Coston (2)Am Monte Coston (3)Am Monte Coston erbeutete italienische Mitrailleuse (4)Einvernahme gefangener Alpini (177) [3 Abb.]: (1)Monte Coston, Coston d'Arsiero, Monte Campomolon (2)Italienisches Fort Campomolon (3)Erbeutetes Festungsgeschütz im Fort Campomolon (178 - 179) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Tonezzaspitzen (2)Campana am Tonezzaplateau (180) Der Monte Cimone fällt (180) [Abb.]: Ladestation am Passo della Vena (180) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erbeutete italienische Minenwerfer (2)Motorisierte Fliegerabwehrkanone auf der Hessen-Rainerstraße (181) [Abb.]: Rio Freddotal. Links Monte Cimone, rechts Seluggio. Im Hintergrund Priofora und Novegnomassiv (182) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die "Zweifelsturmrippe im Rio Freddotal (2)Unterstand im Rio Freddotal. Vor der Deckung Leutnant Oskar Pöschl (3)Feldwache im Abschnitt Cimone-West (183) [Abb.]: Rundsicht: Monte Cengio, Monte Sumano, Monte Cimone, Monte Priafora (184 - 185) Der Gegner über die Maioffensive 1916 (184 - 185) Coston und Coston d'Arsiero (184 - 185) Monte Cimone d'Arsiero (184 - 185) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberleutnant Panitschka beschießt vorgehenden Feind am Osthang des Monte Cimone (2) Am Monte Cimone erbeutetes italienisches Langrohrgeschütz (186) [Abb.]: Die Priafora (187) Im Becken von Arsiero (187) [Abb.]: Beim Konservenabkochen (187) [Abb.]: Arsiero (188) [Abb.]: Posinatal und Priafora (189) [2 Abb.]: (1)Werk Lusern nach heftiger Beschießung (2)38-cm-Haubitze auf der Hochfläche von Lafraun (Lavarone) (190) Halt vor der Poebene (190) [Abb.]: Werk Verle. Im Hintergrund die Tonezzaspitzen (191) [Abb.]: Das Coe-Lager (192) Das 3. Baon in der Hölle des Karstes (193) [2 Abb.]: (1)30.5-cm-Mörser am Borcolopaß (2)Häuser in Opachiasella (193) [Abb.]: Das Pasubio Massiv (194 - 195) Am Heldenberg der Kaiserjäger (194 - 195) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldwache am Pasubio (2)Proviantträger am Pasubio (196) Der Grabenkrieg geht weiter (196) [4 Abb.]: (1)Vallestellung mit Tonezzaspitzen (2)Cima Pajle (3)Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich besichtigt das 25. Marschbaon (Divisionsreserve) bei San Sebastiano. Rechts Hauptmann Jkawetz (4)Feldmarschall Graf Conrad besichtigt Teile des Regiments bei der Malga Fratte d'Arsiero. Links Edelweißdivisionär Feldmarschalleutnant Ernst von Horsetzky (197) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bischof Dr. Johannes Maria Gföllner erteilt den Segen nach der Feldmesse bei Malga secondo posto (2)Menageausgabe in der Stellung Cimone-West (198) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deckung in der Stellung Cimone-West (2)Südstollen am Monte Cimone (199) [3 Abb.]: (1)Im Laghibecken. Von links nach rechts. Oberleutnant Keller, Oberst v. Vittorelli, Erzherzog Karl Albrecht, Major Sauer (2)Lawinenkreuz am Passo della Vena (3)Im Soldatenheim an der Hessen-Rainerstraße (200) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmesse beim Regimentskommando im Laghettotal (2)Der "Blitzweg" bei Molino (201) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Cadine gegen Terlago mit Paganella (2)Terlago (202) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hauptmann v. Pospischil mit dem Offizierskorps des 29. Marschbaons in Terlago (2)Offiziersgruppe des 29. Marschbaons in Terlago (3)Schloß Terlago. Lt. Kuß, Lt. Meisl und Fhnr. Kloimstein (203) [3 Abb.]: (1)Kirche in Pedescala (Asticotal) (2)Das zerstörte Pedescala (3)Die "Gibraltar" - und die "Tiger"-Stellung beiderseits des Asticotales. Rechts der Ostabfall des Monte Cimone (204) [4 Abb.]: (1)Zerstörte Häuser in Forni (Asticotal) (2)Soldatenheim "Horsetzky" an der Hessen-Rainerstraße (3)Schützengraben in der "Gibraltar"-Stellung (4)Forni im italienischen Scheinwerferlicht (205) [Abb.]: Sieben Gemeinden. Links Cimone-Ost (206) [Abb.]: Friccastraße. Im Hintergrund Carbonare und Tonezzaspitzen (207) Hessenabwehr im Raume Ortigara - Porta Lepozze (207) [Karte]: Die Ortigara - Schlacht. Lage am 10. Juni 1917 früh und der italienische Angriff an diesem Tage. (208) [Karte]: Die Ortigara - Schlacht. Lage am 19. Juni 1917 früh und der italienische Angriff an diesem Tage. (209) [Abb.]: Im heißen Ringen am Monte Ortigara (211) [Abb.]: Das Kampfgelände der Ortigaraschlacht (212 - 213) Italienische Darstellungen (212 - 213) Die mißglückte Ortigara-Offensive (212 - 213) [Abb.]: Lager Dosso del Fine (214) [Abb.]: Straßenverkehr am Monte Rover zwischen Caldonazzo und Cost'alta (215) [Abb.]: Caldonazzosee vom Monte Rover (216) Nach einer italienischen Stimme. "Ortigara", 10. bis 26. Juni 1917 (216) [Abb.]: Der Caldonazzo- und der Levicosee mit der Brentagruppe (217) [Abb.]: Das Regiment auf der Piazza d'armi in Trient (218) Der Kaiser kommt (218) [Abb.]: Seine Majestät Kaiser Karl verabschiedet sich vom Regiment nach der Besichtigung am Monte Rover (219) Begrüßung durch Erzherzog Eugen (220) [3 Abb.]: (1)Lager Monte Rover (2)Zur Erholung in Cost'alta (3)Barackenlager Cost'alta (220) Erholung in Trient (220) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Erzherzog Eugen beim Regimente am Monte Rover. Vor Seiner kaiserlichen Hoheit Oberst v. Vittorelli, Oberst v. Ontl, Major Schuldes, Major Sauer, Oberleutnant Pernklau (221) [Abb.]: Hochfläche von La Fraun (Lavarone) (222) Das Ringen um den Heldenberg (222) [Abb.]: Asticotal mit Campolongo (223) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rundsicht v. Monte Zebio (2)Deckungen beim Gruppenkommando am Monte Zebio (224 - 225) Die "Nothelfer" treten an (224 - 225) [Abb.]: Italienischer Schützengraben auf der "Katze". Im Hintergrund der Monte Zebio (224 - 225) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schützengraben am Monte Zebio (2)Sandsackstellung am Monte Zebio (226) [4 Abb.]: (1)Offiziersfeldwache (Lt. Ernst Meisl im Keller der Schule in Pedescala) (2)Unterstand in der Reservestellung bei Pedescala (3)Kirche in San Pietro (Asticotal) (4)Vor einer Kaverne in der Pedescalastellung (227) [2 Abb.]: (1)San Pietro im Asticotal (2)Hessengedenkstein für die Gefallenen im Asticotal (228) [Karte]: Skizze aus dem Manuskripte "Mt. San Gabriele, 17. August bis 24. Oktober 1917" (229) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rundblick auf Monte Santo und Monte San Gabriele (Westhänge). Standpunkt bei Kirche Sveta Katherina, Höhe 307 (2)Laufgraben, Kronbergsattel Kote 408, zum Trigonometer Monte San Gabriele (230 - 231) [Abb.]: Monte San Daniele mit Ternovaner-Wald, Blick vom Monte San Gabriele (232) [Abb.]: Die Erstürmung des Monte San Gabriele. Bildmitte: Oberleutnant Franz Kern, im Vordergrund Leutnant Dr. Karl Staufer ( - ) [Abb.]: Monte San Gabriele mit österreichischer C-Linie, Blick gegen Kote 552 (233) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unterstände in einer Doline östlich Kote 552 auf dem Monte San Gabriele vor der Schlacht (2)Oberes Drittel des Laufgrabens zum Trigonometer 646 des Monte San Gabriele (234) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Kote 552 (Mitte des Gabrielerückens) gegen Kote 526 (Veliki Hrib) (2)Italienische Gefangene des Regimentes am Monte San Gabriele (235) [3 Abb.]: (1)Maskierte Straße nach Ternova (2)Menageverteilung im Ternovaner Wald (3)Zeltlager im Ternovaner Wald (236) Was der Feind darüber sagt (236) Il Monte della Morte (236) [Karte]: Italienischer Kriegsschauplatz (237) Der Gabriele und höhere Führung. Das Generalstabswerk über den Angriff des Infanterieregiments 14 auf den Blutberg (238) Der Siegeszug gegen Italien 1917 (238) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Freiherr v. Boroevic nach der Besichtigung des Regimentes in Idria. Links Oberst Vittorelli, Hptm. Hingler, Oblt. v. Kenzian, Oblt. P. O. Schmidt (239) Marsch in den Aufmarschraum (239) Schulter an Schulter ins Feindesland (240) [Abb.]: Italienischer Schützengraben nach dem Durchbruch bei Flitsch (241) [Abb.]: Rundsicht von Tolmezzo (242 - 243) Vom Tagliamento an den Piave (242 - 243) [Abb.]: Belluno (244) [Abb.]: Arten bei Fonzaso mit Monte Aurin (245) [Abb.]: Feltre (246) Im Durchbruchstale der Brenta (247) [Abb.]: Monte Grappa (247) [Abb.]: Monte Pertica (248) [Abb.]: Brentatal bei Vanini (249) [Abb.]: Vanini im Brentatal (250) [Abb.]: Blick von Incin in das Brentatal bei Vanini (251) [Abb.]: Talsperre Primolano (252) Am Col del Orso (252) [Abb.]: Enego (252) [2 Abb.]: (1)Monte Cismon (2)Straße in Cismon (253) [Abb.]: Posten im Stizzonetal (254) Ein rätselhaftes Marschziel. - In der Kaiserstadt (254) [Abb.]: Oblt. Franz Kern, der meistausgezeichnete Frontoffizier der Armee, nach der Dekorierung mit dem Orden der Eisernen Krone zweiter Klasse, auf der Schmelz in Wien (255) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ausmarsch des Regimentes aus dem Breitenseer Barackenlager in Wien zur Front (2)Einwaggonierung des Regimentes in Wien (256) Offizierseinteilungsliste im Felde 1917 (256) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberleutnant in Paradeuniform (2)Gefreiter in Feldadjustierung (257) Die Junischlacht 1918. A, Col del Rosso (258) [Abb.]: Truppenunterstände in der Frenzellaschlucht (259) [Abb.]: Volltreffer in einem Unterstand in der Frenzellaschlucht (260) [Abb.]: Der eigene und der feindliche Stellungsverlauf am Col del Rosso (261) [Abb.]: Col del Rosso. Unter den Racheln die Frenzellaschlucht (262 - 263) Mein Ehrentag im Felde (262 - 263) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kampfstellung und Deckung am Cil del Rosso (2)Das Regimentskommando am Col del Rosso (Oberst v. Ontl, Hauptmann Hingler, Oberleutnant v. Wellenreiter) (262 - 263) [2 Abb.]: (1)Lager Barricata (2)Barricata Lagerkommando (264) [Karte]: Bereitstellung der Edelw.-Div. zum Angriffe. K. u. k. "Edelweiss"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12 Beilage 1. (265) Das Kommando der Edelweißdivision über den Col del Rosso (266) [Karte]: Lage am 15./6. ca. 11h vorm. K. u. k. "Edelweiss"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12 Beilage 6. (267) [2 Abb.]: (1)Straße bei Foza (2)Oberleutnant Kariopp mit den Resten seiner Maschinengewehr-Kompagnie nach dem letzten Großkampf des Regiments am Col del Rosso (269) [2 Abb.]: (1)In Auer: Se. Majestät Kaiser Karl empfängt eine Abordnung des Regiments. Vor Sr. Majestät Oberleutnant Johann Kellermayr (2)Die nach dem Großkampf am Col del Rosso verbliebenen Offiziere des I. Baons im Retablierungsquartier in Piagora (Lt. Forstner, Oblt. Kern, Lt. Rachbauer, Lt. Czulik, Lt. Schmid, O.-A. Dr. Wagner, Oblt. Kretschmer, Lt. Breuer, Lt. Schulz, Lt. Meisl) (270) [Karte]: Italienische Kriegsschauplatz (271) Rangliste der Offiziere und Offiziersaspiranten im Mai 1918 (272) [Abb.]: Die Hessenregimentsfahne ( - ) Einzeldarstellungen (Italienischer Teil) (275) Galghera! (275) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Roder (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Max Aigmüller (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Schild (275) Porta Lepozze (Ortigara). Vorereignisse (279) Gefechtsbericht des Hauptmanns Edmund Spazil, Baonskommandant-Stellvertreter (279) [Abb.]: Rundsicht v. Alte Chiesa (Nördl. Teil) (280 - 281) Wegverhältnisse (280 - 281) Das Gelände (280 - 281) Der Feind (282) Situation vor dem Einsetzen der Vierzehner (282) [Karte]: Angriff am 15. Juni 1917 (283) Meine Einrückung (284) [Abb.]: Angriffsgelände am Fuße des Monte Ortigara (285) [Abb.]: Die von der Kompagnie Oberleutnant Kern rückeroberte Kote 2007 (286) Die Aktion "Anna" (286) Der Gegenangriff der Italiener am 15. Juni 1917 (Siehe Skizze Seite 283.) (287) [Abb.]: Blindgänger einer italienischen Mine auf dem Monte Ortigara (287) [Abb.]: Die Überlebenden der 8. Feldkompagnie nach der Ortigara-Schlacht (289) [Abb.]: Reste des 3. Feldbaons nach der Ortigara-Schlacht (291) Die Stimme des Feindes: (291) Le grande italiane della primavera 1917 (Die großen italienischen Offensiven im Frühjahr 1917) (292) Der Kalvarienberg der "Stumpfen Federn" (Monte Ortigara). "L'Opera degli Alpini, Littorio-Roma" (293) Die Hessen halten und verbluten (295) Leutnant Josef Hörmanseder am Gabriele. Der Mann in der Schlacht (296) Am Heldenberg der Hessen. Die Gruppe Major Heinrich Sauer. (297) [Karte]: Der Mt. S. Gabriele. Lage am 10. IX. 1917, wie sie vermutet wurde. (299) [Abb.]: Serpentinenstraße über Schloß Kronberg nach Görz. Blick auf Süd- und Osthang des Monte San Gabriele. Standpunkt Nordwesthang Monte San Daniele. Höhe ca. 450 m (300 - 301) [Abb.]: Der Inhalt: "Nach links Verbindung, nach rechts unmöglich, da unter dem schwersten Minenfeuer, Feinde nichts zu bemerken, alles ruhig. (305) [Abb.]: Salcano-Brücke bei Görz. Links Hang des Monte San Gabriele. Rechts Monte Sabatino. Im Hintergrund das Görzer Becken (306) [Abb.]: Nächtliches Trommelfeuer am Isonzo. Mitte: Eisenbahnbrücke bei Salcano (307) [Abb.]: Görz (308) [Abb.]: Bahnhof in San Daniele (309) Von den heldenmütigen Kämpen, die alle für eine höhere Dekoration vorgeschlagen wurden, seien ehrend hervorgehoben: (310) Auf der anderen Seite (Italienische Kampfschilderungen) (311) L'azione del San Gabriele (311) [Abb.]: Tragtierkolonne beim Lager Pri Peci (311) Der Angriff auf den San Gabriele (312) Der Regimentsheld erzählt vom Monte San Gabriele (312) Die österreichische Offensive im Trentino - Die italienische Gegenoffensive - Der Col del Rosso (316) Die erste Phase des Angriffes. Plateau von Folgaria (316) Die zweite Phase der Offensive (316) Abschiedsworte des Obersten Regimentskommandanten Richard v. Vittorelli (317) Das X. Marschbataillon des oberösterr. k. u. k. Infanterieregimentes "Ernst Ludwig Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein" Nr. 14 im Weltkrieg (318) Aufstellung des Baons und Ausmarsch ins Feld (Mai 1915.) (318) Die ersten Kämpfe (Hornischek - Schöntalhöhe - Eisenreich.) (24. Mai bis 5. Juni 1915.) (318) [Abb.]: Hauptmann Ritter v. Hantken mit dem Offizierskorps des X. Marschbaons (319) [Abb.]: Hornischek. Fernblick gegen Tonrast, Rotwand, Fischleintal, Drei Zinnen und Innergsell (320) Auf Dolomitenhöhen (Gottres, Son Pauses, Fanes, Il Falé, Monte Piano.) (7. Juni bis 22. Juni 1915.) (320) [Abb.]: Landro. Blick gegen die Drei Zinnen (321) [3 Abb.]: (1)Landro mit Monte Piano (2)Straßensperre Landro (3)Landro mit Nordhang des Monte Piano (322) Einsame Talwacht (Die 2. Kompagnie im Fanes- und Travenanzestal.) (9. Juni bis 21. Juli 1915.) (323) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sandsackstellung am Monte Piano (2)Unterkünfte am Monte Piano (323) [Abb.]: Monte Piano und Schwalbenkofel (324) [2 Abb.]: (1)Travenanzestal und Tofana (2)Wolf Glanvell-Hütte im Travenanzestal (325) Kein Wanken und kein Weichen (Rothek - Matzenboden - Seikofel.) (31. Juli bis 29. August 1915.) (326) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rothek (2)Sexten (327) "Selbst ist der Mann!" (Monte Coston.) (5. bis 24. September 1915.) (328) [Abb.]: Der Monte Coston von Südost (329) "Die immer fest dreinschlagenden Vierzehner" (Plaut - Pioverna.) (3. bis 8. Oktober 1915.) (331) [Abb.]: Abgewiesener italienischer Angriff am Plaut (333) Abwehrkämpfe und Angriffsvorbereitungen (Cost Alta und Trient.) (Oktober 1915 bis April 1916.) (334) Im ewigen Eis (Adamello, Doß bei Morti.) (29. April bis 12. Mai 1916.) (334) [Abb.]: Im Lager Cost Alta (335) Doch noch dabei (Bei Arsiero, Priaforà, Monte Giove.) (1. bis 22. Juni 1916.) (335) Wie sie in die Falle gingen (Monte Cimone.) (23. Juni bis 5. Juli 1916.) (336) [Abb.]: Rechts: Cimone [Südabsturz] - Mitte: Caviojo - Hintergrund: Priafora (337) Von Sommerkämpfen, Winterleiden und kühnen Taten (Im Val Sugana, Civaron - Coalba - Colazzo.) (6. Juli 1916 bis 8. Juni 1917.) (337) [Karte]: Skizze der eigenen und feindlichen Stellungen auf Colazzo. (338) [3 Abb.]: (1)Colazzo (Kote 1010) im Val Sugana (2)Blick von den Colazzohängen gegen den West-Civaron und ins Val Sugana (3)Unterabschnitt Colazzo, Val Sugana, links vorne Kote 1010, rechts Maorahänge (339) Auf der Grenzwacht (Cima Dieci - Ortigara - Porta Lepozze - Kote 2007.) (11. Juni bis 17. Juli 1917.) (340) [Karte]: Übersichtsskizze der Kämpfe im Ortigara-Raume (342) Wandern und Bauen (Wieder im Val Sugana und auf den Sieben Gemeinden.) (17. Juli bis 30. Oktober 1917.) (343) Am Monte Meletta (11. November bis 15. Dezember 1917.) (343) [Abb.]: Am Monte Meletta (344) [Abb.]: Der Monte Meletta (345) [Karte]: Der Kampf um Mte. Meletta. (4. u. 5. Dezember 1917) (346) [Abb.]: S. M. Kaiser Karl empfängt eine Offiziersabordnung in Auer (X Major v. Szilley) (347) Reiche Mitgift (Errichtung des k. u. k. Infanterieregimentes Nr. 114.) (5. Dezember 1917 bis 26. Jänner 1918). (348) [Gedicht]: Stille Helden (349) Adamello, Mai 1916 (X/14) (349) Italienische Urteile (350) L'impresa dell' Adamello, aus "L'opera degli Alpini" (350) Am Grappa und an dem Piave (350) Das k. und k. Infanterieregiment Nr. 114 (351) Teilnahme des Infanterieregiments Nr. 114 an den Kämpfen um den Col del Rosso (352) [Abb.]: Oberstleutnant Rudolf Freiherr v. Handel-Mazetti (353) [Abb.]: Das Angriffsgelände des VI. Korps - in der Bildmitte Frenzelaschlucht und Racheln des Col del Rosso (354) [Karte]: Lage am 25./6. früh. K. u. k. "Edelweis"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12, Beilage 20. (355) [Abb.]: Oberstleutnant Alfons Marbach mit dem Offizierskorps des 1. Feldbaons des Infanterieregiments 114 (356) [Karte]: Bis 4h nachm. bekannte Lage. 30./6. K. u. k. "Edelweiss"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12 Beilage 32. (357) [Abb.]: Kaltern: Überreichung des vom Offizierskorps dem Regimentskommandanten gewidmeten Ordens der Eisernen Krone II. Klasse mit KD. und den Schwertern (359) [Abb.]: Vittorio (361) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hauptmann Rudolf Edler von Polak. 1. Regimentsadjutant (2)Oberleutnant Walter Kenzian Edler von Kenzianshausen. 2. Regimentsadjutant (362) [Abb.]: Rückmarsch nach dem Waffenstillstand. Im Hintergrund der Panarotta (363) Offizierseinteilungsliste des k. u. k. Infanterieregiments Nr. 114 Ende Oktober 1918 (364) Nachwort des ehemaligen Regimentskommandanten (365) Das Edelweißsturmbaon (365) [Abb.]: Monte Majo. Kote 1472 von der Stellung der 13. Kompagnie aus gesehen (366) [Tabelle]: Hauptmann Kwasnievsky hatte für den Angriff die erste Sturmkompagnie, entsprechend der von Major Burger vorgesehenen Formierung, folgendermaßen eingeteilt: (367) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kommando des 4. Baons am Monte Majo (2)Blick vom Monte Majo gegen Toraro und "Blitzweg" (367) [Abb.]: In Bruck a. d. Leitha. Von links nach rechts: Lt. Hüttner, Lt. Eder, Oblt Pierer, Lt. Fischer, Lt. Schwetz, Lt. Hamberger (368) [Gedicht]: (368) [2 Abb.]: (1)In der Frenzelaschlucht (2)Offiziere des Sturmbaons in Pinzon (369) Darüber ein persönlicher Bericht (369) [Abb.]: Der Übungsplatz des Sturmbaons in Pinzon (369) [2 Abb.]: (1)Übung mit Flammenwerfern im Strumkurs (2)Das Sturmbaon im Cordevoletal (370) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hauptübung des Sturmbaons in Levico (2)Rückmarsch des Sturmbaons im Cordevoletal (371) Die Maschinengewehrkompagnie ///14 beim Edelweißsturmbaon (372) [Abb.]: Feindstellung unter Flammenwerferwirkung (373) [Abb.]: Quartier in Lacosta auf dem Marsche nach Fonzaso. Von links nachr rechts: Lt. Bock, Lt. Gangl, Lt. Hamberger, Lt. Schwetz (374) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rast des Baons in Alleghe im Cordevoletal (2)Auf der Heimfahrt nach Linz (375) Offiziere und Offiziersaspiranten des Regimentes (376) [11 Abb.]: (1)Obst. Karl Edler von Staskiewicz (2)Gmjr. Hugo von Leeb (3)Gmjr. William von Einem (4)Obst. Gustav Kuchta Edler von Megiasi (5)Obstlt. Georg Böhm (6)Obst. Franz Nickerl von Ragenfeld (7)Obstlt. Aurel von Bászel (8)Obstlt. Heinrich Schuldes (9)Obstlt. Ludwig Kirchner von Neukirchen (10)Obstlt. d. Gstbskps. Franz Zimmermann (11)Obstlt. Theodor Erhard (376) [12 Abb.]: (1)Mjr. August Schediwy (2)Obstlt. Eduard Lehmann (3)Mjr. Waldemar Ritter von Brunner (4)Obstlt. Julius Scazigino Edler von Medeazza (5)Mjr. Maximilian Ehnl (6)Obstlt. Alfons Marbach (7)Mjr. Friedrich Ritter Hantken von Prudnik (8)Mjr. Heinrich Freiherr von Saar (9)R.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Franz Kruckenhauser (10)Mjr. Theodor Malina (11)Mjr. Heinrich Sauer (12)Mjr. Ottokar Podhalsky (377) [11 Abb.]: (1)Hptm.-Rf. Johann Horak (2)Hptm. Robert von Rehberger (3)Hptm. Erwin Hingler (4)Hptm. Stanislaus Ritter von Kwasniewski (5)Hptm. Emil Freiherr von Tkalcsevich (6)Hptm. Friedrich Vogel (7)Rtm. i. d. Res. Karl Urban (8)Hptm. i. d. Res. Karl Angel (9)Hptm. Voktor Grundner (10)Fk. i. d. Res. Apois Bader (11)R.-A. Dr. Josef Bochskanl (378) [11 Abb.]: (1)Hptm.-Fp. Heinrich Schartner (2)Hptm.-Rf. Stephan Schuller (3)Hptm. Georg Hoffmann (4)Hptm. i. d. res. Walter Vogt (5)Hptm. Rudolf Sanetti (6)Hptm. Ernst Eisner (7)Hptm. Karl Kenzian Edler von Kenzianshausen (8)Hptm. Alois Zadrazil (9)Hptm. Edmund Spacil (10)Hptm. Eduard Steffan (11)Mjr. Josef Heindl (Hnewkowsky) (379) [12 Abb.]: (1)Hptm. Johann Jkawetz (2)Hptm. Max Jaschke (3)Hptm. Rudolf Fischer (4)Hptm. Josef Herberg (5)Hptm. i. d. Res. Ing. Rudolf Burgholzer (6)Hptm. Josef Wittek von Saltzberg (7)Hptm. Alois Ritt (8)Fk. Franz Josef Hämmerle (9)Hptm. Rudolf Pospischil Edler von Wolsegger (10)Hptm. Maximilian Wagmeister (11)Hptm. Lambert Popp (12)Hptm. i. d. Res. Ferdinand Neßler (380) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Lasser (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Magauer (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Adolf Semenitz (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Lettner (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Gustav Leidinger (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Bock (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Dr. Eduard Straßmayr (8)O.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Franz Dangl (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Wonnebauer (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Alois Bruneder (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Lechner (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Georg Laher (381) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Adolf Scharmüller (2)Oblt. Ernst Benkiser Ritter von Porta Comasina (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Fehringer (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Viktor Knörlein (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Leo Zaunmüller (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Marian (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Jedlitschka (8)Oblt. Ludwig von Erler (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Duffek (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Sieber (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Eibuschütz (12)Oblt. Eugen Burian (382) [14 Abb.]: (1)Ldst.-Oblt. Josef Reith (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Stemberger (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Max Ottenweiler (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Albert Neuhauser (5)O.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Leopold Straß (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Hörmanseder (7)Oblt. Arthur Breindl (8)Oblt. i. d. res. Rudolf Pierer (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Ludwig Gärtner (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Perl (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Piesche (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Plakolm (13)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Staudacher (14)Oblt. Josef Müller (383) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Schenkenfelder (2)Oblt. Josef Freiherr Roth von Limanowa-Lapanow (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Dichtl (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Adolf Haasbauer (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Engelbert Griedl (6)Oblt. Max Sturm (7)Oblt. i. d. res. Georg Frauscher (8)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Bahn (9)Oblt. Max Tenschert (10)Oblt. Viktor Du Rieux de Feyau (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Peham (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Martin Sporn (384) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Hermann Krejci (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Scharitzer (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Greinöcker (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Ehrenmüller (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Hofstadler (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Ludwig Plakolb (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Nowotny (8)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Hainböck (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Pernklau (10)Oblt. Friedrich Ebner (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Eppinger (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Bruckner (385) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Neuß (2)Oblt.-P.-O. Karl Schmidt (3)Oblt. Richard Witt (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wolfgang Heiß (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Commenda (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Buchmayr (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Julius Müller (8)Oblt. O.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Georg Wagner (9)Oblt. Wenzel Mlcoch (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. August Rettenbacher (11)Oblt. Erwin Lahousen Edler von Vivremont (12)Oblt. Alfred Stolz (386) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Jirsa (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Ortner (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Max Panitschka (4)Oblt. Franz Kariopp (5)Lt. Hanns Schöndorfer (6)Oblt. Andreas Gugenbichler (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Ernst Adam (8)Oblt. Adolar Schusta (9)Oblt. Helmut von Görtz (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Haager (11)Oblt. Alois Mayer (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Alfred Schwetz (387) [14 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Reinhold Baumgartner (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Aigner (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Scheiber (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Steinkogler (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Otto Vogscha (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Matthias Breuer (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Dr. Josef Aigner (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Edmund Ebner (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Gruber (10)Lt. i. d. Res. Otto Gerstl (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Landl (12)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Buchberger (13)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedirich Müller (14)Lt. i. d. Res. Rupert Dunzendorfer (388) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Gangl (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Steppan (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Leo Markl (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Hamberger (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Viktor Stemberger (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Rhomberg (7)Lt.-Rf. i. d. Res. Josef Hauschild (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Grüll (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Haider (10)Lt. i. d. Res. Ferdinand Meßmer (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Emmerling (12Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Meisl (389) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Hennemann (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Bünker (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Hermann Korensky (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Dworschak (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Adolf Neumüller (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Hugo Eder (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Zapototzky (8)Lt. Wolgang Garzarolli Edler von Turnlackh (9)Lt. i. d. Res. August Kowaczik (10)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Klapper (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Gottfried Tschoner (12)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Grünseis (390) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Anton Tomann (2)Lt. Leopold Roder (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Christophori (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Eberstaller (5)Lt. Gustav Brandstetter (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Matthias Hemmel (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Anton Gschwandtner (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Oskar Leiner (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Schmid (10)Lt. Leopold Müller (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Wigidak (12)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Baumgartner (391) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Richter (2)Lt.-Rf. i. d. Res. Josef Fleischmann (3)Ldst.-Lt. Karl Gattermeyer (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Steiner (5)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Otto Czepl (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Todeschini (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Walter Sturm (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Schulz (9)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Theodor Peer (10)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Max Brandstetter (11)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Oskar Mühlgrabner (12)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Stemberger (392) [12 Abb.]: (1)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Friedrich Kammer (2)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Karl Stöger (3)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Ernst Unger (4)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Rudolf Mayer (5)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Felix Enkner (6)Ldst.-Fhnr. Dr. Otto Richter (7)S.-Fhnr. i. d. Res. Franz Bauer (8)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Hermann Dobler (9)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Vinzenz Forer (10)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Alois Fridrich (11)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Johann Kainberger (12)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Hermann Berger (393) [12 Abb.]: (1)Kd. i. d. Res. Josef Brunner (2)S.-Fhnr. i. d. Res. Gustav Windischbauer (3)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Gottfried Kurzwernhart (4)Kd. i. d. Res. Friedrich Kiffe (5)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Moritz Lebschy (6)E.-F. Gft. Kdtasp. Johann Pröll (7)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Leo Adler (8)E.-F. Kdtasp. Karl Northen (9)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Paul Vlasaty (10)E.-F. Kdtasp. Franz Lobinger (11)E.-F. Kdtasp. Maxim Freiherr Reinlein von Marienburg (12)E.-F. Gft. Kdtasp. Kurt Hamberger (394) Der Zusammenbruch (395) Die im Weltkriege 1914 - 18 gefallenen Hessen (398) [Gedicht]: (398) Offiziere, Offiziersaspiranten, höhere Unteroffiziere (398) [Abb]: Soldatenfriedhof bei Luck (399) Mannschaft. (400) A (400) B (400) C (402) D (402) E (403) F (404) G (405) H (406) I, J (409) K (409) L (412) M (413) N (415) O (415) P (416) Q (417) R (417) S (419) T (422) U, V (423) W (423) Z (425) [Abb.]: Soldatenfriedhof bei Cost' alta (425) Auszeichnungen im Weltkriege (426) Die jüngsten Theresienritter der Hessen. Militär-Verdienstkreuz II. Klasse mit Kriegsdekoration und Schwertern. Kriegsauszeichnungen 1914 - 1918 im Infanterieregiment Nr. 14 (426) [3 Abb.]: Major Béla von Szilley, Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens (2)Oberleutnant Alois Windisch Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens (3)Oberleutnant Franz Kern, der bestausgezeichnete Subaltern-Offizier der k. u. k. Armee. (427) Die Besitzer der Goldenen Tapferkeitsmedaille (428) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Johann Hierzenberger (2)Stfw. Karl Stingeder (430) Besitzer der Goldenen Tapferkeitsmedaille für Offiziere (431) [9 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Theodor Angele (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. dr. Karl Staufer (3)Oblt. Julius Wellenreiter (4)Hptm. Josef Vichytil (5)F. M. L. Otmar Panesch Edler v. Hohenstegen (6)Hptm. Moritz Edler v. Barisani (7)Lt. Max Nickl (8)Oblt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Feßl (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Schatzbergera (431) [9 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Feldpilot Eduard Appel (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Ehrenreiter (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Eduard Jetel (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Leonhard Bielaz (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Roder (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Getzendorfer (7)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Leopold Bleimer (8)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Stephan Nemes (9)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Otto Gabriel (432) [9 Abb.]: (1)Stbsfw. Karl Stark (2)Fw. Karl Schiefermeier (3)Stbsfw. Richard Mayer (4)Fw. Josef Mahringer (5)Offzstv. Karl Heuberger (6)Stbsfw. Franz Weixelbaumer (7)Zgsf. Franz Breit (8)Fw. Alois Gütlbauer (9)Zgsf. Johann Lehner (433) [9 Abb.]: Zgsf. Karl Gsöllpointner (2)Ldst.-Zgsf. Franz Pils (3)Ldst.-Zgsf. Ferdinand Wimmer (4)Gft. Karl Pfennigberger (5)Korp. Florian Breitwieser (6)Ldst.-Korp. Leopold Karigl (7)Ldst.-Inf. Leopold Reichetseder (8)Inf. Matthias Hubauer (9)Ldst.-Gfr. Karl Bachler (434) Besitzer der Silbernen Tapferkeitsmedaille I. Klasse (435) [12 Abb.]: (1)Offzstv. Karl Bauernfeind (2)Offzstv. Hugo Greifeneder (3)Offzstv. Johann Apfolter (4)Stbsfw. Matthias Dornetshumer (5)Stbsfw. Franz Krenmayer (6)Stbsfw. Karl Gsöllpointner (7)Stbsfw. Johann Janak (8)Stbsfw. Johann Gangl (9)Stbsfw. Michael Wiesinger (10)Stbsfw. Johann Ecker (11)Stbsfw. Anton Reisinger (12)Stbsfw. Franz Reitböck (435) [14 Abb.]: (1)Fw. Felix Kaltenbrunner (2)Stbsfw. Josef Kühberger (3)Stbsfw. Johann Frühwirth (4)Stbsfw. Josef Datterl (5)Fw. Karl Kern (6)Fw. Johann Achleitner (7)Fw. Anton Derntl (8)Fw. Johann Lehner (9)Fw. Franz Hartmayr (10)Fw. Josef Hochmayer (11)Fw. Josef Rahaberger (12)Fw. Ferdinand Schatz (13)Fw. Karl Pum (14)Fw. Leopold Haslinger (436) [12 Abb.]: (1)Fw. Franz Cernoch (2)Fw. Ernst Walter (Kalivoda) (3)Fw. Leopold Ertl (4)Fw. Peter Kaser (5)Fw. Franz Kern (6)Fw. Johann Eppinger (7)Zgsf. Georg Scharsching (8)Fw. Franz Prikler (9)Zgsf. Franz Weigl (10)Zgsf. Roman Falkner (11)Zgsf. Viktor Mayer (12)Zgsf. Johann Wöhrer (437) [14 Abb.]: (1)Zgsf. Alois Donnerbauer (2)Zgsf. Michael Feilmaier (3)Zgsf. Karl Gruber (4)Zgsf. Alois Krottenhofer (5)Zgsf. Wenzel Pruschek (6)Zgsf. Karl Haas (7)Zgsf. Josef Froschauer (8)Zgsf. Karl Winkelmayer (9)Zgsf. Wilhelm Resch (10)Zgsf. Johann Söllinger (11)Zgsf. Franz Schauberger (12)Zgsf. Leopold Lettner (13)Korp. Franz Fischerlehner (14)Korp. Josef Gföllner (438) [12 Abb.]: (1)Korp. Ferdinand Danzmayer (2)Gft. Klement Schippel (3)Gft. Josef Sieghartner (4)Korp. Ludwig Palnstorfer (5)Korp. Josef Huber (6)Gft. Georg Lehner (7)Gft. Franz Diensthuber (8)Korp. Johann Körner (9)Inf. Franz Weiß (10)Inf. Karl Kickinger (11)Inf. Josef Fuchs (12)Inf. Josef Keferböck (439) Kriegserfahrungen und besondere Formationen in Einzeldarstellungen (440) Der Krieg im Gebirge (440) [Abb.]: Fannesscharte (Dolomiten) (441) [Abb.]: 38-cm-Haubitze beim Abschuß (443) Mit der "Technischen Kompagnie" an der italienischen Front (445) [Abb.]: Stollenbau am Monte Cimone (447) [Abb.]: Artilleriebeobachtungsstand (449) [Abb.]: Kavernenbau am Monte Cimone (450) [2 Abb.]: (1)Soldatenheim "Erzherzog Eugen" auf der Hessen-Rainerstraße (2)Oblt. Feldpilot Franz Müller (451) [Abb.]: Soldatenfriedhof Folgaria (453) [Abb.]: Seilbahnstation Grigno (Val Sugano) (455) [Abb.]: Bau der Barricatastraße (457) [Abb.]: Gesprengte Eisenbahnbrücke bei Moggio (459) Vom Sanitätsdienste beim Infaterieregiment 14 im Weltkriege (460) [Abb.]: Regimentshilfsplatz im Herrenhaus Liski (463) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport aus Liski (465) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport bei Gorlice (467) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport im Hochgebirge (469) [Abb.]: Hilfsplatz am Monte Piano (471) [Abb.]: Hilsplatz am Fuße des Monte Ortigara (473) [Abb.]: Sanitätsunteroffizier Feldwebel Schlager (477) Das Ersatzbataillon (480) [Tabelle]: Es wurden beim Ersatzbaon gezeichnet: (481) [Abb.]: Das Ersatzbaonskommando und seine Referenten. Unterste Reihe von links nach rechts: Lt. i. d. Res. Oskar Remele; Oblt. Josef Herberg; Hptm. Adolf Spitzl; Hptm. Anton Malina; Obst. Franz v. Nickerl; Hptm. Ferdinand Mühlbauer; Hptm.-Rechnungsführer Hans Horak; Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Lutz. Mittlere Reihe von links nach rechts: Feldw. Alfred Holzner; Zfr. Max Eckstein; Gfr. Franz Winkler; E.-F. Grill; E.-F. Zfr. Franz Palfinger; Zfr. Karl Becker; Feldw. Max Lukesch; Zfr. Franz Hink; Feldw. Hans Latzelsberger; Feldw. Georg Böcksteiner; Feldw. Josef Guggenberger; Feldw. Max Krepper; Feldw. Josef Leimer; Feldw. Karl Heinzl; Feldw. Leopold Alzinger; Zfr. Borcik; E.-F. Zfr. Andreas Lischka; Feldw. Alois Weichselbaumer. Obere Reihe von links nach rechts: Gefr. Schaffenberger; Feldw. Bruno Scharitzer; E.-F. Gefr. Filnkößl; Gfr. Karl Fellöcker; Korp. Franz Seiler; Gfr. Hermann Wimmer; L.-Inf. Johann Schimanek; Korp. Johann Fürst; Zfr. Fuchs (483) Oberst von Nickerl und sein Stab (485) In russischer Gefangenschaft (486) Die Umstände meiner Gefangennahme (487) Im Spital in Kiew und Moskau. Reise nach Sibirien (487) Durch Sibirien nach Chabarowsk - Krasnaja-Rjetschka (488) Dienstbetrieb (488) [Abb.]: Offiziers-Kriegsgefangenenpavillon in Krasnaja-Rjetschka, Sibirien (Ostasien) 1914/15 (489) Die Wohnungsverhältnisse. Die Ernährung (489) Die Bekleidung. Die sanitären Verhältnisse (490) Beschäftigung und Arbeit (490) Die Arbeitsverhältnisse der Mannschaft (491) Gagen und Löhnungen (491) Strafbestimmungen. Die Post (492) Der Gottesdienst (492) Fürsorge durch Delegation und Vertretungen. Rückreise - Heimkehr (493) Hessengedichte (494) [Gedicht]: Salm-Infanterie Nr. 14 - Hessenregiment (494) [Gedicht]: Linzer Reimchronik (495) [4 Gedichte]: (1)Musketier-Lied (2)Italien (3)Mailand (4)Die Hessenfahne bei Ponte vecchio di Magenta (496) [Gedicht]: Ein tapferer Vierzehner! Schleswig Holstein (497) [Gedicht]: Die "Hessen" in der Krivoschije (497) [Gedicht]: Liski, 2. September 1914 (498) [Gedicht]: Das Kreuz von Liski (498) [3 Gedichte]: (1)Vor Lubynka 1915 (2)Ein neu Hessenlied (3)Vierzehner-Lied (499) [Gedicht]: Einem Vermißten (499) [4 Gedichte]: (1)Einer von Vielen! (2)Ich hab' ein Hüglein im Polenland. (3)Mein Oberösterreich! (4)Marschlied des X. Hessenbaons (500) [3 Gedichte]: (1)Auf der Priafora (2)Triest! (3)Stilles Heldentum (501) [Gedicht]: November 1918 (501) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Nur dieses nicht! (2)Dö 14er als Nothelfá (502) [Gedicht]: Vierzehná - Kennzoachá (502) [4 Gedichte]: (1)Stellung 1936 (2)Willkommengruß an die Hessenfahne (3)Soldatentag. (4)Tiroler Gruß zum Hessen-Feste (503) Das Hessendenkmal in Linz (504) [Gedicht]: 's Vierzehná-Denkmal (504) [Abb]: Das Hessendenkmal ( - ) Stimmungsbilder aus dem Weltkrieg (505) Meine Assentierung (505) Wie ich den Krieg kennen lernte (506) Ein eherner Hessengruß (509) Faschingsende und Fastenanfang am Dunajec 1914/15 (511) Osterfrieden 1915 am Dunajec (512) Weihnachtserinnerungen (513) Ernste und heitere Erinnerungen an die Maitage 1916 (514) Olga (515) Ein Hessenoffizier im Lande der Skipetaren (516) Aus der Geschichte der österreichischen Militärmusik (517) Die Regimentmusik der "Hessen". (518) Die Hessen-Musik vor 100 Jahren (518) Philipp Fahrbach beim Hessen-Regiment (519) Die letzten Hessen-Kapellmeister (519) [Abb]: Militärkapellmeister Gustav Mahr mit der Regimentsmusik (1918) (520) [Abb.]: Militärkapellmeister d. R. Gustav Mahr mit Fahnenbläsern am Festabend der Monte San Gabriele-Feier 1925 (521) Hessen-Tonstücke (522) [Noten]: Salm-Salm (522) [Noten]: Hessen-Marsch (525) [Noten]: Marsch des X. Hessenbataillons (527) [Noten]: Österreichischer Generalmarsch (529) Regimentsgeschichte 1918 - 1936 des Oberösterreichischen Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14, früher Hessen (531) 1918 - 1919 (531) 1920 - 1924 (531) [4 Abb.]: (1)Obstlt. Friedrich Langer 1. April 1920 bis 30. Juni 1920 (2)Obst. Rudolf Jonke 1. Juli 1920 bis 31. Jänner 1924 (3)Obst. Anton Schenk 1. Februar 1924 bis 31. Oktober 1924 (4)Obst. Wilhelm Wraschtil 1. November 1924 bis 31. Jänner 1925 (532) [4 Abb.]: (1)Obst. Franz Puchmayr 1. Februar 1925 bis 31. Dezember 1927 (2)Obst. Wilhelm Zehner 1. Jänner 1928 bis 30. Juni 1931 (3)Obst. Franz Fischer 1. Juli 1931 bis 31. Juli 1932 (4)Obst. Ferdinand Pichler 1. August 1932 bis 28. Februar 1933 (533) [2 Abb.]: (1)Obst. Anton Kienbauer 1. März 1933 bis 31. Dezember 1934 (2)Obst. Erwin Hingler 1. Jänner 1935 bis heute (534) 1925 - 1932 (534) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die neue Regimentsfahne (2)Oberst Zehner an der Spitze seines Regimentes am Heldenplatz in Wien, September 1930 (535) [3 Abb.]: (1)Dachsteinübungsplatz: Das Karls-Eisfeld mit dem Hohen Dachstein (2996 m) (2)Dachsteinübungsplatz: Berglager Krippenbrunn (1618 m) (3)Dachsteinübungsplatz: Talkaserne und Tallager Obertraun. Im Hintergrund: Mittagskogel (2109 m) und Hoher Krippenstein (1634 m) (536) [4 Abb.]: (1)Beobachtungsstand (2)Regimentsübung im Mühlviertel 1927. Oberst Puchmayr hält bei Eidenberg die Besprechung (3)Aufstieg zum gefechtsmäßigen Schießen bei der Simonyhütte 1928 (4)Oberst Zehner mit dem Offizierskorps am Wetterberg 1929 (537) [2 Abb.]: (1)Defilierung des Regimentes in Wien als Abschluß der Manöver 1930 (2)Allerseelenfest 1930 am Heldenfriedhof (538) 1933 - 1936 (538) [Abb.]: Dekorierungsfeier 1934: Oberst Kienbauer mit dem Offiziers- und Unteroffizierskorps (538) [3 Abb.]: (1)200-Jahrfeier der Hessen am 11. Juni 1933: Oberst Kienbauer kommandiert die Parade (2)Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier 1933: Bundesminister G. g. I. Vaugoin schreitet mit Landeshauptmann Dr. Schlegel die Front ab (3)1933 Linz: Defilierung nach der Jungmännervereidigung am Exerzierplatz (539) [6 Abb.]: (1)Manöverbesprechung (2)Infanteriekanone M 35 in Feuerstellung (3)Schützengruppe im Gefecht (4)Minenwerfer in Deckung (5)1935: Schweres Maschinengewehr in Feuerstellung (6)1935: Leichtes Maschinengewehr in Feuerstellung (540) [2 Abb.]: (1)1935 Linz: Feldaltar am Franz-Josef-Platz bei der Fahnenweihe (2)Fahnenübernahme 1935: Landeshauptmann Dr. Gleißner und Oberst d. R. Sauer befestigen die Fahnenbänder (541) [3 Abb.]: (1)1935 Linz: Die Ehrenkompagnie bei der Fronleichnamsprozession (2)Schwur zur neuen Fahne (3)1936: Oberleutnant Erwin Hingler stellt Oberst d. R. Richard v. Vitorelli das Infanterieregiment Nr. 14, früher Hessen vor. (542) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie Wilhelm Zehner, Staatssekretär für Landesverteidigung (543) [2 Abb.]: (1)Offizierskorps: (2)Unteroffizierskorps: (544) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Offizierskorps des III. Baons (Steyr): Von links nach rechts: Hptm. Franz Wrbik, Hptm. Nobert Colli, Mjr. Heinrich Linhart, Hptm. Josef Fasching, Mjr. Karl Treitinger, Oblt. Karl Wallergraber, Hptm. Albert Getzner, Obstl. Rudolf Zaar, Oblt. Josef Illes, Obst.-Arzt Dr. Franz Widhalm, Wi.-Oblt. Michael Pureber (2)Das Unteroffizierskorps des III. Bataillons (Steyr): Sitzend von links nach rechts: Stwchtm. Konrad Ammerer, Vzlt. Matthias Demmelmayr, Vzlt. Alois Wiedermann, Zvzlt. Ferdinand Exler, Vzlt. Gratian Andraschko, Wi.-Vzlt. Karl Auer, Wi.-Vzlt. Josef Obermüller.- Stehend von links nach rechts: Wchtm. Josef Pernsteiner, Wchtm. Karl Daschill, Wchtm. Ludwig Forstner, Wchtm. Johann Steirl, Wchtm. Franz Schaden, Wi.-Wchtm. Heinrich Klaffenböck, Wchtm. Johann Mülleger, Wchtm. Anton Feichtner, Wchtm. Rudolf Prenn, Wchtm. Maximilian Gstöttenmayr, Wchtm. Jaroslav Moraver (545) Hessenunterkünfte in Linz (546) [Abb.]: Linz: Schloss 1600 (546) Aus der Geschichte des Schlosses (546) [Abb.]: Die Schlosskaserne (547) [3 Abb.]: (1)Der Brand des Linzer Schlosses und des Landhauses im Jahre 1800 (2)Säulengang in der Schloßkaserne. Links Eingang zur Hessenkapelle (3)Die Toreinfahrt (548) [3 Abb.]: (1)Festbeleuchtung anläßlich der Fahnenweihe 1925 (2)Das aus dem Jahre 1614 stammende Portal der Schloßkaserne (3)Gedenktafel für die im Februar 1934 gefallenen Alpenjäger und der Schloßbrunnen (16. Jahrhundert) (549) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Römertor der Schloßkaserne (2)Das Friedrichstor mit dem Wappen Kaiser Friedrichs III. (15. Jahrhundert) (550) Die Fabrikskaserne (550) [3 Abb.]: (1)Vorplatz der Schloßkaserne mit dem Ausblick auf den Pöstlingberg (2)Der Hofberg mit dem Aufgang zur Schloßkaserne (3)Stiegenaufgang zur Schloßkaserne (551) [3 Abb.]: (1)Speisesaal der Offiziersmesse am Regimentsfeiertag (2)Vorraum der ehemaligen Offiziersmesse in der Schloßkaserne (3)Salon der Offiziersmesse (552) [3 Abb.]: (1)Aussicht vom Hessenmuseum auf das Donautal, St. Magdalena und auf den Kulmberg (2)Blick vom Hessenmuseum gegen den Mariä-Empfängnis-Dom und den Landhausturm (3)Das Linzer Stadtbild mit dem Alten Dom, der Stadtpfarrkirche und dem Pfenningberg vom Hessenmuseum aus gesehen. (553) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die jetzige Fabrikskaserne (rechts im Vordergrunde) um das Jahr 1840 (2)Die Fabrikskaserne (3)Fabrikskaserne: Gedenktafel der im Februar 1934 Gefallenen (554) Die Hessenbünde (555) Der Hessen-Offiziersbund (555) [2 Abb.]: (1)Major Karl Kenzian Edler von Kenzianshausen (2)Eröffnung des Hessenmuseums 1926 (556) [3 Abb.]: (1)Inhaber-Saal mit der alten Hessenfahne (2)Zehnjahrfeier des Hessenmuseums. Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner spricht. (3)Inhaber-Saal. (557) [3 Abb.]:(1)Maler Hayd-Saal (2)Blick vom Eingangssaal in das Waffenzimmer (3)Lichtbilder-Saal (558) [Abb.]: Oberst d. R. Heinrich Sauer (559) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Hessenfahne bei der Weihe des Kaiserjäger-Ehrengrabes am Berge Isel 1923 (Oblt. Roder, Feldw. Walter, Lt. Tschoner) (2)Die Hessenfahne bei der Enthüllung der Kaiserschützen-Gedenktafel am Untersberg 1924 (3)Die Hessenfahne mit altösterreichischen Regimentsfahnen beim deutsch-österreichischen Kameradschaftstag in München 1926. Feldmesse vor dem Armeemuseum (Fahnenoffizier Oblt. Roder, Fahnenführer Fw. Bohdanowicz (560) [4 Abb.]: (1)Fahnenband für das Nachfolgeregiment, gestiftet vom Hessen-Offiziersbund und vom Hessen-Mannschaftsbund (2)Rechts oben: Die Hessenfahne mit den Fahnen des ehemaligen k. u. k. Infanterieregimentes Nr. 91 und des früheren kgl. bayerischen Infanterieregimentes Nr. 16 beim deutsch-österreichischen Wiedersehensfest in Passau, 1927. Rechts: Prinz Alfons von Bayern mit Gefolge am Defilierungsplatz (3)Bild Mitte: Die Hessenfahne bei der Enthüllung des Kriegerdenkmals in Helfenberg, 1927. (4)Rechts unten: Oberst d. R. Karl Watzek, Mitkämpfer von 1866, schlägt den Nagel im Namen der Hessenbünde in die neue Regimentsfahne (1925). Links Fürstin Fanny Starhemberg (561) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Hessenfahne bei der Gedenkmesse für Kriegsgefallene in der Stiftskirche St. Florian, 1930 (2)Die Regimentsfahne vor dem enthüllten Hessendenkmal in Linz, 1928 (3)Landeshauptmann Dr. Josef Schlegel übernimmt das Hessendenkmal in die Obhut des Landes (562) [Abb.]: Gedenkfeier 1933 an die vor 200 Jahren erfolgte Errichtung des Regimentes (563) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bild oben: Die Hessenfahne mit den Regimentsfahnen vor dem Feldaltar am Franz-Josef-Platz (2)Bild Mitte: Die Fahnen der bestandenen k. u. k. Infanterieregimenter Hoch- und Deutschmeister Nr. 4 (Wien), Albert I. König der Belgier Nr. 27 (Graz), Graf Beck Nr. 47 (Marburg), Freiherr von Heß Nr. 49 (St. Pölten), Erzherzog Rainer Nr. 59 (Salzburg), Freiherr von Succovaty Nr. 87 (Cilli), Freiherr von Czibulka Nr. 91 (Budweis), Freiherr von Waldstätten Nr. 97 (Triest), des k. k. Schützenregiments Nr. 2 (Linz), des k. k. II. Kaiserschützenregimentes (Bozen), des k. k. Freiwilligen oberösterreichischen Schützenregimentes (Linz) und die Flagge S. M. Schiff "Novara" (3)Bild unten: Die Festteilnehmer bei der Feldmesse (564) Die Ortsgruppe Wien (565) [4 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst d. R. Erzherzog Franz Salvator mit Generalmajor d. R. Oskar von Englisch-Popparich, Gendamerieoberst Franz Vogelhuber, Oberleutnant a. D. Peter Graf Revertera, Generalmajor d. R. Hugo Freiherr von Lederer (2)Generalmajor d. R. Friedrich von Löw hält die Festansprache (3)Feldmarschalleutnant d. R. Ottmar von Panesch und Generalmajor d. R. William von Einem vor der Fahnenfront (4)Generaloberst d. R. Erzherzog Josef Ferdinand defiliert mit dem I. Hessenbataillon. Links Generalmajor d. R. Hans von Kobbe, rechts: Oberst d. R. Karl Edler von Staskiewicz, Oberst d. R. Theodor Malina (565) [4 Abb.]: (1)Bild links oben: Oberst d. R. Richard von Vittorelli überreicht die vom Großherzog Ernst Ludwig von Hessen verliehenen Philippsorden (2)Bild rechts oben: Oberst d. R. Heinrich Sauer überreicht die vom Großherzog Ernst Ludwig verliehenen Silbernen Medaillen für Kriegsverdienste und die vom Regimentsinhaber gestifteten Hessen-Jubiläumsmedaillen (3)Bild Mitte: Generalmajor d. R. von Löw überreicht den Besitzern der Goldenen Tapferkeitsmedaille die von den Hessenbünden zur Zweihundertjahrfeier gestiftete Hessendankplakette (4)Bild unten: Die Hessenmusik (566) [Abb.]: Professor Eduard Lorenz (567) [4 Abb.]: Blattseiten aus dem Goldenen Ehrenbuch (1)Das Reichswappen Österreich-Ungarns (Aquarell) (2)Das Landeswappen Oberösterreichs mit einem Widmungsspruch (Aquarell) (3)Schriftseite (4)Schriftseite (568) [Abb.]: Das Goldene Ehrenbuch der Hessen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Heldenehrbuch der Hessen, geschaffen zur 200-Jahrfeier (2)Das Goldene Ehrenbuch vor der Hessenkapelle (569) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bischof Dr. Johannes Gföllner, Bundesminister für Landesverteidigung General der Infanterie Carl Vaugoin und Landeshauptmann Dr. Josef Schlegel bei der Feldmesse vor dem Hessendenkmal am Regimentsgedenktag 1933 (2)Oberst d. R. Friedrich Ritter Hantken von Prudnik bei Eröffnung der Hessen-Rainerstraße in Schärding 1933 nach der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier (570) Hessen-Mannschaftsbund Linz (570) [3 Abb.]: (1)Defilierung der Hessenfahnengruppe (Kommandant Oblt. a. D. Kern) und des Fahnenzuges (Kommandant Oblt. i. d. Res. Gärtner) bei der Enthüllung des Armeedenkmals in Wien, 1934. Im Vordergrund Fähnrich Dobler (2)Das Ehren-Signalhorn des Hessen-Mannschaftsbundes nach der Weihe am Regimentsgedenktag 1934. Hornist Feldwebel Hans Baumgartner (3)Am Hessenplatz in Linz (571) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Dr. Hasenöhrl-Gedenkfeier der Wiener Ortsgruppe des Hessen-Offiziersbundes in der Aula der Universiät, 1935 (2)Oblt. a. D. Franz Kern defiliert mit der Hessenfahnengruppe beim Kameradentag des Eisernen Korps in Graz, 1935. Anschließend der Fahnenzug (Kommandant Oblt. i. d. Res. Gärtner) (3)Die Hessenfahnengruppe (Kommandant i. d. Res. Marian) bei der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier in Steyr, 1935. Rechts Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner (572) [Abb.]: Feldmesse während der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier im Turnierhof der Schloßkaserne in Linz, 1935 (573) Hessengruppe Innsbruck (573) [2 Abb.]: (1)Divisionspfarrer Militärkurat Josef Seelos bei der Ansprache während der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier, 1935, im Turnierhof der Schloßkaserne (2)Die Hessenfahnengruppe (Kommandant Major d. R. Viktor Grundner) vor der Front des Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14, früher Hessen, am Regimentsgedenktage 1935. Rechts: Regimentskommandant Oberleutnant Erwin Hingler (573) [3 Abb.]: (1)Ehrengäste beim Soldatentag in Aspern, 1936 (2)Bundeskanzler Dr. Kurt Schuschnigg enthüllt die Hessengedenktafel in Aspern (3)Oberst a. D. und Hofrat d. R. Maximilian Ehnl hält die Ansprache bei der Enthüllung der Hessengedenktafel (574) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die 1936 vom Hessenbund Wien in Aspern errichtete Gedenktafel (2)Divisionspfarrer Militärkurat Josef Seelos vor der Weihe der Hessengedenktafel (575) Hessenbund Wels (575) Hessenbund Enns (576) [3 Abb.]: (1)Defilierung des Hessenfahnenzuges (Kommandant Oblt. i. d. Res. Gärtner) in Aspern (2)Oberst d. R. Heinrich Sauer überreicht in Aspern Generaloberst d. R. Viktor Graf Dankl das Hessen-Ehrenabzeichen (3)Die Hessenmusik in Aspern: Links Kapellmeister Karl Stark (576) [2 Abb.]: (1)1936 Linz: Die Hessenfahne bei der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier. Rechts Oberst d. R. Richard von Vittorelli, Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner, Divisionär Generalmajor Anton Kienbauer (2)1936 Linz: Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner schreitet die Front der Hessenbünde ab. Rechts Divisionär Generalmajor Anton Kienbauer, Regierungsdirektor Dr. Otto Richter, Generalstabschef Oberst Karl Wöhrle, Regimentskommandant Oberleutnant Erwin Hingler (577) Hessenbund Vorarlberg (577) [Abb.]: Regimentsgedenktag Linz, 1936: Major d. R. Viktor Grundner mit der Hessenfahnengruppe und der Ehrenabteilung (577) Gruppenbilder einzelner Hessenbünde aus dem Jahre 1916 (578) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenoffiziersbund: (2)1936 Linz: Kameradschaftliche Zusammenkunft der Hessenbrüder nach der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier im Kasinosaal (Vereinsheim d. Hessenoffiziersbundes). Ehrenmitglied Buchdruckereibesitzer Georg Schreiber, München, spricht. Beim Hessenschild: Ehrenmitglied Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner Oberst d. R. Richard v. Vittorelli, Bürgermeister Dr. Wilhelm Bock (578) [2 Abb.]: (1)1936: Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier der Ortsgruppe Wien des Hessen-Offiziersbundes im Hessenstüberl (2)Hessenbund Wien: (579) [2 Abb.]: Hessen-Mannschaftsbund Linz: (580) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessen-Mannschaftsbund Linz: (2)Linz: Hessenstüberl im Vereinsheim des Hessen-Mannschaftsbundes (581) Hessenbund Steyr (581) [Abb.]: Linz: Hessenkaverne im Vereinsheim des Hessen-Mannschaftsbundes (581) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Innsbruck: (2)Hessenbund Salzburg: (582) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Hallein: (2)Hessenstüberl Hallein (583) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hessenstraße in Wels (2)Hessenstüberl Wels (3)Hessenkaverne Wels (584) [Abb.]: Wappen des ersten und des letzten Inhabers, verbunden mit dem Hessenschild und dem Regimentsspruch im Goldenen Ehrenbuch der Hessen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Wels: (2)Das Hessen-Ehrengrab in Wels (585) [2 Abb.]: Hessenbund Enns und Umgebung: (586) [Abb.]: Hessenbund Enns und Umgebung: (587) Hessenbund Kirchdorf an der Krems (587) [Abb.]: Hessenbund Ens (Gruppe St. Valentin): (587) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Steyr: (2)Das Steyrer Hessenstüberl (588) [2 Abb.]: Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Steyr: (589) [2 Abb.]: Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Steyr: (590) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Eferding: (2)Hans Emmerstorfer, Gründer des Hessenbundes Eferding (3)Hessenbund Braunau am Inn: (591) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Vorarlberg: (2)Der Hessengedenkstein in Bregenz (3)Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Kirchdorf an der Krems: (592) [Abb.]: Die alte Hessenfahne ( - ) [Gedicht]: ( - ) Schlußwort ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis ( - ) Aus der Geschichte der Hesseninfanterie vor dem Weltkrieg ( - ) Das Hessenregiment Nr. 14 im Weltkrieg ( - ) Die im Weltkrieg 1914 - 1918 gefallenen Hessen. Auszeichnungen im Weltkrieg. Kriegserfahrungen und besondere Formationen in Einzeldarstellungen ( - ) Hessengedichte. Regimentsgeschichte 1918 - 1936 des oberösterreichischen Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14, früher Hessen. Die Hessenbünde. ( - ) Berichtigungen ( - ) [Abb.]: Die Adamello-Gruppe. 1 = Val di S. Valentino. 2 = Monte Caré Alto (3465). 3 = Corno di Cavento (3400). 4-5 = Passo di Lares (3255). 6 = Crozzon di Lares (3354). 7 = Lobbia-Gletscher. Hinter dem Lobbia-Gletscher von Wolken verhüllt der Monte Adamello (3548). 8 = Crozzon di Fargorida (3082). 6-8 = Passo di Topette (2901). 9 = Monte Stablel (2868). 10 = Menicigolo (2685). ( - ) [Abb.]: Der Monte Cristallo. 1 = Antolao. 2 = Sorapiß. 3 = Cristallin-Spitze. 4 = P. Popena. 5 = Monte Cristallo. 6 = Tofana (I, II, III). 7 = Fanes-Spitzen. 8 = Furcia-Rossa-Spitze. 9 = Vallon Bianco. 10 = Conturines-Spitze. 11 = La Varella. 12 = Hohe Gaisl (Croda Rossa). 13 = Monte Piano. 14 = Tal von Schluderbach. ( - ) [Abb.]: Der Krieg in den Dolomiten. Aufnahme von der Fanesscharte aus. 1 = Tofana III. 2 = Tofana II. 3 = Forcella Fontana nigra. 4 = Tofana I. 5 = Schreckstein (Castelletto). 6 = Antelao. 7 = Froda da Lago. 8 = Nördl. Lagazuoi. 9 = Mittl. Lagazuoi. 10 = Ciatta. 11 = Südl. Lagazuoi. 12 = Kleiner Lagazuoi. 13 = Im Vordergrund: Travenzestal. 14 = Im Vordergrund: Stellung im "Gasserdepot". 15 = Col dei Bois. 16 = Im Hintergrund das Ampezzotal mit Sorapiß. 17 = Cima Falzanego. 18 = Im Vordergrund: Großer u. Kleiner Lagazuoi ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

This book offers a contrastive, corpus-illustrated study of modal adverbs in English and Polish. It adopts a functional perspective on modal adverbs, and focuses on their interpersonal, textual and rhetorical functions in the two languages. The items under analysis (e.g. certainly, probably, evidently, clearly) are categorised differently in Anglophone and Polish linguistics, which is why this book also provides some insights into the treatment of modality and modal adverbs in English and Polish studies, thus contributing to the discussion of the ways in which such concepts as modal adverb, modal particle and discourse marker are understood across different languages and different linguistic traditions. It draws its examples from two monolingual corpora (the British National Corpus and the National Corpus of Polish), and the English-Polish parallel corpus Paralela. ; This project is financed from the grant received from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under the Regional Initiative of Excellence programme for the years 2019-2022; project number 009/RID/2018/19, the amount of funding: PLN 10 947.15. It has also received financial support from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under subsidy for maintaining the research potential of the Faculty of Philology, University of Białystok. ; a.rozumko@uwb.edu.pl ; Agata Rozumko is an Assistant Professor of English and English-Polish Contrastive Linguistics in the Institute of Modern Languages at the University of Bialystok. 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Issue 53.6 of the Review for Religious, November/December 1994. ; Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University. by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-535-3048 ° Fax: 314-535-0601 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP ¯ P.O. Box 29260 ¯ V~ashington, DC 20017. POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ° Duluth, MN 55806. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. 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Fischer SJ Regina Siegfried ASC Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Jean Read Joann Wolski Conn PhD Mary Margaret Johanning SSND Iris Ann Ledden SSND Edmundo Rodriguez SJ David Werthmann CSSR Suzanne Zuercher OSB Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living NO\rEMBER-DECEMBER 1994 ¯ VOLUME 53 ¯ NqOMBER 6 contents religious life 806 Befriending the Wind Doris Gottemoeller RSM raises the question of ecclesial identity for religious and the question of mission in the postmodern world. 820 Recapturing the Sense of Mystery William F. Hogan CSC suggests that fostering a sense of mystery is essential for the growth and vitality of religious. 825 A Reflection on Living between the Times Margaret Ann Jackson FSM sees her ministry in working with homeless families as a connection with the sacred at the very core of life. 832 840 847 charism Motherhood--Elizabeth Seton's Prism of Faith Betty Ann McNeil DC draws a portrait of Elizabeth Seton, a wife and mother, revealing her insights about motherhood and its impact on her faith and the development of her Marian devotion. Reclaiming Our Name Joseph F. Nassal CPPS underscores the importance of knowing a religious congregation's charism as the energy source of its identity and ministry. Revitalizing Charisms Inspiring Religious Life Maryanne Stevens RSM presents the power and blessing of charisms as that which transforms religious orders and the wider church. 86O 866 prayer Learning to Curse Gina Hens-Piazza describes the catharsis, conversion, and communion moments found in the psalms of lament. Prayer: All My Comfort Sheila Galligan IHM considers how a familiarity with the prayer life of Elizabeth Seton can enrich our own spiritual life. 802 Review for Religious 875 Autumn Leaves: Poem and Commentary Joseph Matheis enters us into his own poem through a series of reflections on its spiritual implications. 884 892 898 903 ministry Keeping Our Focus ¯ Stephen Doughty explores insights and practices from Christian spirituality which help us maintain a focused ministry amid today's many fracturing pressures. Homesteading: A Metaphor for Life Douglas C. Vest suggests homesteading as an image for life which combines movement and stability, journey and homemaking. Serving the Lost Sheep Gerard B. Cleator OP proposes some models of ministry as he reflects on his ministry to gays in Bolivia. In Malindi James Martin SJ relates his experience of a Kenyan town to reflections made by the famous Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier. 906 915 8O4 932 937 950 renewal Life in Abundance Patricia Barbernitz and Theodore K. Cassidy SM describe a spiritual renewal program for religious which is based on the process that guides Christian initiation. Towards Jerusalem: The Process of an Assembly David Coghlan SJ shares an experience of how a provincial assembly functions and then grounds the event in an organizational theory. departments Prisms Canonical Counsel: An Apostolic Exhortation to Religious: Redemptionis Donum Book Reviews Indexes to Volume 53 November-December 1994 803 prisms Recently in the city of St. Louis, Missouri, at the end of a rainy day the clouds on the west-ern horizon broke just enough to let the rays of a setting sun produce a brilliant and full rainbow. The rainbow lasted so long, the colors were so distinct, that local TV and newspaper journalists could not resist expressing their marvel. I was struck once again at how we humans are captivated by the phenomenon of light. If we want to celebrate a civic or social event, we light up the darkness of night with a dazzling array of fireworks. The beauty of a modern city is often measured by the lighting, sometimes hard and defining, at other times soft and mellow, which enhances its major buildings and mon-uments. The wonder of Christmas displays, whether sec-ular ones in store windows or religious ones in church and home, is generated by the twinkling of myriads of starlike light bulbs. We find a fascination with light, even if we are fortunate enough to live in a take-it-for-granted electric light world. Perhaps our fascination with light remains because we feel so easily oppressed by earth's darkness. In a win-ter season we endure with some dismay the shortness of daylight hours bracketed by both late-morning and early-afternoon darkness. In season and out, we suffer the dark burden of sickness and death among family and friends. Exposed to media coverage, we feel weighed down by the dark oppression of people's hatred, prejudice, torturing and killing of one another, whether it be in Bosnia or Rwanda or our own city. During the months of November and December, church tradition emphasizes two aspects of light shining 804 Review for Religious into the darkness of human experience. The sure coming of the reign of God shines out in the month of November, as we approach the end of Ordinary Time, through three distinctive feasts--~l Saints, All Souls, and Christ the King. All Souls, the commemoration of all the faithful departed, might seem at first sight to be a "dark" feast that sets the tone for this month of our remembering the dead. But the companion feastdays of All Saints and All Souls become twin lights beckoning all of us in the church on earth to struggle on in our graced efforts to let God's reign shine forth here and now. The feast of Christ the King suggests searchlight beams striding across nighttime clouds and presenting a preview glimpse of the incarnate Son's eschatological, joy as the Father brings "all things in the heavens and on earth into one under Christ's headship" (Ep 1:10). Our faith is stirred to shine through any present darkness: "We believe in the life of the world to, come." In the rainbow light of these feasts we are led again to /15rofess in word and in action the sureness of our faith's goal. Then we turn from the darkness that seems to obscure human life's purpose and direction to a darkness in which not despair and death but the beginnings of hope and life are hidden. December holds the dark tradition of centuries-long human searching and hoping portrayed in the season of Advent, which breaks forth into the pure shining beam over Jesus' birth, the cel-ebration of the nativity of our Lord. We proclaim that "a light has shone in our darkness." Celebratng Christmas we do not just remember a past event, but we enter anew into our own Christian responsibility to "shine like the stars in the sky while holding fast to the word of life" (Ph 2:15-16). As we celebrate the mystery of God's light and darkness in our liturgical year, the staff of Review for Religious prays that joy and peace--God's own gift in Christ lighten your life and witness to your faith now and into the new year. David L. Fleming SJ Nobember-December 1994 805 DORIS GOTTEMOELLER Befriending the Wind religious life Who has seen the wind? Neither I nor you: But when the leaves hang trembling The wind is passing through. Who has seen the wind? Neither you nor I: But when the trees bow down their heads The wind is passing by.' This whimsical lyric by Christina Rossetti reminds us how susceptible we are to the influence of unseen forces. The wind's traces may be gentle, as in the poet's vision, or fierce. At one moment wind soothes, shapes, and guides; at another it rips and tears. It rustles leaves, lifts kites, powers sails, and supports wings. It can also destroy homes, uproot trees, and down power lines. Invisible but not silent, wind whispers and sings and sobs and roars. Wind can be fickle or frightening; it can also be life-giv-ing and renewing. Anyone who has lived apostolic women's religious life in the United States in the last thirty years knows what it is to be buffeted and shaped by powerful but sometimes Doris Gottemoeller RSM, president of the Sisters of Mercy of the Americas, gave this presentation as president of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR) at their national assembly in August 1994. The presentation was pub-lished in Origins 24, no. 14 (15 September 1994). Her address is 8300 Colesville Road #300; Silver Spring, Maryland 20910-3243. 806 Revie~ for Religious unseen forces from every side. Continuing the analogy, we could liken the pressures on us to winds from the four compass points. From the east came the expectations of the institutional church, whether Roman or American: conciliar documents, "Essential Elements," canonical requirements, diocesan policies and proce-dures. These influences helped to launch and validate our renewal. They also created tensions between our own insights and official mandates and interpretations. From the south came the winds of liberation theology. The bishops at Medellin and Puebla and our sisters missioned in Latin America sent messages of a new way of being with the poor, of doing theology, of being church. Our west winds were the forces of our own society and cul-ture. Enjoined by the Second Vatican Council to make our own "the joys and the hopes, the griefs and the anxieties of the people of this age," we adapted our lifestyles and ministries to new needs. At the same time we experienced and adapted to the revolutions in science, technology, communication, transportation, the polit-ical and social orders, popular culture and the media which char-acterized all of Western society. To the northern point on the compass we can assign the steadying influence of our own founding charisms and sound tra-ditions, newl)i researched and interpreted for contemporary life. From north, south, east, and west, then, the winds of change have carried us to this place and shaped our present reality. How can we describe that reality? Today's Reality In the decades after the Second Vatican Council the winds of change propelled us through some incredibly difficult terrain: misunderstandings without, polarizations within, loss of mem-bership, lack of resources, pastoral disappointments. Along the way we have acquired an unprecedented level of academic and professional preparation for ministry. But we sometimes confuse professional achievement with ministerial effectiveness. We have a spirituality cultivated through individual faith journeys. But we are less sure how to integrate it into a communal experience. We have highly developed skills in group participation, but less skill in calling forth and affirming in~lividual leadership. Overall, com-pared to twenty years ago, American women religious today are November-December 1994 807 Gottemoeller ¯ Befriending tbe Wind more grounded in charism, more self-aware as women, more appreciative of diversity, more aware of the interdependent causes of social ills, and as committed as ever to alleviating the suffering of the poor, the needy, and the vulnerable. Moreover, the processes of renewal have freed and empowered us. We have eliminated irrelevant and outmoded symbols and practices. We have grown into new theological, spiritual, educa-tional, psychological insights. So the moment has come to ask: What kind of future can we look forward to? The answer--our future--depends, as it always has, on the mysterious work of God's providence in our regard. But the future also depends, as it always has, on how we answer the depth questions. These are perennial questions which have to be answered in every time and place. The prospect that the upcoming synod may ask and answer these questions strikes fear in some. But there is no reason to fear. These are not questions that can be answered by a synod, or by assemblies or chapters or planning teams, no matter how moti-vated or sophisticated. The answers to these questions can only be born out of and lived within the hearts and lives of our members. Depth Questions There are only a small number of such depth questions, but in light of the theme of the 1994 LCWR meeting, charism and mission, I focus on two of them: the question of our ecclesial identity and of our mission in the postmodern world.-' The two questions are interrelated as being and action; identity is expressed in mission. Moreover, the four winds of change--messages from the institutional church, from liberation theologies, from our United States culture, and from our traditions--have given each question its distinctive form today. (I want to note that I am using the phrase apostolic religious life in an inclusive and nontechnical sense to distinguish our topic from contemplative religious life rather than from its monastic or evangelical forms.) Ecclesial Identity The question of ecclesial identity can be asked from two per-spectives: First, does women's apostolic religious life occupy an essential or unique place in the church? and second, is visible 808 Review for Religious membership and participation in the church critical to the iden-tity of women's apostolic religious life? How important are we to the church, and how important is membership in the church to us? The question of ecclesial identity seen from either perspective would have sounded absurd a few decades ago when the signs of our identification with the church were distinctive. Our dress, dwellings, lifestyles, and ministries signaled that we were a special and esteemed group in the church. The question of iden-tity had been answered along the same lines since the founding of most of our con-gregations. But one of the effects of renewal has been to lay open the question in our new context.3 First, let us examine it from the perspec-tive of our place in the church. History shows us that religious life began in the third century when disciples began to gather around the early desert solitaries. But most of our modern apostolic congregations arose after the Reformation, with the greatest number founded in the 18th and 19th centuries. Clearly, what has not always existed in the church need not always exist. Neither religious life in general nor apos-tolic religious life in the form in which we know it today is essen-tial to the constitution of the church. However, the Second Vatican Council affirmed that religious life is inseparable from the life and holiness of the ch. urch, an encomium which suggests a distinct identity.4 W-hat is that iden-tity? Generally, the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church defines us as laypersons in a specific canonical state. I say generally because in one passage it says that laity are "all the faithful except those in holy orders and those in the religious state," (31) thus sig-nalling a fundamental ambigu!ty: Are we laity or not? As we know, a key achievement of the Council was to transform our under-standing of church from that of a hierarchical institution, a per- We have grown into new theological, spiritual, educational, psychological insights. So the moment has come to ask: What kind of future can we look forward to ? November-December 1994 809 Gottemoeller ¯ Befriending the Wind fect society in which religious occupy a special "state of perfec-tion," into a People of God in which all members are equally called to a life of holiness. That ecclesial vision highlights bap-tismal consecration and the significance of the lay vocation; it is less clear in affirming any distinct contribution of religious life to the church. As the years have passed, this theoretical ambiguity has grown in the practical order. How many people really believe that reli-gious life is a gift to the whole Christian community, not just to the men and women who embrace it? What are the consequences of that gift in the lives of the hierarchy, the clergy, other laity, the poor and the marginated and those in need? What difference does the presence of apostolic women religious, as a specific group rather than as single individuals, make to the life of a parish, a diocese, or an institution? It is not enough for us to assert a dif-ference. How do we live and act in a way that is unique and dis-tinctive? It seems to me that the answer to the question of ecclesial identity is that, fundamentally, apostolic women religious are lay-women who have embraced and pub!icly committed themselves to a distinctive way of following Jesus Christ. Apostolic religious life is a way of life, a phrase which connotes a depth and breadth and intensity of commitment far beyond a lifestyle. Lifestyles can be taken up and abandoned by simply changing one's economic status, leisure activities, or diet.s By contrast, a way of life consists of a constellation of funda-mental life choices having an internal coherence and consistency. One has a way of life, defined by the choices one has made about relationship to God, to the Christian community, to sexuality, to possessions, to companions, to those in need. The way of life known as religious life is a radical response to the call of Jesus who says, "I am the way." By anal.ogy, the early church described itself as The Way, a commitment to following Christ to which every other choice is subordinated (Ac 9:2). Author Judith Merlde describes religious life as a categorical choice, that is, a choice that eliminates other choices. She notes, "Religious life involves more than social action, professional excellence, or holistic living. Rather, it is a life project built on a relationship" (pp. 8, 109). Religious life is a continual call to conversion. It is dynamic, as the fundamental choices deepen and mature and the consequences of those choices are played out in different circumstances. The total- 810 Review for Religious ity of these choices, lived with visible and passionate commit-ment, clearly distinguishes us from other laity in the church and offers a unique witness. I suggest that, in the processes of renewal, our identity has been weakened because we have not tended enough to the inter-nal consistency, the congruence, among the depth choides which define our way of life. Celibacy, prayer, community, mission should all interact and contribute to the fundamental unity at its core. For example, the witness of celibate community is a power-ful expression of ministry. Ministry engenders passion in prayer; prayer purifies the heart of attachment to material things; renunciation of material things brings us closer to the poor and the needy, and so forth. Is it accurate or helpful to describe our way of life as charis-matic? Yes and no. On the posi-tive side, this designation highlights the spontaneity, the diversity, the creativity, the gra-tuity of religious life. The Pauline passages on charism are eloquent and well-known. We must acknowledge, however, that they apply to all Christians. All--bishops, clerics, laity, religious-- are called and gifted in a variety of ways. Since the Council, how-ever, the term has been appropriated by religious to refer to the grace of founding a congregation, to its characteristic spirituality, to its mission, to the gifts and graces of individual members, and to religious life as a way of life. I suggest that the imprecision of the term has greatly diminished its usefulness. The distinctive-ness of each congregation might better be identified with its tra-dition or its deep story.6 Furthermore, the description of religious life as charismatic sometimes heightens the tension between insti-tutional/ hierarchical elements of the church and the charismatic in a way which is not helpful. The reality of the church is much more profound and complex than this simple dichotomy.7 In the processes of renewal, our identity has b~en weakened because we have not tended enough to the internal consistency, the congruence, among the depth choices which define our way of life. Noventber-December 1994 811 Gottemoeller ¯ Befriending the Wind Let me move on to the second aspect of the ecclesial identity issue: How significant is public membership and participation in the church to our identity as apostolic women religious? Those who have processed a dispensation for a sister who says that she is comfortable being a community member, but no longer feels at home in the Roman Catholic Chtirch, know what this issue is. Any who experience the tension among congregational members over including--or not including--a Eucharistic liturgy within a congregational celebration recognize another aspect of the issue. We struggle with the unthinkable: Is it possible to be a member of one's congregation and not a member of the church? If we go back into our congregational histories we recognize that our foremothers sought and prized public identification with the church. Some congregations experienced painful struggles when church officials threatened to withhold recognition that founders regarded as rightfully theirs. More recently, our per-severance through the process of approval of constitutions, despite requirements that were sometimes arbitrary, insensitive, or oppressive, testified that basically we know ourselves to be and want recognition as congregations within the Roman Catholic Church. This desire persists despite the growing pain caused by the transformation of our consciousness as women and our realization that the church itself institutionalizes sexism within and fails to denounce it without. How can we justify this continued commit-ment to public identification with the church, and what does it call us to? Our commitment rests on our knowledge that at baptism we were each born again into life in Christ and into that extension of Christ's presence and work throughout space and time known as the church. Within the church we are taught, nourished, for-given, reconciled. The church is not just a spiritual concept or an individual personal experience. It is a collection of human beings from every race and nation and condition, united by the one Spirit in a visible and public community of disciples. At religious profession we renewed our baptismal commit-ment and thus signaled that membership in 'the church is intrin-sic to the way of life we were choosing. The choice for a life in union with Christ is a choice for a life within Christ's church. The choice of membership in the church is part of that constel-lation of fundamental choices which define a way of life. 812 Review for Religious Sometimes this is not an easy place to be. We share member-ship with those who are flawed, confused, limited in many ways. In our more honest moments we recognize flaws and limitations in ourselves. Furthermore, within the church there is a differen-tiation of roles, responsibilities, and gifts. To paraphrase St. Paul, "Not all are apostles, prophets, teachers, workers of mighty deeds" (1 Co 12-13). But the greatest gift, the one that is the hallmark of a Christian and the criterion by which all else is judged is love. It is our love for Christ and for the community united in Christ which impels and sustains our commitment to membership. To allow ourselves to be alienated from the church is to surrender our birthright; it is to deprive ourselves of life-giving nourish-ment; it is to be exiled from our true home. Furthermore, public estrangement from the church deprives its other members of the witness of our love, our truth, and our fidelity. To summarize the first part of these reflections: Apostolic religious life is a distinct way of life within the Christian com-munity characterized by a complex of fundamental choices. Among these choices is the choice for explicit membership in the Catholic Church. Religious congregations, because they exist to facilitate and promote the way of life of their members, also have a public identity within the church. The Mission of Apostolic Religious Life Our second depth question is: ~What should be the mission of apostolic women's religious life today and in the future? Our world today is very different from that in which "our missions were first articulated. The immigrant poor of the 19th century have moved up the economic ladder. Many of our traditional works have become public responsibilities; the rest of the laity have expanded their role in ministry. Still the way of life we have espoused is radically for others. We have made a life-long commitment to mission within the context of our individual congregations. Therefore we need to reexamine and, if necessary, restate our mission for this new time and place. This is a work for each con-gregation, but I suggest that the mission apostolic women religious are called to today should be integral to our way of life, prophetic, global, and corporate. Mission as integral to a way of life. Each of our religious con-gregations was founded to express some facet of the church's mis- Noventber-December 1994 813 Gottemoeller * Befriending the Wind sion. Mission is at the heart of our self-understanding, an expres-sion of our identity. The choice to be "in mission" is part of that constellation of fundamental life choices which constitute our way of life. As self-evident as this seems, the identification of mis-sion with our way of life has been eroded from several sides. For example, David Nygren and Miriam Ukeritis in the Future of Religious Life Study describe the "parochial assimilations" of reli-gious life: Religious are regarded as interchangeable parish work-ers, without any significance attached to their identity as religious (p. 3 7). The sense of mission as integral to a way of life has also been weakened as a result of financial pressures. Sometimes a "job"--anything thatpays an adequate salary--seems like the only possible choice of work. The sense of mission is weakened from still another side when, in the absence of a strong commitment to prayer or community, an individual allows her world to be wholly defined by work. Professional ambition and workaholism can replace zeal for mission. As apostolic women' religious, our mission expresses our iden-tity as laity, as women, and as religious. I use laity here in contrast to the clerical vocation. It is true that many of our members are performing ministries which used to be the responsibility of priests. However, the fact that we are doing them demonstrates that they are expressiong of the baptismal vocation, not the priesdy vocation. Our congregations do not. have two classes of members, lay and clerical; we do not have hierarchy built into our way of life. Our radical equality as baptized Catholics is part o~f who we are within community and it makes us one with the overwhelming majority of the church's membership. Our identification with women and as women animates and shapes our' mission. With women because we have made ourselves present to other women in their hopes, fears, achievements, and struggles. We understand the needs of people for healthcare, hous-ing, education, economic justice, political representation, moral guidance, spiritual inspiration from a woman's perspective. As women because we bring to ministry our personal gifts of courage, compassion, sensitivity, honed through our own life experience. Finally, our identity as religious shapes our mission. Individual ministries are expressions of a congregational mission; they are shaped and focused by ~he congregation's tradition. But beyond that, our public identification with a distinctive way of life is itself a witness, a prophetic statement. 814 Review for Religious Mission as prophetic. To describe religious life as prophetic does not necessarily connote dramatic speeches and gestures, although some occasions do call for them. Rather, it signifies a transparency to the divine which is the fruit of a life focused on Jesus and which is the real meaning of prophecy--speaking of God. It is not a matter of individually prophetic persons, but of a way of life which, because it involves the deliberate, daily, and publicly identifiable following of Jesus, is prophetic by its nature.8 The notion of being publicly identifiable is a challenging one, given the absence of the former markers of public identity such as habit and proximity to a church and employment in a particular setting. It does not mean adopting these outward symbols again° Nor does it necessarily imply being recognized as a religious by every casual observer. It does not mean fading into anonymity. It means being recognizable to all who would see, who are inter-ested or who inquire. It requires a facility in drawing the gaze of the inquirer from ourselves to the Gospel which we proclaim and which animates us. Prophecy demands inculturation lest the word spoken fall on deaf ears. It leads to diverse expressions of religious life as the word is adapted to differing circumstances. Prophecy requires engagement in the public issues of the day if the Gospel is to speak to contemporary human needs. Prophecy requires that we hold our sponsored institutions accountable for the clarity of their Gospel witness. Mission as global. A prophetic mission today will also be global in its perspective and outreach. We know from personal experi-ence and observation how the poverty and suffering in one part of the world have their causes in decisions made in another part, and how the elites of the world conspire to enhance their own positions at the expense of the poor and marginalized. We kn6w that greed, lust for power, racial and ethnic animosity, and rape of the earth and its resources know no boundaries. Women and men religious constitute a worldwide network of communication and potential response to human suffering and exploitation. Many of our congregations transcend national borders. Others have mem-bers missioned in some of the remotest corners of the globe. Furthermore, we have organizational ties with religious through-out the world through the LCWR conference and through the International Union of Superiors General. November-December 1994 815 Gottemoeller ¯ Befriending the Wind The twofold test of whether a congregational mission is more than rhetoric is how effectively it shapes each member's choices and how much it contributes to the public perception of the congregation. What is sometimes lacking is an appreciation of the valuable resource we have in our information about realities around the world and creativity in making effective use of the information. As individual congregations and as a Conference we have responded to new needs and specific crises in Eastern Europe, Liberia, Somalia, Central America, Haiti, Rwanda and many other places. Can we enlarge our commitment to information sharing, analysis, and coordinated action on behalf of a truly world church? Even if the mission of one's congregation is focused on a par-ticular local church or geographic region, this potential and impera-tive for global outreach exists through the Leadership Conference as well as through relationships with other congregations. Mission as corporate. Perhaps the most challenging dimension of future mission will be its corporate character. In the FORUS study Nygren and Ukeritis claim that many individual religious and groups have relinquished the power of corporate witness for a variety of individual commitments in effective but unconnected ministerial positions. "The emphasis on indi-vidual ministry, or, at times, simply procuring a position, has eclipsed the symbolism of, and statement previously made by, corporate commitments" (p. 35). The situation of individual min-istries is not easily reversed, even if it should be. There are only two ways to do so: Either everyone is employed within the same institutional ministry or everyone is committed to the same type of service such as ministry to persons with AIDS or to street chil-dren. The first solution is possible only where the congregation controls the institution. The latter solution assumes that the type of social problem being addressed will always exist to the same degree of need. Neither solution takes into account the differing talents, energies, professional expertise of the members. 816 Review for Religious A new way to think about corporate mission is needed, one which recognizes the changing social realities, engages and focuses the energies of the members, and expresses the public identity of the congregation. It is a corporate mission that is needed, not necessarily corporate ministries. The twofold test of whether a congregational mission is more than rhetoric is how effectively it shapes each member's choices and how much it contributes to the public perception of the congregation. Concluding Reflections The characteristics of mission outlined here--integral to the way of life of apostolic women religious, prophetic, global, and corporate--will be nuanced by the tradition and fresh inspiration of each congregation. Who are we? What is our hearts' desire? How will we spend our talents and energies? Our ability to answer these depth questions about identity and mission with clarity and conviction has implications for new members, for associates, for affiliates. They deserve to know what we are asking them to invest in and to help shape for the future. The questions are our questions. They belong to us before they belong to church officials or synod participants. It is time to speak and live our truth without compromise. There is a growing temptation among religious today to believe that our choices are limited. We feel constrained by age, by diminishing numbers, by finances, by professional education, by ecclesial expectations to carry on as we are, without really encountering the depth issues. Let us take a lesson from the suc-cessful sailor who makes a friend of the wind. Buffeted by contrary breezes, he chooses a tack and sets the sails. With one eye on the compass, the sailor strains forward toward the distant shore. Despite the winds buffeting us, we too can set our direction. Our compass is Christ; our sails are woven of faith and hope, courage and love. We can face only forward. Renewal has often invited us to look backward toward the great persons and events of our past. Now it is time to look forward, to the new leaders and cre-ative deeds in our future. There was no golden age of religious life. There were only women and men, human as we are, who loved God, cared for persons in need, and dared to dream. We are as human, as flawed and gifted as they were, and still in touch with the dream. November-December 1994 817 Gottemoeller ¯ Befriending tbe Wind We began by reflecting on the four winds of change which have brought us to this place. Let us end by invoking the wind that comes from another direction, the breath of the Spirit which blows where it wills. S6metimes a zepher, sometimes a mighty gale--God's Spirit can nudge our timid choices, strengthen our frail resolve, reverse any misdirected course. Before he left us, Jesus promised the apostles that they would receive power when the Holy Spirit would come upon them, and they would be his witnesses to the ends of the earth (Ac 1:8). Later, when their time was fulfilled, they were all in one place together. "And suddenly there came from the sky a noise like a strong driving wind, and it filled the entire house in which they were., and they were filled with the Holy Spirit and began to speak . . . the Spirit enabled them to proclaim" (Ac 2:2-4). Now it is our time. Spirit of God, fill us and send us forth with the power and passion of your Word! Notes ~ R.W. Crump, ed. The Complete Poems of Cbr#tina Rossetti (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1986), p. 42. z Joan Chittister OSB names ten critical questions which deal with "the very existence of religious life, its relationship to the church, its present character, its purpose, its spirituality and its energy" in the National Catholic Reportel; 18 February 1994. 3 The significance of this question was highlighted by David Nygren CM and Miriam D. Ukeritis CSJ in the Religious Life Fntnres Project: Executive Summary (Chicago: University Center for Applied Social Research, 1992), p. 36: "The most compelling result of the FORUS study indicates that a significant percentage of religious no longer understand their role and function in the church. This lack of role clarity can result in lowered self-confidence, a sense of futility, greater propensity to leave religious life, and significant anxiety. The younger religious experience the least clarity, and among them, women religious experience less clarity than their male counterparts . For both women and men religious, Vatican II substantially reinforced the role of laity in the church but did not clarify for religious the unique contribution of their vocation." 4 Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, no. 44. s Judith A. Merkle contrasts "life-style enclaves" with communities in Committed by Choice (Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1992), p. 21. In the former, persons share some aspects of their essentially private lives; in the latter, they share their deeper meaning system or commit-ment. On the contrast between way of life and lifestyle see also David L. Fleming SJ, in Religious Life: Rebirth Through Conversion, ed. Gerald A. Arbuckle SM, and David L. Fleming SJ (New York: Mba House, 1990), pp. 23 and 33. 818 Review for Religious 6 Tradition is appropriate because it connotes both preservation and development, content and process. Bernard J. Lee SM suggests "deep story," a category of interpretation that comes out of structuralism, as a method for interpreting group identity in "A Socio-Historical Theology of Charism, "Review for Religious 48, no. 1 (January-February 1989): 124-135. 7 For helpful distinctions between biblical, theological, and socio-logical uses of charism see Christian Duquoc, Casino Floristan, et al., Cbarisms in the Church (New York: Seabury Press, 1978). 8 Elizabeth A. Johnson observes ". a new combination of ancient elements is beginning to define the essential character of religious life. The emerging understanding of this life is primarily that of persons and communities called to prophetic ministry embedded in a contemplative relationship to God." Review for Religious 53, no. 1 (January-February 1994): 12. Thirty Days Bruised beauty, sleep-starved struggle to be the Handmaid of the Lord. Shot silvered silken strands-- gentle kiss of your hair within my hands. And all this only a vague shadow of inner glory: outward reflection of your hidden mysterious love story. Chris Mannion FMS In September 1994 the Rwandan government confirmed the death of British Marist Brother Chris Mannion, a member of the Marist general council in Rome. He was reportedly killed by members of the Rwandan Patriotic Front while on official visitation. He had written the poem during a recent thirty-day retreat and had hoped our readers "might identify with its images and sentiments," as Brother Sefin Sammon, vicar general, wrote in his cover letter. R.I.P. November-December 1994 819 WILLIAM E HOGAN Recapturing the Sense of Mystery with a particular dominant theme that integrates different aspects of religious life. Whether or not it is stated by the authors, these works are an attempt to present a theology of religious life from a practical point of view. Such presentations offer serious reflec-tion, even though it is not feasible to champion one theological approach that will effectively embrace all religious institutes, given the uniqueness of each group from its founding charism and its particular evolution in history. Authors use a variety of starting points in their works, for example, mission, discipleship, service, justice and peace, the prophetic, the charismatic, and something could be said in favor of any of the theses or integrating themes. One can readily nod in agreement with almost every approach as it unfolds, unless the author seems to push the fundamental premise too much or dis-counts some aspect involving a conviction important to the reader. Much richness has been gained from the various presentations; insigh(s that had disappeared with the passage of time have been brought to our attention once more. To some extent one could speak of an intellectual explosion of ideas and a clearer under-standing of consecrated life since Vatican II, such that ~a person should be able to approach commitment to it more intelligently. But most gains include some loss. In this instance, the loss fac- William E Hogan CSC continues to serve in the general administration of the Congregation of the Holy Cross. His address is Casa Generalizia; Via Framura, 85; 00168 Ro~ne, Italy. 820 Review for Religious tor concerns the aspect of mystery--that which cannot be known but only experienced. The more we analyze religious life, the more we expose ourselves to the danger of taking the mystery out of the mystery of religious life or at least of losing a sense of the dimension of the mysterious. To have as many insights as possible into consecrated life is of great worth, if one is to respond to its demands and be faithful to a call. Yet over and above all the human knowledge we receive, the way God is present in rela-tionships and in the corporate journey of a group under the leadership of God when the members are serious about liv-ifig out their faith deeply is inexplicable. The particular experience of the sacred in the historical development of a community defies human understanding and categoriza-tion and is often realized only in retrospect. Every person's life experi-ence is a mystery. The people with whom we share our lives, those with whom our lives intersect, the events we expe-rience- these and other factors have a special effect that we can-not always grasp or name. Frequently through sufficient analysis we can understand some of the reasons why a life has taken a par-ticular development; but we are also confronted by many facets that cannot be fully comprehended and can, in a faith context, be attributed only to Divine Providence (or where there is no faith vision, to chance). Experience always involves an aspect of mystery. Where that experience includes God and a call of God, there will be a sense of the mystery, a living with a consciousness and conviction of mystery (the grace of the event). As Jesus is mystery, the church is mystery. Life in Christ is mystery; so too is consecrated life mystery because of the presences of God beck-oning us into ever deepening relationships. To lose or diminish a sense of the mystery opens one to the possibility of becoming deprived of some facets of a faith approach Life in Christ is mystery; so too is consecrated life mystery because of the presences of God beckoning us into ever deepening relationships. November-December 1994 821 Hogan ¯ Recapturing the Sense of Mystery to religious life, especially placing one's security in the Lord who leads us through some unknown paths on the pilgrimage of faith. Important as it is to analyze religious life and to act in accor-dance with the resulting knowledge, there is danger in too much intellectual analysis because of the tendency to fit what we discover into already established categories, thereby losing some of the uniqueness. The transcendent element eludes classification, and the dimension of transcendence is at the heart of consecrated life. Where a sense of mystery is weak, faith will be weak, and one would have reason to question the vitality of the faith journey. Our times seem to be overly characterized by a belief only in the evident, in what is verifiable. Faith ends up by being reduced to a purely human act--a cold, technical type of faith that certainly does not energize. Such an approach to faith would be death-dealing instead of life-giving for religious life. A person would not be moved toward ongoing conversion, entering more pro-foundly into the mystery of Christ wherever he would lead by the power of the Spirit. St. Paul speaks often of maturing in Christ and growing into the fullness of Christ. This message would fall on deaf ears if the faith were primarily human and the mindset one of wanting to know all that is entailed. Transcending self and transformation in Christ is not an intel-lectual process, even though knowledge is involved. Conversion occurs only with willingness to embrace the mystery. We can find ourselves living out and acting on insights concerning religious life without experiencing the life in depth, a sort of textbook approach to living without entering as a committed disciple into the unfold-ing of the adventure of following Christ. Life becomes mere for-mality and is not centered on Christ. Though the knowledge about Christ and mission may be great, Christ will not be expe-rienced; nor will there be transformation of the self into the mind and heart of Christ, nor a real passion for mission as it touches all of life's moments. There may be much activity in the name of the Lord, but it may be more professional work than ministry. Theory will have supplanted life in Christ. Unfortunately this has been the experience of some of us, something of which we remain unaware until the Lord jolts us in one way or another and we grasp the emptiness of what we have been living: an intellectualizing and a shallowness in living, at least in part because of not being pos-sessed of the awesomeness of the mystery of Christ. But our God never gives up on us and continues to call us to let God move us 822 Review for Religious to real faith in the person and mystery of Christ and to center all on Christ. In consecrated life the commitment is to the Lord and his people, not to the life in itself as an end, and not to our under-standing of the life as such. The constitutions, customs, tradi-tions, study of the elements of religious life--all have their place in helping us grasp the meaning of the life, its limits and basic norms. The commitment is made in accordance with them. Yet our pledge of self is to the Divine Persons and all the mystery therein embraced. We vow to God, not to ideas or ideals and do so in a spirit of relating to the Trinity of Persons. What is entailed in the relating cannot be spelled out or even understood, if there is a willingness to try to surrender the self to God with an openness to uncon-ditional following the divine leadership on pilgrimage. Without a sense of mys-tery we can unconsciously stop short at the juridical aspects of the vows and com-munity without meeting the God of the vows and com-munity. This happens when means are confused with the end and give rise to distortions of what the means were meant to bring about in fostering the relation with God. Recent history bears witness to this. We can define and program religious life too tightly in its many facets; mystery requires some flexibility and openness to where the Lord wants to take us and to be for his people. Our security must be in the Lord and not in knowledge, insights, research, history--and not even in the elements of the consecrated life of the institute as such. The challenge of living in Christ is to put one's trust in the Lord and to experience the mys-tery with its incomprehensibility. A leap of faith is required beyond the theory of religious life and witness. The leap of faith must be We can define and program religious life too tightly in its many facets; mystery requires some flexibility and openness to where the Lord wants to take us and to be for his people. November-December 1994 823 Hoga.n . ¯ . Recapturing the Sense of My_ste. ry made over and over again as the surprises of journeying together into the mystery of Christ keep coming along. All too frequently we do not continue to make the leaps of faith and move forward into the mystery of life in Christ. Despite the many changes that have been made, too many of us still live in a programmed way that lacks a dynamic faith response. There are still individual and community barriers between ourselves and the Christ we declare to follow in discipleship. Past formation emphasized particular patterns of response (and even non-response at times), and today we still experience the effects of that approach. Are religious being formed today to fos~ ter the sense of the mystery present in religious life and a spirit of adventure with and in Christ? History reveals that when new forms of religious life were developing, the times were charac-terized by an enthusiasm about the spirit of mystery present when what was known and accepted up hntil that time gave place to a new approach. It is only those brave leaps of faith by the power of the Spirit that broadened the charisms of consecrated life to enrich the people of God with those special gifts of the Spirit. Something of the same is occurring today in the blossoming of many new forms of Christian community. Yet we might well ask whether it is just to new groups that the Spirit of God is speak-ing today, ls there not an invitation being extended to all to recap-ture the sense of mystery with its many paradoxes? The rational/practical side of us may not like the ambiguity and cloudiness of mystery; there is a preference for clear defini-tions and limits. But the faith/believer side should, in openness to God, go beyond the known to plunge more deeply into the obscurity of the mystery aspect of experiencing and sharing life in Christ to the fullest. "1" In Memoriam "1" Mary Margaret Johanning SSND died of cancer in Jefferson City, Missouri, on 1 October 1994. Sister Mary Margaret, general superior of the School Sisters of Notre Dame from 1977 to 1987 and from 1989 chancellor of the Jefferson City diocese, was a founding member of our advisory board. Please remember her in your prayers. 824 Review for Religious MARGARET ANN JACKSON A Reflection on Living Between the Times g~'~g'~ etween the Times: Religious Life and the Postmodern ,tg-~ Experience of God," (Review for Religious, January- February 1994) by Elizabeth Johnson rang true within me. What is more, it gave me a new way to interpret and understand my own three-year experience of working with homeless families in the Missouri Hotel, a large shelter in Springfield, Missouri. Johnson rightly says: "Contemplation is a way of seeing that leads to union. It arises from an experience of connection with the sacred at the very core of life . As a result, a certain intuition arises by which one begins to know and love the world as God does" (p. 6). The Experience of Homeless Families Homeless families find themselves stripped down to the very core of life, struggling to pro, vide the basics for themselves. With few exceptions, artifice and hypocrisy are not present. When fam-ilies are forced to resort to living in a shelter, they rarely play the game of trying to convince others that this is a desirable option. Having used all the ordinary supports of their life, they are reduced to living with strangers. They have arrived at our shelter because of problems, whether one or many, but typically there are many. Margaret Ann Jackson FSM serves as the family and children coordinator in the Missouri Hotel, a homeless shelter in Springfield, Missouri, Her address is 3177 East Linwood Drive; Springfield, Missouri 65804. Nove~nber-December 1994 825 Jackson ¯ A Reflection on Living Between the Times Often it takes time for a family's deeper problems to come to the surface. The hopelessness may have its origin in chemical dependency, mental illness, or a childhood full of physical and/or sexual abuse. Some of the parents have simply never known real stability, and their children find the shelter to be one of the bet-ter places they have lived. Our shelter networks with a variety of resources aimed at dealing with these problems, often with suc-cessful outcomes. But it is all too common to find that federal or state money for this or that purpose has run out, or some do not quite fit the eligibility criteria for the resources they desperately need. As Johnson's article put it, "naming what is unjust" then becomes easy and obvious. It likewise leads one to become an advocate who evaluates proposed legislation critically from the viewpoint of the poor. Actually, those working with the poor can become more angry than the poor themselves at the upside-down values and priorities of our so-called progressive nation. When resources are available, it is equally frustrating to dis-cover that someone is not yet ready to seek or accept help for the underlying cause of their difficulties. This is perhaps the core poverty of being human. The wall of denial may have slipped far enough for the person to admit that the problem exists, but it is still too threatening to tackle or even let others begin the pro-cess. The homeless are not alone in this experience; in fact, they are just like the rest of us in this regard. This experience of entering into the problems and frustra-tions of homeless people is further intensified when it is the chil-dren who urgently need the help that is not welcome. At times this can be an excruciating experience of powerlessness. The cross is certainly present, both in me and in them, when I am powerless to give what they do not want to receive, and it seems certain that their lives will continue on an unmanageable and chaotic path. Those who suffer the most are not the parents making these decisions, but the children who have no choice of their own to make. As a professional, I know that I must not identify too closely with my clients in feeling their pain, but neither do I want to become immune and uncaring. Prayer and Contemplation as Response As a woman, as a religious, as a child of God, I must bring all this to prayer. I complain to God. More often I just sit there with 826 Review for Religious it and with God. There have been times when it has entered into and become an integral part of a deeper prayer experience. Sharing the concerns of homeless families does induce and influence con-templation, but that is an oversimplification. This kind of ministry can too easily consume all time and energy, with little of either left for contemplation. Carving out prayer time, even reflective time, is a constant struggle. In the same vein, burnout can be just around the cor-ner, along with the temptation to become a codependent, overly help-ful savior who has all the answers. A variety of human ways to counter burnout and codependency are avail-able, useful, and necessary, but even when they have gratefully become a part of one's life, they simply cannot reach as deeply as prayer and con-templation. When one is continually faced with different forms of pow-erlessness, eventually it dawns that only God can deal with it, and the more a person becomes one with God, the more one can become the presence of God to others plunged in these human situations. Some would assume that min-istry in such surroundings would be unendingly sad and depressing. I do not find it so. It is hectic and stress-ful, yes, but also rewarding. All is not hopeless, and many families make progress, move out, and sometimes return to tell us how grateful they are for the help they found with us. These success stories keep us going, but for me, it is more often when homeless fami-lies are at their lowest point that I find myself most awed and inspired. I interview the families soon after they move into the shelter, and I frequently find myself touched by their obvious sin-cerity and goodwill. When I hear what they have been through, the obstacles they have met with, and the few resources available, I doubt that I would have done as well when faced with the same When one is continually faced with different forms of powerlessness, eventually it dawns that only God can deal with it, and the more a person becomes one with God, the more one can become the presence of God to others plunged in these human situations. November-December 1994 827 Jackson ¯ A Reflection on Living Between the Times challenges. Every now and then I have a clear sense of the Holy coming through to me as they explain their predicament and their hopes and fears. It is an unmistakable flash of Goodness. Occasionally I tell them that it is a privilege to be part of their lives because this is truly a special time, even though it may not seem so to them. I do not have the boldness to say to them that it is a sacred time, but I believe that it is. Learning from the Homeless My experiences with homeless families have taught me a great deal. While what I have learned is on a personal level, I believe that it can also teach us about religious life "between the times." Thus far, I have learned two truths. First: The quality of one's presence means more than specific activ-ities. The poor are hungry for understanding and encouragement. It does not take them long to figure out whether someone is with them or against them. If they know a person truly cares about them, they will forgive all kinds of mistakes, including impatience and forgetfulness and grouchiness. They free me to be human just like them. And they somehow receive what they need, even when I do not know what it is I am giving. A mildly retarded young man taught me about this one day. He was grieving over his recently deceased mother, even though she was an alcoholic who often abused him. He was very upset, and it seemed to me that it would be helpful for him to verbalize his feelings about his mother. So I took him to a quiet prayer room, and in the context of a rather vague prayer invited him to. close his eyes, remember his mother and talk to her. Then I sat there holding his hand, watching his face wrinkle. Evidently some-thing was going on, but I did not know what. I wondered whether I should say something. Fortunately, I kept quiet. Then he opened his eyes and said: "She came. She came and told me everything will be OK." He hugged me and then left the room transformed into his usual cheerful self. There was also the family who stayed in our shelter while trying to learn how to better cope with two sons with attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder and a teenage daughter who had a~ttempted suicide. Eventually they got on their feet financially, moved out and seemed to be doing fairly well. Then one day the mother showed up to tell me that her husband had gone to inpa- 828 Review for Religious tient treatment for alcoholism, a problem which he had success-fully hidden from our staff. She asked for my help in explaining her predicament to the food pantry which had helped her in the past, for she feared that they would not understand that their needs had changed now that his paycheck would be missing for a month. She said: "I came to you because you never judged me." Moving past the apostolic era of religious life does not mean there is nothing left to do. Instead the emphasis is on how we do whatever we do, how we are brother and sister to one another. Brother and sister are not titles of honor that situate us at a level in society. Instead they become true relational realities. Second: Having nothing is not that bad. There is quite a differ-ence between a newly poor and homeless family and one that has been that way for some. time. The new ones are tense and fearful about being in a shelter for the first time. At some point they nervously tell me that they have only ten or twenty dollars left, and they just do not know what they will do when it is all gone. The ones who have been poor and/or homeless for much of their lives are calm and relaxed compared to the new ones. These are the survivors. They know how to work the system to get the basics they need from complex bureaucratic agencies that are not par-ticularly "user friendly." They often do not have two dimes to rub together, but it is no big deal, because they know how to get by on nothing. They ask for what they need, readily share with others reduced to nothing, and more or less roll with the punches that life gives them. I suspect that most religious congregations are very much like the first group, the newly homeless. Because we have become so used to being solidly middle class, we can find ourselves in a I suspect that most religious congregations are very much like the first group, the newly homeless. Perhaps we need to reflect upon what it was that formerly gave us a sense of security and why we now feel threatened. November-Deconber 1994 829 Jackson ¯ A Reflection on Living Between the Times demoralized, even frantic state of mind. We nervously count up our members, especially the dwindling active ones and the few new vocations. And we wonder what will happen to us, what threatening snowballing effect may yet lie in store for us. We do not know how to handle being reduced to nothing. Perhaps we need to reflect upon what it was that formerly gave us a sense of security and why we now feel threatened. Can we learn from the second group, the homeless who are survivors? Can we let go of our anxious defenses and accept the poverty that is becoming part of our lives? I have not yet made that transition, but I do have hope that ~eventually we as religious will find that it is no big deal, because we will have learned how to get by on nothing, just like our foundresses and founders did. They asked for what they needed; they readily shared with oth-ers reduced to nothing, and they more or less rolled with the punches that life gave them. They were happy and holy people who trusted in God to provide while they were busy answering the Lord's call as they heard it in the lives of the poor around them. And God did indeed provide. I think of my own foundress, Mother Odilia Berger who arrived in St. Louis with four companions and five dollars. They immediately began caring for smallpox and cholera victims. A few years later she sent thirteen of her small band of thirty-one sisters to other cities to care for victims of yellow fever. Five contracted the illness and never returned; undaunted, she continued. The Changing Idea of God Elizabeth Johnson does get to the heart of the matter when she asks how our idea of God is changing. While I cannot speak for religious life as a whole, my own idea of God has changed considerably throughout my life and continues to be influenced by my experiences. For some time now the image of God or Jesus as King has not appealed to me. I am not even sure what glorious means when applied to God. I can relate a glorious sunset to the glory of God, whatever that glory may be. But much that is con-sidered glorious and impressive in our American culture is little more than a glitzy sham quite unconnected to God. The idea of an omnipotent war-making God is the opposite of my experience. Our God is a God of conversion and transformation, but not by force and violence. The Berlin Wall was kept in place by force 830 Review for Religious and violence, but now it is gone. Why? Because only when peo-ple change does real change happen. The ethnic struggles in the former Soviet Union and the former Yugoslavia show us clearly that military force was a fleeting kind of power that made no sig-nificant change at all, for it did not reach people's hearts. I have seen the negative power of a lack of love. I have seen individuals who will probably be able to function at only a min-imum level the rest of their lives because of the physical and sex-ual abuse that surrounded them in their formative years. "Love one another" is powerful indeed. If I could wave a magic wand and make one change worldwide, I would choose to eradicate abuse and its terrible aftermath, for it would surely transform the entire world. For me, God is the Compassionate One who is always with us in all our difficulties. This God lets us learn from the conse-quences of our actions, which is both the hardest and the surest way of learning. This God is the Patient One who waits and waits until we are ready. Were we to "play God," we would operate quite the opposite, for we would push and force things along, ready or not. God is the Mysterious One who understands all that happens and seldom shares the final answer we want to know. God works with whatever is happening in order to draw good from it, good that often seems to lie beyond our horizon. God is definitely not like the television dramas that are resolved with a thrilling climax in the last ten minutes of a sixty-minute show. I yearn to become one with this God, for then "a certain intuition arises by which one begins to know and love the world as God does." Noventber-December 1994 831 charism BETTY ANN MCNEIL Motherhood-- Elizabeth Seton's Prism of Faith Bishop Simon Brut4 SS cited devotion to the Blessed Virgin as one of the halhnarks of Elizabeth Seton's spiri-tuality. 1 As one biographer observers, "It was the bond of motherhood that helped Elizabeth comprehend the coln-passion of Mary [and] her role as co-redemptrix, even before it had been taught to her" (Dirvin 8). Inherently open to newness, "motherhood involves a special com-munion with the mystery of life."-' Who was this woman who professed that she "would gladly make every sacri-fice., consistent with my first and inseparable obligations as a mother?''3 Wife and Mother--Steps to Sanctity Born an Episcopalian in New York, Elizabeth Ann Bayley (1774-182 i) married William Magee Seton (1768- 1803) in 1794. Their marriage was blessed with three daughters (Annina, Rebecca, and Catherine Josephine) and two sons (William and Richard). Healthy, happy, and enjoying the comforts of social status and prosperity, the young family soon encountered bankruptcy because of Betty Ann McNeil DC holds a Master of Social VVork degree from Virginia Co~mnonwealth University and has served in var-ious social worl~ roles in Virginia, Maryland, and the District of Columbia. Currently involved in fund development for the Emxnitsburg province of the Daughters of Charity, she may be reached at Saint Joseph's Provincial House; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727-9297. 832 Review for Religious financial reversals in their business. When Wil!jam became ill with tuberculosis, he and Elizabeth and their eldest daughter Annina embarked on a sea voyage in a desperate attempt to regain his health. Upon arrival at the Italian Rivera, the family was quar-antined in a damp, dark lazaretto which was but a dramatic pref-ace to Elizabeth's widowhood at the age of twenty-nine. The Filicchi family, William's business associates, befriended Elizabeth and extended gracious hospitality to the young American widow and her daughter. During their stay in Leghorn the Setons learned about Roman Catholicism from the Filicchis. After return-ing to the United States, Elizabeth converted to Catholicism (1805), struggled unsuccessfully to support her family in New York, and then moved to Maryland (1808) at the invitation of Reverend William Dubourg SS, to begin a school in Baltimore. Through the generosity of a benefactor, the school relocated (1809) to rural Emmitsburg where the Sisters of Charity, the first religious institute founded in the United States, was established. For her sisters Mother Seton adapted the Common Rules of the Daughters of Charity developed by Saint Vincent de Paul (1581- 1660) and Saint Louise de Marillac (1591-1660). Elizabeth championed the cause of justice and charity in health care, social works, and education, especially for women. Like Our Lady, Elizabeth became a model of faith and commit-ment as wife and mother, and her maternal journey through the joys and sorrows of life led her into deeper discipleship with Jesus Christ.4 Canonized in 1975, Elizabeth Ann Seton became the first native-born American declared a saint by the Roman Catholic Church. From Daughtei" to Mother Elizabeth craved mothering herself as a child but truly became the "mother of many daughters''5 as the religious foundress called Mother Seton. She herself acknbwledged that "the bonds of nature and grace all twined together. The parent offers the child, the child the parent, and both are united in the source of their being, and rest together in redeeming love" (Dirvin, 75). If Saint Elizabeth Ann Seton were to describe her relationship with Mary, the Mother of God, she would do so in the first per-son using her own words. Her account might be based on the events and reflections that she herself recorded in her numerous letters November-December 1994 833 McNeil * Motherhood and journal entries. Elizabeth would convey her own powerful feelings as she retold her inspiring story about the challenges and opportunities she encountered in Italy, New York and Maryland. The narrative style of this article now changes to first per-son, using quotations from Seton's letters and other writings woven with words of my own creation. By this process I hope to describe her prism of faith from her own experience of mother-hood and how that drew her to Mary. The resulting bonds united these maternal hearts and generated a wellspring of Marian devo-tion for Elizabeth.6 Heartache in Italy . One of my dearest remembrances is feeling called to "full confidence in God" when the "Ave Maria bells [rang] as we entered the port of Leghorn while the sun was setting." As an Episcopalian I came to know Miriam of Nazareth through read-ing my Bible. Later in life she played an important role in my own journey of faith, and I referred to her as "the first Sister of Charity on earth." I endured piercing pain and heartache in Italy. Having five children myself, I felt a special closeness to the joys and sorrows of Mary's maternal heart. After my husband's tragic illness and death in Italy, my cross seemed so heavy. While I was staying in the Filicchi's home,7 "I looked up to the blessed Virgin appealing to her that as the Mother of God, she must pity me, and obtain from him that blessed faith of these happy souls [the Filicchi fam-ily] around me. I then noticed a small prayer book open on the table and . . . my eye . . . fell on Saint Bernard's prayer to the Blessed Virgin Mary--How earnestly I said., that Memorare." Acknowledging my pent-up grief, I soon confided rather poignantly to my "soul-sister" Rebecca Seton8 that: God would stirely refuse nothing to his mother. [and] that I felt really I had a mother [now] which you know my fool-ish heart laments to have lost in early days--from the first remembrance of infancy I have looked in all the plays of childhood and wildness of youth to the clouds for my mother, and at that moment it seemed as if I had found more than her, ~ven in tenderness and pity of a Mother-- so I cried myself to sleep on her heart. The Filicchi family introduced Annina9 and me to their 834 Review for Religious beloved Catholic faith. In Florence we visited the lovely Church of the Annunziata where I experienced a deep sense of peace, despite my grieving heart. "I sank to my knees in the first place I found vacant, and shed a torrent of tears . " In the church of San Lorenzo by the Medici chapels, my heart simply burst. "A sensation of delight struck me so forcibly that as I approached the great altar. I prayed 'My soul doth magnify the Lord, my spirit rejoices in God my savior.' These words., came in my mind with a fervor which absorbed every other feeling." Later at the church of Santa Maria Novella the large painting of the Descent from the Cross "engaged my whole soul. Mary at the foot of it expressed well that the iron had entered into her--and the shades of death over her agonized countenance so strongly contrasted the heavenly peace of the dear Redeemer's that it seem[ed] as if his pains had fallen on her--How hard it was to leave that picture." For hours after I left it, ". I shut my eyes and recall[ed] it in imagination." At the Shrine of Our Lady of Grace in Montenero, I reflected that "I am a mother, so the mother's thought came also. How was my God a little babe in the first stage of his mortal existence in Mary?" Since she was the mother of Jesus, I intuitively felt her maternal solicitude for nay bereaved situation. That thought drew me into deeper relationship with her who was "always, every-where, in every moment, day and night, conscious [that] she was his mother." Discernment in New York When I returned to New York on 4June 18041 was discern-ing my future--how could I provide for my darling children? I yearned for Jesus in the Eucharist and felt drawn to Mary, his mother. My Episcopal communion did not condone Marian devo-tion, and I wondered how I could believe that the "prayers and litanies addressed to the Blessed Lady were acceptable to God." I was earnestly searching for the true faith. I was an "uncertain soul" and hesitated to teach my children the Hail Mary in our Protestant milieu. I still fondly recall that August evening in 1804 when Annina coaxed me to lead "our first Hail Mary in our little closet." I was saying night prayers with the children "when Nina said, 'Oh, Ma, let us say Hail Mary.' 'Do, Ma,' said Willy. And the Hail Mary we all said with little November-December 1994 835 McNeil ¯ Motherhood Bec looking into my face to catch the words she could not pro-nounce, but in a manner which would have made all laugh if Mother's tears had not fixed their attention." "I asked my Saviour why should we not say it [the Hail Mary], if anyone is in heaven his mother must be there . . . so I begged Mary our mother with the confidence and tenderness of her child to pity us and guide us to the true faith, if we were not in it, and if we were, to obtain peace for my poor soul, that I [might] be a good mother to my poor darlings . So I kissed [Mary's] picture that [Amabilia] gave me, and begged her to be a mother to us. I saw faith [as] a gift of God to be diligently sought and earnestly desired. So I prayed to Mary to help me. I begged. God to look in my soul and see how gladly I would., joyfully show [his mother] every expression of reverence., if I could do it with that freedom of soul which flowed from the knowledge of his will." After my decision to become a Catholic,1° my doubts were replaced by an abiding love of the true church and devotion to the Blessed Mother. I was easily moved, and so I expressed my reli-gious sentiments warmly and impulsively. I took Mary as my con-firmation name to "sort of fill out the trio of mothers" already honored by the name Elizabeth Ann. I recognized that my life, like Mary's was really grounded in the paschal mystery with all its struggles, grief, and hope. This realization helped me to discern God's will. I often found peace through praying the Memorare. I found strength in contemplating the suscipe of Jesus in his crucifixion, primarily in the painting by the Mexican artist Jos~ Vallejo that hung in Saint Peter's in my native city. Vision in Maryland Finally I came to Maryland on a mission. In Emmitsburg, where I founded the Sisters of Charity, I came to a deeper under-standing of the Glories ofMa~7. I saw her as my model and teacher in the spiritual life, particularly in herfiat and feminine resilience as a courageous woman of faith. I often reveled about the ". virtues of Mary--the constant delight of the blessed Trinity--she alone giving them more glory than all heaven together. Mother of God! Mary! Oh, the purity of Mai'y! The humility, patience, love of Mary!" I tried to imitate her as much as possible and believed that "our best honor to Mary is the imitation of her virtues--her 836 Review for Religious life a model for all conditions of life--her poverty, humility, purity, love--and suffering." Mary's example led me to discover "Jesus in Mary, Mary in Jesus in our prayers--her name so often in the divine sacrifice. Like Mary, our blessed mother, we will possess Jesus. born for me, lived fir me, died fir me, and now stays on earth to be with me as my father, my brother, my com-panion and friend--to be . . . near me in the holy Eucharist. and as certainly to come to my heart as he came to. the arms of his Virgin Mother." Prayer taught me "how sweet to entreat Mary who bore him in the bosom of peace to take our own case in hand. If she is not heard, who shall be?" I realized that "Jesus delighted to receive our love embellished and purified through the heart of Mary, as from the heart of a friend." I never slept without "my crucifix under my pillow and the Blessed Virgin's picture pressed on the heart . " Mary's divine motherhood touched and moved my own maternal heart. So often grieved by separation and loss, I forged a strong spiritual bond with her and reflected that "We honor her continually with our Jesus. his nine months within her., what passed between them., she alone knowing him-- he her only tabernacle Mary, fidl of Grace, Mother of Jesus." I pondered in my journal about "the infancy of Jesus--in her lap-- on her knees . . . caressing, playing in her arms. Jesus on the breast of Mary feeding. How long she must have delayed the weaning of such a child!" I identified even more with Mary as a sorrowful mother when I cared for my dying daughter Annina. During the stark days of darkness after her death, I found myself "begging, crying to Mary to behold her son and plead for us, and to Jesus to behold his mother--to pity a mother, this poor, poor mother." When "with a quiet satisfied heart" I reflected on Mary's com-passionate presence in the "thousand encounters with the cross" that had been my lot. "It seemed as if our Lordstood continuously by me in a corporeal form to comfort, cheer, and encourage me I identified even more with Mary as a sorrowful mother when I cared for my dying daughter Annina. November-December 1994 837 McNeil ¯ Motherhood in the different weary and tedious hours of pain. Sometimes sweet Mary, also, gently coaxing me . I sat with my pain in order to accept it as my share in the paschal mystery and discovered "how generous is our Lord who strengthened my poor soul." In our small chapel I prayed to know God's will. My painting of Our Lady of Guadalupe11 hung there and I often commended my sons in the navy to the care of Mary, Star of the Ocean, when they were at sea. Likewise, I asked Mary, Queen of Apostles, to intercede for the needs of the clergy, especially for my dear friend and confidante Father Brut& Conclusion My passion for seeking God's will often moved me to encour-age my religious daughters to greater spiritual vitality, challeng-ing them to be women of prayer. "Sisters of Charity, your admirable name must excite in you every preparation to do justice to your vocation." Together we reflected: "Jesus is as a fire in the very center of our souls ever burning. Yet, we are cold because we do not stay by it. How can we honor the mysteries of our Jesus without honor-ing Mary in them all?" Truly "How happy the earth to possess [Mary] so long--a secret blessing to the rising church. I thank God for having made me a child of his church . My deepest desire for you is that you always 'Be children of the church! Be children of the church!'" Notes l Brut~ listed the following characteristics of Elizabeth Seton's spir-ituality: "the Church, the Blessed Sacrament, prayer for herself and her children, the Blessed Virgin and the priestly character." See Joseph I. Dirvin CM, The Soul of Elizabeth Seton--A Spiritual Portrait (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1990), p. 37. 2 John Paul II, "Motherhood---~rginity," On the Dignity and Vocation of~Vomen (1988), Article 18. 3 Ellin M. Kelly, Ph.D., and Annabelle Melville, ed., Selected IVritings of Elizabeth Seton, (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), p. 274. 4 John Paul II, "Behold Your Mother," Mother of the Redeemer (The Vatican, 1987), Article 20. s Elizabeth Ann Seton to Cecilia Seton, 6 October 1808. Quoted in Annabelle Melville, Elizabeth Barley Seton, (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1951; rev. ed. St. Paul, Minnesota: Carillon Books, 1976), p. 189. 838 Review for Religious 6 Quotations from Seton's letters and other writings used in the fol-lowing sections of this article are taken from Kelly, Selected l~Vritings, Dirvin, Soul, and Celeste, VVoman of Prayer. To maintain the flow of the narrative, no specific references are cited. 7 Having arrived in Leghorn 19 November 1803 the Setons were quarantined in the lazaretto, until 19 December. After their release they went to a rented home in Pisa where William Magee Seton died 27 December 1803. Elizabeth and her daughter Annina became the guests of Antonio and Amabilia Filicchi, business friends of the Seton family. They remained at Leghorn with the Filicchis until April 1804 when they left for the United States. They were accompanied by Antonio Filicchi on the return voyage. 8 Elizabeth Seton often referred to her sister-in-law as her own "soul's sister." Rebecca Seton (1780-1804) was a younger half-sister of William Magee Seton. 9 Anna Maria Seton (1795-1812), the oldest child of Elizabeth Ann and William Magee Seton, travelled to Italy with her parents in 1803. She was called Annina and also Nina. ,0 On 14 March 1805 Elizabeth Seton made her profession of faith in the Roman Catholic Church at Saint Peter's Church (Barclay Street, New York) in the presence of Antonio Filicchi and Reverend Matthew O'Brien. 1, Matthias O'Conway, a Spanish translator in Philadelphia, gave this painting to Mother Seton. It hung in the sisters' chapel and later in the novitiate. His daughter, Cecilia O'Conway, was among the first women to join Elizabeth Seton's new sisterhood in Baltimore (7 December 1808). Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distri-bution, advertising, or institutional promotion or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will be consid-ered only on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. November-December 1994 839 JOSEPH NASSAL Reclaiming Our Name ~naeltx kto d aolwl tnh eth ne aamisele b orfa na dgsr oocfe aryn ys tpoarert aicnudl anro ptircoed tuhcatt, there are also some generic items. Generic brands are more eco-nomical and promise to give the same quality as the more expen-sive name brands. But walk into a store of religious life and you will notice this: There are no generic brands, only name brands. When an interested "shopper" takes one of those name-brand r~ligious congregations off the shelf, he or she is advised to read the label carefully. Religious life shoppers are given time to sam-ple the contents to see if this brand name is what they are look-ing for to be a healthy, happy, and holy human being. The candidate is given time to explore carefully whether this particu-lar congregation lives up to its name. And the community will do the same. In religious terms, we call this formation. There is, of course, the basic Christian spirituality that under-scores all we do. But founders of religious communities were inspired by the Spirit to give flesh to particular aspects of Christian spirituality by responding to specific needs in the church and world of their day. From the galaxy of gifts spun like stars from the hand of the Holy Spirit, various individuals were charged with the challenge to meet these needs. This does not mean that the charism of the Vincentians is more important than the charism of the Jesuits or that the Dominican charism is a higher calling than the charism of the Precious Blood. What it does is under-score that at the particular time these congregations were founded, Joseph Nassal CPPS is involved in retreat and renewal ministry for the Congregation of Missionaries of the Precious Blood. His address is Schaefer Mission House; 2110 Hughes Road; Liberty, Missouri 64068. 840 Review for Religious the church and the world were pleading for the Christian truth carried in these charisms. Many religious communities died, once a particular need was addressed, changed, and fulfilled. This is the dramatic and dan-gerous reality confronting many in religious life today. Some con-gregations are barely hanging on, and the crisis they are engaged. in has less to do with the lack of members and more to do with the lack of meaning or lack of clarity about charism. Some commu-nities linger on well after their original purpose has been exhausted. As in the case of invited guests who stay too long and wear out their welcome, one important dimension of religious life is to have the courtesy, good sense, and timing to know when to leave. To know when to die. Otherwise, we might linger to the point when our host, who is the Holy Spirit, whispers: "I'm going to bed. The last one out, turn off the lights." I know men and women in religious communities whose greatest fear is that they will be the last one left in their congregation. Clarity about charism is essential to any refounding efforts taking place in religious life today. If a community is not trans-parent in its identity and purpose, it should not wonder why it is not attracting candidates to its community. Instead, it should worry about why it is existing at all and begin to make the nec-essary arrangements for a ritual of dying. That is why it is impor-tant for candidates and community members alike to read the label carefully and check the expiration date. Charism as Energy Part of the process of reading the labels and forming com-munity is to tell the stories of our spirituality. When we tell the stories of our common life, we tap the energy source of our com-munity: our charism. I have always liked the description of charism as energy. Like a shooting star against the dark night of injustice and ignorance, founders of religious communities lit up the landscape with a burst of hope. Their energy source was the charism given them by the Holy Spirit; their passion was the spirituality they lived, a spirituality sparked by the charism. In the charism that captures the founder's commitment, there is potential for life. Our respon-sibility is to discover what that energy is for us today. It is the charism that calls us into being. November-December 1994 841 Nassal ¯ Reclaiming Our Name We are to be involved in the kinds of apostolates our founders would be involved in if they were alive today. In my own case, I am a priest of the Congregation of the Most Precious Blood founded by St. Gaspar, del Bufalo in Rome on 15 August 1815. "For this I am a priest," Gaspar wrote, "to proclaim the merits of the Precious Blood of Jesus Christ." A couple of years ago I.was giving a day of recollection for our can-didates in formation, and I spoke about Precious Blood spirituality for three conferences. One of the semi-narians asked me, "All you talk about is Precious Blood spirituality. There are other spiritualities, you know. Why do not you ever mention them?" "Because," I said, "I am a Precious Blood priest! And you are studying for a congregation imbued with the spirituality of the Blood of Christ. It is important in our discernment that we know who we are, what we believe, and what motivates us in our apostolic and communal life." The charism granted to the founder of a religious congregation was not given for his or her personal devotion or pri-vate use. The gift was meant for others. Though our times may be vastly differ-ent from our founder's, the same energy source is present: It is the Spirit of God enabling us to respond to the situation of these times by using our charism for the service o]~ others. Pope Paul VI said that the charism of the founder must remain in the community and be the source of life for the com-munity. If not, then we may be doing good work; we may be pur-suing lives of holiness, hope, and hospitality; we may be living in community and caring for each other with compassion. But unless we are animated and energized by the spirit of our founder, we are not living the name, the vision, or the spirituality for which we were founded. Our identity is found in our charism. The charism does not change. The energy source that sparked St. Gaspar is the same today as it was in 1815 when he founded the Society of the Precious Blood. What changes is our response that is shaped by the currents of history. In the pursuit of our original passion--the return to the 842 Review for Religious sources called for by the Second Vatican Council--some in my community would have us go back all the way. For example, preaching missions and giving retreats were the primary means by which Gaspar lived his charism. In a letter to Msgr. Nicola Mattei on 2 July 1820, Gaspar wrote: "Missions and retreats., are the two means of reform for the world." But at the present time, there are very few members of the congregation in North America who are involved in retreat and renewal ministry. Most of our members are involved in parish ministry. Some are in hospital work or campus ministry or other specialized ministries. History changed the expression of our charism. Though we were founded in Italy, it was a group of German-born priests and brothers who brought the community to the United States. They came to minister to German-speaking immigrants in Ohio. They became parish priests which explains why, in the United States at least, many of our current members still minister in parishes. Returning to our original charism does not mean we have to abandon parish ministry and have all our members involved in retreat and renewal ministry. But it does mean that in whatever apostolate we find ourselves, we are to be faithful to our charism and must be about the work of reconciliation and renewal that captured Gaspar's life. Adapting the Charism The criterion is .this: We are to be about the work of the founders. We are to be involved in the kinds of apostolates our founders would be involved in if they were alive today. It is my personal bias that Gaspar would still be preaching missions and giving retreats. I believe this not only because I am presently involved in this ministry but because in reading about Gaspar's life and times, I have come to the eerie conclusion that our present age is not much different from his time. Of course we are more tech-nologically advanced, but the roots of the problems Gaspar preached about in his time are still with us today. Gaspar lived at the time of the French Revolution. He went into exile rather than accede to Napoleon's request to take an oath of allegiance to the emperor. When he returned to Rome after Napoleon's defeat, the city was in chaos. Gaspar was called to preach missions to revive the citizens of Rome. He went to the streets, carrying the crucifix (still our official religious habit), November-December 1994 843 Nassal ¯ Reclaiming Our Name We need to answer the question, "What is the energy that inspires me and gives me life?" and preached the reconciliation won for us in the blood of the cross. He invited others to find safety in the shadow of the cross. He encouraged the people to whom he spoke to find healing in the wounds of Christ. Gaspar, like the apostle Paul before him, sought to "bring others near through the blood of Christ." Our world today screams for reconciliation. In the United States, we live in the aftermath of the Reagan Revolution. Depending on where we stand, we can char-acterize the fallout of the last two decades in various ways. But that is the point: We stand apart, often divided by barricades of mistrust and militarism, greed and economic exploitation, racism and sexism. In our multi-cultural society today, we are afraid to stand near each other. Our church reflects this same reality. In our diocesan newspaper a few years ago, two articles on the same page exemplified how separate we are. One of the articles was Leonardo Boff's moving letter about why he had to resign from the priesthood and his religious community. The other was a state-ment from Pope John Paul II reaffirming the hierarchical model of tkie church. We live in an age of clashing ecclesiologies. Sometimes the noise is so loud we hardly hear the music playing in each other's hearts. Now I must ask myself what impact these divisions, the sense of separateness, have on my own understanding of the spiritual- ' ity and charism of my congregation? I respond by believing that to be faithful to Gaspar's vision, I will do my best to listen to those voices of women who feel alienated and left out by a male-dominated, hierarchical church. (The example of Boff, whose writings and witness I greatly admire, begs the ancient question: What is the best way to change the system--from within or from outside the structure?) If I am faithful to my founder's vision, I will do my best to be inclusive and collaborative in my words and in my witness. If I am faithful to Gaspar's dream, I will seek to live a spirit of reconcil-iation that brings peoples together. I will listen to those who chal-lenge structures and rules and regulations that imprison rather than free the human spirit. I will speak out against injustice in 844 Review for Relig4ous society as well as the church while always seeking to live in the spirit of the Blood of Christ. This is how my father Gaspar lived. He had the words of Paul's letter to the Ephesians imprinted on his soul: Now in Christ Jesus you who were once far off have been brought near through the blood of Christ. It is he who is our peace, and who made the two of us one by breaking down the barrier of hostility that kept us apart (Ep 2:13-14). The Gospel of Jesus Christ is the only authentic vision Christians claim. My founder, St. Gaspar, reflected this vision but highlighted the particular aspect of reconciliation. No one can claim the whole vision, but each religious community claims a part of it even as we seek to live all of it. In doing so, we artic-ulate in the language of our lives not only the vision of Jesus but the charism of OUR founder. The ingredients--the Gospel of Christ and the charism of the founder--become the norms for our ongoing personal and communal renewal. When we live the vision and capture the charism of our founder in the everyday stories of our lives, then the founder's dream becomes our own. And when the founder's passion becomes known in the natural expression of our commitment, we know who we are. We know our name. We know where and with whom we belong. Most importantly, as the losses keep mounting around us, we know why we stay. Rediscovering Our Identity To discover again what this charism is for us today, we need to answer the question, "What is the energy that inspires me and gives me life?" In reflecting on the charism of our congregation and the particular gifts I bring to the community's enterprise, I must tap my own potential. This means I ask myself what is it that motivates me, excites me, moves me? A few years as director of formation for my province, I was asked by my provincial to accompany one of our former priest members in the process of returning to the community. As part of this process, the provincial, vice-provincial, and myself met with the former member and a facilitator. At one point the facilitator asked each of us to answer these questions: "Why did you join this community? Why do you stay?" The questions forced me to look honestly at my commitment November-December 1994 845 Nassal ¯ Reclaiming Our Name to this congregation. I knew that I began studying for the com-munity because I wanted to be a priest and at that time (Sth grade), any community would do. But as the years of formation went by, I knew I wanted to belong to this community because of the people--the ones who taught me and mentored me; the ones who inspired me and befriended me; the ones who challenged and consoled me. But I also knew at the moment he asked the question, that these people were not the reason I stay as a member of the Congregation of the Most Precious Blood. When my best friend in the community left a few years ago, his leaving shook my com-mitment as well. His leaving forced me to ask myself why I stayed. I stay because of the spirituality. I stay because of the passion I feel in my bones for the charism of Gaspar. I know I could live this spirituality as a lay person. I know I could reflect this charism in others ways as a priest. But right now in my life, I know in my soul why I am a priest: to proclaim the Blood of Christ. That is the energy source that gives meaning to my life as a missionary of the Congregation of the Most Precious Blood. Gaspar's life, his ministry, his call were colored by the Precious Blood. The redeeming power of the Blood was why he did what he did. It is also the reason I do what I do. It gives shape to who I am and meaning to my life. It gives me my name. Petition God-man, enduring helplessness on Adam's tree, help those whose daily cross it is enduring me! Judith Powell 846 Review for Religious MARYANNE STEVENS Revitalizing Charisms Inspiring Religious Life ere is little doubt that religious orders of priests, sisters 1l and brothers in the United States have been in transition over the last thirty years. Called by the Second Vatican Council to "a constant return to the sources of the whole of the Christian life and to the primitive inspiration of the institutes, and their adaptation to the changed conditions of our time,"' they have examined every aspect of their lives: their prayer, work, dress, daily horarium, relationships with one another, the church, and society. One result is a major paradigm shift accompanied by the emotional and spiritual difficulties associated with massive change. Many members who had developed a fairly rigid lifestyle in their order of prayer, work, and recreation found it difficult to rethink even the smallest of details. Others, encouraged by a call freeing their gifts and talents from serving only in schools and hospitals, brimmed~w~ith possibilities for, new services to the impoverished. Some, either disillusioned by the changes or in recognition of a different calling, left their communities. No superficial innovations were involved here. Every aspect of life in religious orders became the subject of intense discussion both within the communities and within the church at large. A period of experimentation with new forms of ministry, community, and prayer ensued, and finally constitutions were rewritten and sub- Maryanne Stevens RSM has edited Reconstructing the Christ Symbol (Mahwah, New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1994). She is associate professor of theology at Creighton University. Her address is 2500 California Plaza; Omaha, Nebraska 68178. November-December 1994 847 Stevens ¯ Revitalizing Cbarisms Inspiring Religious Life mitted to the magisterium. The form of religious life is clearly different today than it was thirty years ago. Contemporaneous with the call to religious orders to rethink their presentation of themselves in the world was the church's reassertion of the Biblical understanding that the "Spirit of God distributes special graces among the faithful of every rank" thus making them "fit and ready to undertake the various tasks or offices advantageous for the renewal and the upbuilding of the church.''2 The church called all the faithful to rethink their response to baptism. What had become a tripartite hierarchy of ministers--cleric, vowed religious, and layperson--was abolished with the church's recognition of all baptized believers as sharers in the mission and in the function of the Christ. The revised Code of Canon Law, published twenty years after Vatican II, described Christ's faithful as "those who, since they are incorporated in Christ through baptism, are constituted the people of God . They are called, each according to his or her particular condi-tion, to exercise the mission which God entrusted to the church to fulfill in the world.''3 That is, we all have a vocation. Family life, religious life, the diocesan priesthood, the desire to remain single, the response of the lawyer, the doctor, the firefighter, the home-maker-- each is its own gift to building up the communion, the body of Christ. Today, the number of women and men entering religious orders has declined considerably, and the number of women and men not in religious orders serving as ministers within the church has mushroomed. Many believe religious life is dying. But such assertions are not easily proven, despite the rise in median age and the lack of new membership. In fact, a recent plethora of studies on various facets of religious life indicate a phenomenon baffling to the social sciences. Declining personnel and financial resources coupled with a lack of role clarity should indicate a death toll. Yet other factors which usually signal a dying organi-zation such as centralization of authority, fear of risk, loss of morale, cynicism, and an unwillingness to adapt to changing con-ditions are not present in large measure in religious orders.4 Some say the numbers would go up if the form of religious life prevalent before the Council was readopted. Even the official magisterium appears concerned about what the Council set in motion. The retrieved and rearticulated correlations between baptism and ministry coupled with the renewal of religious orders 848 Reviezv for Religious did precipitate a crisis for religious orders, a crisis I prefer to call a "new opportunity," but the crisis is not about what form religious life should specify nor about the type of dress a sister or brother should wear, or what kind of daily schedule one should follow. It is not even about whether feminism should be allowed to influence women religious or whether they should pledge obedience to the ecclesiastical authorities. Form is never the first question; function is. The real crisis for the church is about the function of religious orders. The role of religious orders seemed clear enough in the United States prior to the post World War II prosperity of American Catholics. The exten-sive emigration of eighteenth-century Europeans to the United States, coupled with the enslav-ing throes of the industrial rev-olution, found U.S. bishops calling on men and women reli-gious to provide the Catholic immigrants with health care, education and social services. By the 1950s, largely because of the educational opportunities of the post World War II GI bill and the great work of Catholic religious orders in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Catholic Americans were no longer an anomaly within a society dominated by white Anglo-Saxon Protestants. There was less and less need for a massive labor force to help ghetto outsiders meet their needs within a strange culture. U.S. Catholics had, by and large, "arrived"; they were understood as contributors to the American way of life. They were ready for the call of the Second Vatican Council. In fact, the 1929-1959 heyday of the lay apos-tolate movement in the United States is the harbinger of the church's reaffirmation of all baptized believers as called to min-istry, s The church affirms the assertion of the Second Vatican Council: All baptized believers are called to ministry; all baptized believers are called to prayer; all baptized believers are called to What is the function or the purpose of religious life in our church and in our society today? Is religious life necessary? November-December 1994 849 Stevens ¯ Revitalizing Cbarisms Inspiring Religious Life holiness. Why, then, might our church, a family, or a parish encourage women or men in their midst to enter a religious com-munity? The Serra Club and inany vocations committees in parishes are organized ~o promote vocations to the diocesan priest-hood and religious life. Clearly the diocesan priesthood is central to the availability of Eucharist, but why religious life? What is the function or the purpose of religious life in our church and in our society today? Is religious life necessary? Are Charisms of Religious Communities Still Prophetic? Implicit in the confirmation of a particular charism or gift of a founder or foundress of a religious order by our church is an affirmation on the part of the church of the purposefulness of the gift. Religious orders are groups of men or women who have come together because of the inspiration of a charismatic person, that is, a person who had a gift for understanding and responding to a particular need within the church or society. (Charismatic here does not mean that special quality of leadership that cap-tures the popular imagination, as in naming a populist politician charismatic.) Charism, when used theologically, indicates a free gift of grace emanating from the Spirit of God. Church tradition affirms the necessity of charisms or divinely granted gifts to bear witness to the nature of the church. The church is holy because of the actual faith and love of God in its members, and faith and love are the result of the Spirit's action within us. As holy, the church compels faith and is a reason for faith in its outward appearance, but it could not do and be such without the freely given gifts or charisms of the Spirit. All the baptized share in many of these gifts--the gifts of patience, peace, ioy, and kindness. Yet there are some specially given--the gift of teaching, the gift of tongues, the gift of tongues in.terpreted, the gift of prophecy. In addition to these special charisms familiar to us from the epistles, the church teaches that an essential feature of the church's holiness is the appearance of charisms in con-stantly new forms to meet new situations. Our church has rec-ognized the evangelical counsels of poverty, celibacy, and obedience as charisms ordered to the upbuilding of the church and the good of the world. It has further confirmed as God-given the gifts of particular founders or foundresses of religious corn- 850 Review for Religdous munities through which the evangelical counsels of poverty, celibacy, and obedience traditionally have been focused. Thus we speak of the charism of Francis of Assisi, of Ignatius, of Catherine McAuley, of Benedict, Clare, and Elizabeth Seton. The confir-mation of these charisms is an acknowledgment on the part of the church that the insights fueling the passion of these great men and women are needed gifts if the church is to be church. Indeed church tradition presents the indestructibility of the church as due in part to the charisms continually given to it.6 For exam-pie, in confirming the gift of Francis of Assisi by pontifically char-tering the Franciscan community, the church said we, the church, need the witness of outrageous self-chosen poverty if the church is to be church. Or by confirming the charism of a Benedict and a Clare, the church said we, the church, need the gift of contin-ual prayer if the church is to be church. The memories of the social and cultural situations of these great men and women testify to the prophetic character of their gifts. Walter Brueggemann argues that prophecy in the Old Testament included the twin roles of criticizing and energizing. "The task of prophetic ministry is to nurture, nourish, and evoke a consciousness and perception alternative to the consciousness and perception of the dominant culture around us.''7 Isaiah, Jeremiah, and, paradigmatically, Jesus, did not just address specific public crises. They addressed the enduring and resilient crisis of the domestication and co-option of the vocation to contribute to a world of no more war, no more tears, a new heaven and a new earth. In nurturing a Christian vocation, one must assert that false claims to authority and power cannot keep their promises (criticize) and at the same time bring expression to new realities (energize). The role of a Dominic in denouncing the fourteenth-century church's heresy and at the same time forming an order of preach-ers, the role of a Catherine McAuley calling attention to the plight of poor women in the eighteenth-century Irish church were suc-cessful attempts to criticize the then present practice of the church and to awaken it to a new aspect of what the call of Jesus entailed in a particular historical circumstance. By confirming (albeit reluctantly) the gifts and charisms of these religious orders, our church confesses their necessity. Furthermore, canon law charges the religious order with the pro-tection of the legacy of their founding inspiration, what Paul VI termed their "constancy of orientation.''s Canon 578 states, "The November-December 1994 851 Stevens ¯ Revitalizing Cbarisms Inspiring Religious Life The function of religious life is precisely the protection of the orientation, the founding insight which the church needs so it might remain true to its mission. intention of the founders and their determination concerning the nature, purpose, spirit, and character of the institute which have been ratified by competent ecclesiastical authority as well as its wholesome traditions, all of which constitute the patrimony of the institute itself, are to be observed faithfully by all.9 The function of religious life is precisely the protection of the orientation, the founding insight which the church needs so it might remain true to its mission; the function of religious life is not to preserve a specific form of life for the future. It is this function that Vatican II recognized when it asked religious orders to adapt their "primitive inspiration" to the changed condition of our time. Theologian Johannes Metz refers to this function when he describes religious orders as the "shock-treatment" of the Holy Spirit within the church, an institution-alized form of a "dangerous mem-ory." Dangerous memory is a term used by Metz to denote those memories which challenge and make demands on us, as opposed to those memories in which the past becomes a paradise or refuge.1° Religious orders, if true to their charismatic and prophetic role, should challenge us to new understandings of our role as baptized believers and energize us with hope in God's promises. To take our church or Metz seriously is to realize that nostalgia for a past form of religious life which attracted great numbers to serve the educational and other social needs of an immigrant church is to dull the proper role of reli-gious orders. This is not to imply that there are not others within the church who might shock us into remembering our role as disci-ples of the Christ. In fact, there is a cloud of witnesses, among them Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King, John Howard Griffin, and Penny Lernoux. But just because others function in a similar 852 Review for Religious fashion does not mean that the church does not need to designate particular groups (historically, religious orders) to fulfill the role of awakening us to the potential domestication of our call to fol-low Jesus. Such a reflection on religious life and its proper role in the church gives rise to at least one question which must be openly faced by religious orders and by the church. Is the traditional vowed life well suited to incarnate these prophetic charisms within the church today? I would like to outline the beginnings of the conversation about this question and then conclude by calling attention to several challenges religious orders face if they are to aid the impulse of the Spirit in protecting these special charisms in our church. Is the Vowed Life Suited to Prophetic Ministry Today? My initial answer to this question is, "yes, but . " The vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience are well suited to prophetic ministry today, but focusing one's discipleship of Jesus through the life of a figure whose charism has been confirmed by the church does not necessitate the vowed life. In other words, the charismatic insight of the founders and foundresses of religious orders does not belong to those within religious orders, even though a par-ticular religious order's legacy and responsibility involves atten-tion to the continuance of the charism. The originator of the charisms is the Holy Spirit and thus, a particular prophetic impulse belongs to the whole church (the Roman Catholic church included), to all who are claimed by the passion of a particular figure. There may be others who are called to focus their disci-pleship through the prism of a particular special charism who are not at the same time professed in the vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. This is what I understand to be the basis for the rise of programs for non-vowed associates of religious orders today and for the energy behind mission integration programs in institutions sponsored by religious communities.11 But what of those thrice-vowed? Are they, as groups, suited to continue the needed prophetic ministry today? Certainly poverty, chastity, and obedience, if lived with integrity, do nor hinder one from calling attention to the claims of discipleship within the contemporary world. An adequate theology of the vows is yet to be articulated. However, the history of religious orders attests to November-December 1994 853 Stevens ¯ Revitalizing Cbarisms Inspiring Religious Life self-chosen poverty, chastity, and obedience as sources for the development of strategies for being in and for this world to encourage the liberation of all persons from the tyranny of that which hinders Jesus' vision. Because the original impulse for religious orders has been overshadowed in recent history by the prevailing norms of clois-ter and the industrial-age demand for labor, it is possible that the proper role of a religious order within the church has not yet been fully understood either by religious orders themselves or by the church at large. Indeed, the indication that a significant per-centage of religious no longer understand their role and function in the church was one of the most compelling results of the recent Nygren-Ukeritis study on the future of religious orders in the United States.12 This finding, however, should not surprise those aware of what historian David J. O'Brien terms "the most impor-tant single fact about our contemporary historical situation:" We must choose who we are going to be?3 The world of our fathers and mothers has died. The social institutions and cultural symbols that once provided security, legitimacy, taken for grantedness--in short, role clarity, not just for religious, but for mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, politicians, bankers, teachers, and clerics--have been eroded. Self-conscious choice is the norm for the smallest of our decisions, and it is necessary because of the awesome power we have made our own. Thus, we must think through our choice of diets, schools, and liturgies and agonize over assisted suicide, abortion, and nuclear power. Analogously, those in religious orders must decide how to use their power to affect the church. If these special charisms are necessary to the church's con-tinued holiness (and I think they are), then canon law rightly places a special responsibility on the religious orders who have been claimed by the particular charisms. Two particular chal-lenges must be borne in mind as religious orders seek the revi-talization of these special charisms. The first is the retrieval of the concept of vocation; the second is education about the charisms of religious orders. How Do We Retrieve the Concept of Vocation? First, the word vocation must be retrieved as a valid way of speaking about the focusing of one's discipleship of Jesus. One who possesses a charism that can be traced back to a great person in 854 Review for Religious the church does not become a member of a prophetic club; one is claimed by the Spirit for a purpose not fully defined by oneself. Words matter or, as Michael Bucldey notes, "words have an effect like architecture.''~4 Language either expands our percep-tions or limits them, as the buildings we inhabit allow us to see certain spaces in certain ways. Language is our means of com-munication with each other and the vehicle through which we think about ourselves, about others, and about God.Is New words are not coined just because new ways of seeing the world occur to us; new words or sets of words themselves have the power to transform reality. As Rebecca Chopp argue.s in The Power to Speak, "language can birth new meanings, new discourses, new signify-ing practices.''~6 On the one hand this can be most helpful; we need new meanings, new discourses, and new signifying practices that attend to those heretofore overlooked on the margins of our society and church. For example, the use of inclusive language in liturgical discourse makes it possible for women to know them-selves as addressed by God and as fully invited to worship of God in public. Or, we may need to suppress certain language patterns, such as the association of dark cake with "devil's food" and white cake with "angel's food" for the sake of people of color. However, changing words and expressions can be a double-edged sword. The risk of choosing new words to help dismantle an old order often means the lose of the valuable as well as the invaluable in the old. While the church did well do abandon use of such phrases as "you have a vocation," which often reduced the great mystery of responding to God to a possession of the elite, the substitution of member and membership to indicate par-ticipation in a community whose common self-understandings flow from a prophetic passion is a poor substitute. The word member indicates a juridical relationship defined by rights and responsibilities of a person in relation to an institution. We talk about being members of automobile clubs or other such groups to which we pay dues in return for services. Membership implies an exchange mentality where rights are honored only if one lives up to one's responsibilities. Vocation is a more adequate word to indicate the mystery of being claimed by a charism of the Holy Spirit and committing oneself to respond accordingly. The word vocation, to be called, is used in both religious and nonreligious circles to properly describe the mystery of finding oneself continually compelled to perform November-December 1994 855 Stevens ¯ Revitalizing Charisms Inspiring Religious Life a certain function or enter a certain occupation. In specifically .religious circles vocation indicates the mystery of knowing one-self as called to throw one's talents and gifts behind a certain way or ways of manifesting the Gospel message. Although one may find the reception of such a call problematic or even confusing, demanding a certain receptivity, reflection, and discernment, the word itself points clearly to the reality indicated, whereas mem-bership does not. By arguing for a retrieval of the word vocation to indicate the mystery of call and response to a particular charism confirmed by the church, I am not suggesting a return to a two-story Christianity, where nuns and pri.ests were given privileged status or assumed to be somehow closer to God. The Baltimore cate-chism, familiar to many Catholics over the age of 35 and popular in United States Catholic catechesis from the late 1800s through the 1960s, implicitly taught an understanding of vocation with its first two questions. The questions "Who made you?" and "Why did God make you?" proclaimed a belief in all of us as called to work out our lives in tandem with the mystery of God's life within us. M1 of us must give shape to the strength and talents we have received as gift; all of us must allow our contribution to the fullness of God's dwelling in our midst to unfold. Implicit in the Baltimore catechism questions was a belief in vocation--one's personal purpose is not completely determined by oneself. We are here for a reason, for a meaning not completely of our own making. Self-conscious choice is only part of the story. Our lives are purposeful even when or if we cannot ascertain their purpose. Our purpose, our reason for being here at this time and in this place, in this body with this identity, is bound to a call beyond us, a call from the ultimate mystery of mysteries, our God. My desire is not to restrict the use of the word vocation; it is rather to suggest to those in religious orders to continue to use the word to express the reason for their affiliation with a partic-ular community and to suggest that those not in religious orders adopt the language to speak about their self-understanding of the call to all baptized believers to contribute to Jesus' mission. How Do We Educate about the Necessity of Charisms? Traditionally we educate about that which we deem important or valuable. For example, if we think table manners important to 856 Review for Religious one's acceptance by others, we teach them to children. Or, if we think Shakespeare valuable to one's understanding of Western civilization, then we encourage the reading and dramatization of his works. Thus, it would follow that if we considered the power of the charisms inspiring religious orders important to the church, we would educate those within the church about them. Those in religious orders need to anticipate, encourage, and be willing to respond to questions such as "Who is a Sister of Mercy?--a Jesuit?--a Benedictine?" Responses to these questions ought to be common knowledge within the church, and religious orders bear special responsibility not only for answering the ques-tions, but for encouraging such queries. Correlative questions are "Who is Catherine McAuley?--St. Ignatius?--Elizabeth Seton?" and "What does it mean to say this is a Jesuit institution?--a Charity hos-pital?" If religious orders recognize the need for these charisms to inspire our future church, then edu-cation about them must become as routine and ordinary as education in computer skills has become in our parishes, hospitals, schools, and social service agencies. Historically, education of chil-dren was the premiere work of religious orders in the United States. Today, the work of education in faith is much more com-plex and more urgent than it was when the Baltimore catechism flourished and the parish was a primary agent of socialization. If historian Patricia Bryne is correct in naming the dual challenge confronting church education in the United States today as the assimilation of Vatican II (which implies a criticism of the cul-ture) and the construction of a religious identity not linked to cultural separatisms,~7 religious orders might reflect upon how they have assimilated Vatican II and constructed a religious iden-tity not linked to the cloister, a form of cultural separatism. Religious orders met this challenge in general by focusing on If we considered the power of the charisms inspiring religious orders important to the church, we would educate those within the church about them. November-December 1994 857 Stevens ¯ Revitalizing Cbarisms Inspiring Religious Life their founding charisms and considering how to adapt them to the signs of the times. It is the power and blessing of the charisms that transformed religious orders; perhaps their power and bless-ing can continue to transform our church. Our society needs the good works of religious orders, their efforts in health care, education, and social services. The church needs the charisms of these communities. Unfortunately, the legacy of the necessary adaptation of the charisms to the signs of the times is their present invisibility within the church.18 These charisms if known, celebrated, and claimed by those thrice-vowed and allowed to be engaged by those other than the thrice-vowed, are the key to the continued renewal of the church. Their power should not be underestimated, nor should the responsibility of the religious orders for their continuance be neglected. Notes * "Decree on the Up-To-Date Renewal of Religious Life," #2. All Vatican II quotations are from Abbott, Walter M. (ed.), The Documents of Vatican H (New York: America Press, 1966). 2 "The Constitution on the Church," #12b. 3 Canon 204, 1. see James A. Coriden et al (eds.), The Code of Canon Law: A Text and Commentary (New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1985). 4 See in particular Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh! Women in the Vanishing Clo

Issue 58.4 of the Review for Religious, July/August 1999. ; Review for Religious is a forum for shared reflection on the lived experience of all who ~nd that the church's rich heritages of spirituality support their personal and apostolic Christian lives, The articles in the journal are meant to be informative, practical; historical, or inspirational, written from a theological or spiritual or sometimes canonical point of view. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: foppema@slu.edu Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP P.O. Box 29260; YVashington, D.C. 20017 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ° P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©1999 Review for Re!igious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission ~nust bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. for religious Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Adviso.ry Board David L. Fleming sJ Clare Boehmer ASC Philip C. Fischer sJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm James and Joan Felling Kathryn Richards FSP Joel Rippinger OSB Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla $3 David Werthmann CSSR Patricia Wittberg SC Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living JULY-AUGUST1999 ¯ VOLUME58 ¯ NUMBER4 contents 342 feature U.S. Catholic Re!igious and Slavery: A Seldom Told Story James Fitz SM examines the significant 19th-century issue of social justice and human transformation, the story of slavery, and how relig!ous in the United States were involved. 364 372 witness Edith Stein: St. Teresa Benedicta of the Cross OCD Rita E. Goldman reviews the life of Edith Stein and points out ways she models a contemporary holy life. At Home by the S~a: ' Isabel Green SCN and the House of Prayer Experience C. Walker Golla~ PhD tells the story of Sister Isabel SCN and her influence in the development .of the Hou~se of Prayer movement for spiritual renewal. 384 393 consecrated life Vita Consecrata and the Anthropology of the Vows Dennis J. Billy CSSR develops five basic anthropological dimensions of human existence for a more thorough understanding of the vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience. Authority among Religious in South Asia Nihal Abeyasingha CSSR explores some of the issues dealing with the religious tradition of authority and obedience within different cultural contexts. 403 424 discerning Becoming a Nun: A General Model of Entering Religious Life Barbara Zajac proposes from her sociological research that personal contact and visibility are key elements in fostering vocations to consecrated life. Discerning Community Leadership Mary Benet McKinney OSB presents the advantages and the difficulties that are involved in a community's use of the discernment process. departments 340 Prisms 429 Canonical Counsel: Admission to an Institute of Consecrated Life 435 Book Reviews July-August 1999 prisms In this year dedicated to God the Father, we would do well to bring into sharper focus to whom we pray. For the sake of our prayer life, we might examine how our praying is shaped by Jesus' teaching the Our Father. What are the ordinary elements that we as Christ's disciples appropriately bring to our day-to-day way of l~raying? Our Father Our prayer begins with our, not my, "hello" to One who has loved us into life, the One we call upon as the "God of our life," "Giver of all good gifts," "Abba" (Jesus' love word). who art in heaven One so close, so totally present to us, and yet not in the world of our control--beyond the sphere of limitation and death. hallowed be thy name You are holy--totally other than us; you are God, and we are not. It is your world; we are your creation. Awe-filled, we say "Holy your name!" thy kingdom come For us and for the world, we want what you want. Why? because it is out of love you create and you act and you seek out. thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven May your desires become our desires and so let us act with you--as ones who love. give us this day our daily brei~d Daily let us be with you and work with you for all that sustains our life with Review for Religious and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us There are times we pay no heed to you; we become so caught up in our own way of finding life and in our own way of seeking love. Forgive us for receiving your love so awkwardly, sometimes so grudgingly. Help us to act like you in offering forgiveness to others who hurt us in any way. and lead us not into temptation You know our limits; please be gentle with us in your unquenchable love. Even more we ask you to be strong within us as together we face the things that might make us less than the human persons you call us to be. but deliver us from evil We know that you are always a saving God, and we stand always in your presence as ones who need saving--so we believe, so we trust, so we love. Moved by Christ's Spirit, our praying may take shape in any and all of these reflections of Jesus' way of teaching us to pray. So we pray in Jesus' name. There are some changes within the Review for Religious staffing that I would like all of you, our readers, to know about. Miss Jean Read is retiring after serving some twenty-three years after her first "retirement" from a variety of Jesuit works. Sister Regina Siegfried ASC is returning to full-time teaching and student counseling after six years on our editorial staff. We remain grate-ful for their lasting contributions. We welcome Sister Clare Boehmer ASC to the editorial staff, who assumes special care for the Reviews department. David L. Fleming sJ P.S. To honor Jean Read, who has shouldered a major respon-sibility for the publishing of all the books in the Best of the Review series, we are publishing a new book, Life through a Poet's Eyes, The Best of the Review - 6. See the insert page at the end of this issue. L___2,4.1__ JAMES FITZ U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery: A Seldom Told Story feature For religious of the United States, actions for social jus-tice and human transformation have become a signifi-cant aspect of our mission since the promulgation of Gaudium et spes at the conclusion of the Second Vatican Council. "The joys and the hopes, the griefs and anxi-eties of the people of- this age, especially those who are poor or in any way afflicted, these are the joys and the hopes, the griefs and anxieties of the followers of Christ" (§1). The (all to social justice and human transforma-tion was notably addressed to religious in a 1981 docu-ment from the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes (SCRIS) titled "Religious and Human Advancement" (Le scelte evangdiche). l This call was reaf-firmed most recently by the Synod on Consecrated Life in 1994 and the postsynodal apostolic exhortation Vita consecrata (see §82) in 1996. In June 1997 Representative Tony Hall, Democrat from Dayton, Ohio, and a bipartisan group of eleven members of the United States House of Representatives introduced a one-sentence resolution that the U.S. Congress apologize to African Americans, "whose ances-tors suffered as slaves under the Constitution and laws of the United States until 1865:."2 Thi~ resolution, a James Fitz SM returns to our pages after a busy twelve-year absence. His address is Office of Campus Ministry; University of Dayton; 300 College Park; Dayton, Ohio 45469. Review for Religious response to President Clinton's initiative to heal racial division in this country, began a national debate over whether a national ~apol-ogy for slavery is necessary or useful. The recent movie Amistad has heightened awareness of this issue. In this article I examine this significant 19th-century issue of social justice and human transformation, the story of slavery, and how religious in the U.S.A. were involved in and responded to this critical issue in our American social history. This story is sel-dom told. Hardly one of the glorious moments in the history of American religious life, this story can give us religious a perspec-tive and context for understanding present-day events and can teach us multiple ways of bringing our Christian commitment and tradition to contemporary issues. Also, as history has a way of doing, it witnesses to "development of doctrine," with implica-tions for new issues facing the church today. History challenges its students to remember so they will not repeat mistakes of the past. As Elie Wiesel (Jewish scholar, sur-vivor of the Holocaust, and Nobel Prize winner) has pointed out many times, remembering is important. From remembering and pondering the American practice and eventual proscription of slav-ery, what can we religious learn? In the history of the United States, the Civil War (1861-1865) was a profound trial and test of liberty and equality. As President Abraham Lincoln said at Gettysburg, the "nation was "engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so con-ceived and so dedicated, can long endure." This struggle split the country. Among the various causes of the war, the different approaches to slavery in the North and the South were clearly one, and the abolition of slavery was one of the social transfor-mations that resulted from the war. This article examines how religious in the United States responded to the "peculiar institution" of slavery and to its trans-formation. 3 First, how did the overall U.S. Catholic Church respond to slavery? Second, what was the involvement of religious with slaves and with ministry to slaves? Third, what was the atti-tude of religious toward slaves and the institution of slavery? Lastly, what tentative conclusions can be drawn fo~ religious living in today's world? Besides some primary ~ources, there are significant studies (by Jesuits and Vincentians, for example) on the involvement of their particular religious orders with slavery.4 Many religious commu- July-August 1999 Fitz ¯ U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery nities either have not written or are in the process of writing or rewriting histories of their foundations in this country. Once com-pleted, these congregational histories will be valuable in nuanc-ing any conclusions drawn from the information now available. A thorough study of the archives of religious orders and congrega-tions throughout the country could reveal some significant details and interesting historical anecdotes to complete the picture. The information already available, however, is enough for an overview of the response of U.S. religious to slavery. Attitude toward Slavery in the Catholic Church of the United States I suspect that for most American religious of the 20th cen-tury, the ownership of sla~es by their forebears in religion is dis-turbing. For religious formed since Vatican Council II, this fact might seem incomprehensible. That council places slavery among the crimes against the dignity of the human person and calls the church to work to eliminate all forms of slavery: The varieties of crime are numerous:., all offenses against human dignity, such as subhuman living conditions, arbi-trary imprisonment, deportation, slavery, prostitution, the selling of women and children, degrading working condi-tions where people are treated as mere tools for profit rathe.r than free and responsible persons: all these and the like are criminal; they poison civilization; and they debase the per-petrators more than the victims and militate against the honor of the creator . Human institutions, both private and public, must labor to minister to the dignity and purpose of the human person. At the same time let them put up a stubborn fight against any kind of slavery, whether social or political, and safeguard the basic rights of the human person under every political system. (GS §§27, 29) In the Catholic Church of the early 19th century, no formal and absolute condemnation of slavery as an institution existed. Although recognizing abuses in the system, the ch~arch did not see slavery as a moral evil in itself, but as a result of original sin, Christians found no condemnation of slavery in the Scriptures or in the writings of early church theologians. "From Genesis to Philemon one could find no condemnation of the practice. Jesus did not utter one word of censure against slavery even though it was in full existence-in,his day. St. Paul, who claimed to have met Review for Religious the resurrected Christ, did nothing to abolish it--in fact, he did just the opposite when he said, 'Slaves, be obedient to your masters.'" Although slavery per se was not condemned, Pope Pius II in 1482 and Pope Urban viii in 1639 had condemned the slave trade. Pope Benedict XlV condemned the continued enslavement of native peoples in 1741.5 By the end of the 18th century, abolition movements began in various countries and in some of the states of the United States. In 1839 Pope Gregory Xvi issued an apostolic letter again calling for the elimination of the African slave trade.6 Voices opposing slavery began to arise among Catholics in European countries.7 Catholics in the United States, how-ever, did not take a lead in the aboli-tionist movement. Of the few significant Catholic voices, the most prominent came from outside the United States--the Irish leader Daniel O'Connell. His voice did not, however, receive a warm welcome in the United States) Catholic leaders consistently tended to identify the abolitionists with anti-Catholic and In the Catholic Church of the early 19th century, no formal and absolute condemnation of slavery as an institution existed. nativist sentiments. The Know-Nothing party platform of 1855, which combined anti-slavery, nativist, and anti-Catholic concerns, did nothing to win Catholic converts to the antislavery movement.9 Catholics leaders tended to avoid the slavery issue, which divided the nation. In their 1859 provincial council meeting in Baltimore, the bishops of the United States avoided taking a stand on the issues. Although Catholic leaders admitted that human bondage was not an ideal system, they differed on the gravity of the evil and the practicality of proposals to end the system. The only element upon which they agreed was that the principles and methods of the abolitionists were a threat to the safety of the country2° At time of the Civil War, northern church leaders generally supported the position of the union, and southern church leaders generally supported the confederacy. In 1862 Orestes Brownson, a prominent American Catholic layman and thinker, wrote that in the mind of Catholics the preservation of the union took prece-dence over the abolition of slavery. As a northerner he wrote that it was his impression that the majority of Catholics opposed the July-August 1999 Fit~ * U.S. C~tbolic Religious and Slavery abolitionists, but were neither in favor of slavery nor opposed to gradual emancipation. At the time he himself supported emanci-pation as a political and military necessity.1~ In his manual of moral theology written in the early 1840s, Francis Patrick Kenrick, bishop of Philadelphia and later archbishop of Baltimore, regretted the institution of slavery as it was practiced in the United States, but generally acquiesced in the prevailing conditions in the country. Although especially concerned about the restrictions on the edu-cation of slaves and on the slaves' freedom to practice religion, he nevertheless opposed violation of laws controlling slavery. He encouraged slaves to be obedient and masters to be just and kind. Though he considered the original seizure of slaves to be immoral, he argued that the descendants of those who originally purchased the slaves should not be held accountable.~2 Kenrick represented Catholic opinion in the United States, which generally supported the status quo. Those Catholics who saw slavery as an evil were generally for gradual, not forced, emancipation. Southern Catholic Church leaders defended slavery, although some, like Bishop Augustin Verot of St. Augustine, Florida, also pointed out that many southern masters had abused slaves, and that the war might be God's punishment for this. Among the abuses Verot listed were masters separating families, masters taking advan-tage of female slaves, and masters providing neither religious instruction nor proper clothing, food, and dwellings for slaves.~3 Like many of their fellow Americans, many Catholics also had racist attitudes toward the slaves. Although Catholics recognized slaves as human persons, they did not necessarily accept them as equals. Reflecting this belief, Orestes Brownson could write, "We recognize in the Negro a man, and assert for him in their plenitude the natural rights of man, but we do not believe him the equal of the white man, and we would not give him in society with white men equality of respect to those rights derived not immediately from manhood, but mediately from political and civil society, and in this we express, we apprehend, the general sentiment of the Catholic population of this country." 14 Religious Involvement with Slaves In his first report to the prefect of the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, Father John Carroll, superior of the priests in the missions of Maryland (and later the first American bishop), sent the Review for Religious statistics concerning Catholics in the United States. African slaves were a significant part of the Catholic Church in Maryland, about twenty percent of the Catholic population.~s Catholics owned most of these slaves. In the period before the Civil War, some American religious, like their American compatriots and fellow Catholics, owned slaves, Most early American Catholics lived in Maryland and Kentucky, states that permitted slavery. The owning of slaves was an adaptation religious made to living in America. Records document that both men and women religious owned slaves. The Jesuits were major slave owners. Lord Baltimore had granted them extensive lands. They owned four large estates in Maryland in Prince Georges, Charles, and St. Mary's counties and two smaller plan-tations on the Eastern Shore. They also had two farms in eastern Pennsylvania. At first they relied upon indentured servants, a practice they never completely aban-doned. "As this form of labor became increasingly difficult to secure and retain in Maryland, the Jesuit missionaries, like their secular fellow planters, turned to slave labor." The first explicit reference to slaves is from 1711, although they probably had slaves before then. By 1765 they had 192 slaves.~6 The Jesuits also owned slaves in the Louisiana Territory, in both St. Louis and New Orleans27 Two congregations of men came to America to establish sem-inaries: the Sulpicians and the Vincentians (Congregation of the Mission). Because the Sulpicians were not large landowners, they did not own 'a large number of slaves. Individual Sulpicians in Emmitsburg and Louisville (Bardstown) owned slaves28 At the invitation of William DuBourg, apostolic administrator of the Louisiana territory, the Vincentians staffed St. Mary's Seminary in Perry County, Missouri, beginning in 1818. DuBourg provided them slaves. The first Vincentian superior of the American mission, Father Felix DeAndreis, hesitated to accept them, but did so because there were no lay brothers who could do the manual labor. In fact, DeAndreis considered the possibility of.enlisting free blacks and mulattoes into the Vincentian community, but discarded the idea because he was convinced, probably rightly at the time, that no white men would enter the community. The introduction of slaves was considered a necessary adaptation to the American sit- The owning of slaves was an adaptation religious made to living in America. Jtdy-August 1999 Fitz ¯ U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery uation. A'major concern of the Vincentian superiors in Rome was that a woman was admitted to the kitchen and thus within the com-munity living quarters. There was no comment about the fact that she was a slave. In 1830 the seminary had twenty-seven slaves; this appears to be the highest number at any one time.~9 Of the first eight permanent communities of women religious founded within the original boundaries of the United States, six had Slaves: three in Maryland (the Carmelites of Port Tobacco, the Visitation Sisters of Georgetown, the Sisters of Charity of Emmitsburg) and three in Kentucky (the Sisters of Loretto, the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, and 'the Dominican Sisters of St. Catherine). The annals and traditions of these six communities refer to "Negro" or "colored" servants" brought by some women as part of their down. For example, at the Carmelite convent, where the slaves numbered thirty by 1829, they lived "comfort-ably" outside the cloister and did the farm work.2° Of the first eight congregations, the Oblate Sisters of Divine Providence (an order of African American religious in Baltimore) and the Sisters of Our Lady of Mercy (Charleston, South Carolina) were the two con-gregations that did not have slaves. The other major grouping of religious during the time of slav-ery were those who came to the Louisiana Territory, which became part of the United States in 1803. Most of these religious were French-speaking congregations, although Spanish religious served during the time of Spanish control. In the Louisiana Territory, the Capuchins owned slaves to work their plantations. Mready mentioned was the Jesuit ownership of slaves in the territory.2! Among the communities of women, French-speaking Ursulines were the first to come to New Orleans in 1727. They had slaves provided as part of their contract with the Company of the Indies.22 Although at first reluctant to purchase a slave, Mother Hyacinth, of the Daughters of the Cross (Cocoville, Louisiana), accepted the recommendation of the bishop and purchased a slave.23 The Madames (Religious) of the Sacred Heart had slaves at Grand Coteau, Louisiana, and in Missouri.24 There is correspondence from St. Philippine Duchesne requesting a slave from the Vincentians. The Sisters of Loretto of Bethlehem convent across the road from the Vincentians in Perry County, Missouri, also owned slaves.25 The owning of slaves led consequently to the involvement of religious in the purchase and sale of slaves. For the Sisters of Review for Religious Charity of Nazareth, the purchase of slaves in 1840 was an eco-nomic decision: "The Council decided it was better to buy ser-vants for the farm, and so forth, than pay so much for hire and then often get bad ones."26 When the Carmelites left Charles County for Baltimore in 1831, the disposal of their slaves was one of their difficulties. According to the Carmelite centennial histo-rian, the slaves became a source of anxiety because the sisters did not have the resources to grant them their freedom, so they gave them permission to seek their own masters. The sisters received whatever price the new master gave. Older slaves were left to the care of competent persons, and the sisters provided for their neces-sities until their deaths.27 The involvement in the sale of slaves by the Vincentians is documented in the previously mentioned study. The ownership of slaves led the Vincentians to become involved in the sale and purchase of slaves. There was an attempt t9 be faithful to church law. In a letter addressed to the Vincentian general in 1840, the American provincial, Father John Timon, explained that the"pur-pose of the increased buying of slaves was to bring families together. The Vincentians slowly phased out slaveholding during the 1850s and 1860s. Although personally opposed to slavery, Timon justified the decision to sell the slaves in terms of economic and political rather than moral factors. Freeing the slaves was not considered.28 The sale of the Jesuit slaves in Maryland caused great con-troversy. Some Jesuits sought to free the slaves and, in the pro-cess, change the labor force running their farms from slave to free. When the Jesuits were restored in 1814, the civil corpora-tion made a resolution to this effect in that same year; it was, however, never carried out. The Jesuits became embroiled in a dispute with Ambrose Marechal, the new archbishop of Baltimore, who had initiated claims against the Jesuit estates, arguing that they were meant to support the entire church in Maryland, not just the Jesuits.29 Any sales were delayed until the dispute could be settled. By the 1830s the new group of younger Jesuits was becoming uncomfortable with the estates and their status as slave owners. By this time, however, the climate in the country had changed and the policy of deferred emancipation became more difficult to fol-low. Older Jesuits, mostly Europeans, supported keeping the estates. Younger Jesuits, mostly Americans, wanted to sell them July-Augl~St 1999 Fitz ¯ U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery and the slaves and concentrate on education. The older Jesuits argued that the slaves were a patrimony. Father Francis Dzierozynski wrote, "I consider the blacks under this respect only, that they are our sons, whose care and salvation have been entrusted to us by Divine Providence and who are always happy under our Fathers." For Dzierozynski and~others, the bond between the slaves and the Jesuits was not to be broken for finan-cial reasons. They argued that selling the slaves would lead to the slaves' physical and moral ruin and would give great scandal.3° In October 1836 the superior general approved the sale of the slaves with the condition that their religious needs must be met, families must not be separated (especially spouses), and the money must be invested for the support of Jesuits in training.31 In June, Father Thomas Mulledy, the provincial, sold the slaves to Henry Johnson of Louisiana. The main group of the slaves was sent to Louisiana in November 1838. Mulledy was denounced to the supe-rior general because some of the slave families were separated, and Mulledy was subsequently replaced. The change to tenant farming ended the Jesuit history as slaveholders. Clearly the young Jesuits who advocated sale of the slaves perceived correctly that owning slaves was scandalous. Their manner of handling the sale clearly violated the principles of the church concerning the sale and treatment of slaves, and they did not provide for their even-tual emancipation. This too wa~ a scandal. ~ In general, how did religious treat their slaves? In his study on American Catholics and slavery, Kenneth Zanca notes "that reli-gious orders treated their slaves more humanely than other slave holders and generally saw to their religious education--even in the defiance of state laws. To be a 'priest's slave' or a 'nun's slave' was considered a fortunate circumstance for a slave.''32 Although the slaves of religious may have been treated more humanely than other, slaves, problems persisted. Father Adam Marshall, the Jesuit charged with overseeing the plantations for the corporation, described the dwellings for the slaves as "almost universally unfit for human beings to live in." When possible, Jesuit brothers were given charge of the farms. Father .Peter Kenney, an Irish Jesuit, sent by the Jesuit superior general as a special visitor to evaluate the American mission in 1819, took exception to the arbitrary treatment of the slaves by the brothers. He found general disaffection among the slaves and particular abuses (for example, whipping pregnant women). He also found the Review for Religious behavior of the slaves scandalous and their practice of religion vir-tually nonexistent. Because of the poor financial condition of the Jesuits in general in the early 1820s, the living conditions of the slaves on most of the plantations were less than adequate. However, with new management the material conditions of the slaves seemed to improve by the 1830s. At St. Inigoes, the most thriving of the plantations, Father Joseph Carberry instituted a system of incentives for the slaves, which led to their economic improvement. Concerning their moral and spiritual condition, despite catech-esis and required attendance at Mass, Kenney found the slaves' lives to be a "moral wasteland and scandalous reproach to the Society" of Jesus. "Some Jesuits attributed the moral anarchy to the Society's own failure to discipline the slaves." 3 3 Some accounts about slaves owned by religious report a general affection by the slaves for their religious owners. At St. Catherine, Kentucky, this is how the ~rs~a~e laws. relationship between the Dominican sis-ters and their slaves is reported.34 When the sisters wanted to build a new chapel, some of the slaves who had come to the sisters as part of a dowry voluntarily offered to do without new clothes for a year so that the money might be donated to the chapel fund. Some slaves gave their earnings toward the project. Even after emancipation, some slaves remained with the sisters until their deaths.3s A report about the slaves owned by the Religious of the Sacred Heart indicates that they were "happy as possible in their snug little cabins" and were converted to the Catholic faith and the "love of the Sacred Heart that was the reason for Grand Coteau's existence.''36 An historian of the earlier Jesuit mission in the United States claims that dur-ing the Revolutionary War the slaves of the Jesuits could have abandoned the Jesuit plantations when British ships raided the plantations. The priests' slaves, unlike neighboring slaves, did not do so. The historian takes this as a sign of the slaves' devotion to their masters.37 There are, however, no accounts from the slaves themselves to confirm these impressions. Religious orders treated their slaves more humanely than other slave holders and generally saw to their religious education-- even in the defiance Ju~-dugltst 1999 Fitz * U.S. Catholic Religious and Slaver~ Ministry by Religious to Slaves Before the Civil War the Catholic Church in the South was small, poor, and understaffed. "Catholicism, in short, could not ade-quately minister to either the slave or the free blacks in the South ([whether] Catholic or non-Catholic), nor could Catholicism prac-tically enforce its own teaching on the proper treatment of slaves."3s The church was hesitant and ambivalent in most of its efforts to work among African Americans, whether slave or free.39 John Carroll was concerned about "a general lack of care in instructing their children and especially the Negro slaves in their religion.''4° Although local parish records indicate a high rate of baptisms among slaves throughout the antebellum period, "there is little evidence of high rates of slave identification with Catholicism in terms of attendance at Mass, marriage in the church, or other signs of Catholic activity and devotion.''4~ Despite this general lack of ade, quate ministry, religious provided some ministry to slaves. Most commonly, it was religious-order priests who provided for the slaves the celebration of the Sunday and holy day Eucharists and the celebration of baptism and marriage. The Vincentians and Capuchins ministered to slaves on the plantations in the Louisiana Territory.42 As noted earlier, the Jesuits provided sacramental min-istry for their slaves, both in Louisiana and Maryland, and for the slaves of Catholic masters in Maryland.43 A Jesuit mission band giving revivals on southern Maryland farms in the Jubilee Year 1851 also served slaves.44 Some religious priests tried to protect slaves from abuse. In 1791, for example, Capuchin Father Joaquin de Portillo ordered slaves to stop working on a holy day of obligation and reported the incident to the Louisiana Eovernor because work on a holy day was a violation of the slave code in the colony.~s In general, religious catechized their slaves and sometimes provided them basic education. As mentioned earlier, the Jesuits taught catechism to their slaves. Religious women catechized and educated black slaves, especially children.In a letter of 1856, Mother Hyacinth indicates that they educated their slave named Simon.46 There is evidence that the Visitation Sisters educated free black girls, and this tradition may have "its origins in the instruction given to their slaves.''47 Bishop England founded the Sisters of Our Lady of Mercy in Charleston, South Carolina, for the purpose of establishing a school for "free colored girls, and to give religious instruction to female slaves.''~s A letter of St. Elizabeth Ann Seton provides evidence of catechetical work among African American children.49 The Daughters of Charity organized classes to teach religion to their slaves,s° The Ursulines in New Orleans also catechized slaves,s| Two religious orders of African American women were founded to educate and catechize African American children. "To work for the Christian education of colored children," four Haitian refugees founded the Oblate Sisters of Divine Providence, "a Religious Society of virgins and widows of color." They provided education for African American children who had no other possi-bilities. Some children they educated may have been slave chil-dren, although that is not clear from the sources,s2 Supported at first by the Sulpicians in the person of Father James Joubert and later by the Redemptorists under the direction of Father Thaddeus Anwander, who was influenced by Father John Neumann, the sis-ters went about their mission under difficult circumstances includ-ing years of neglect and hardship. They continued a school in Baltimore that several of the sisters had started before ~their orga-nization as a religious congregation in 1829. The other religious community of African American sisters, the Sisters of the Holy Family, was founded in New Orleans for the purpose of serving and educating the poor. Before she founded the community, Henriette DeLille had entered into the work of teaching religion to slaves,s3 Although much of their educational work and service ministry was with poor free African Americans, they also did catechetical work among the slaves,s4 Care of slaves was also part of the outreach ministry of women religious. The Sisters of the Holy Family, prompted by the wretched condition of old, abandoned slaves; opened a home for the aged.ss The Hotel Dieu, run by the Daughters of Charity in New Orleans, had a slave department that had special rates and "superior advantages" for members of this class,s6 Attitude of Religious toward the Institution of Slavery and toward Slaves Slavery The attitude of religious in the United States toward slavery tended to mirror the attitude of United States Catholics in general. No religious and no Catholic occupied the' forefront of the aboli-tionist movement. ~uly-August 1999 Fitz ¯ U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery There are, however, records of individual religious who were opposed to slavery. A Sulpician, Father Louis-Regis Deluol, and a Vincentian, Father John Timon, are two examples. In a letter to Charles Carroll's granddaughter, Deluol wrote that his feelings were most violently opposed to slavery. In the same letter, though, he indicated that he did not see slavery as opposed to divine or ecclesiastical law.57 Timon, the Vincentian superior of the American mission who was responsible for ending Vincentian involvement in slavery, accepted the bishopric of Buffalo, New York, because he feared he might be named coadjutor of Bardstown. Timon "would have intensely disliked that appointment because Negro slavery obtains in the state of Kentucky."58 Opposition to slavery did not, in general, lead religious to participate in the abolitionist move-ment or to the manumission of slaves. There were religious who supported slavery. Father John Ryder SJ, of Georgetown University, addressing an audience in Richmond in 183 5, defended slavery "as a positive benefit to the slav.e, while arguing that abolitionism was incompatible with Catholicism."59 One of the most prominent Catholic figures of the 19th cen-tury was Isaac Thomas Hecker, a convert to Roman Catholicism, a religious, and the founder of the Paulists. Oversimplifying, one can say that Hecker saw as his task the adaptation of the Roman Catholic Church to America, "proving to Catholics that their coun-try was not Protestant at its ideological roots, .and to Protestants that Catholics were not inherendy anti-democratic." Like his men-tor Orestes Brownson, Hecker saw Roman Catholic natural-law theory as a stronger grounding for democracy than Protestantism or Lockean liberalism. Hecker's dream of America's conversion to Catholicism never materialized.6° At the time of the Civil War, Hecker was laying the founda-tions of the Paulist community. In his writings and letters he hardly mentions the raging political issues of slavery and expansion.6~ In a sermon written in April 1861 b~t apparently never delivered, Hecker was convinced that the "root of the problem between the states was a lack of common religion.62 In a series of articles before the war, Hecker had written that the Catholic Church was friend of both master and slave. He had cohtrasted the Catholic Church, which supported union and reconciliation, with the fanatic and divisive Protestant abolitionists. I-Iecker saw the war as a perfect example of how the Catholic Church would have prevented hos- Review for Religious tility. "Slavery, under the benign influence of Catholic principles and legislation, voluntarily and insensibly disappears, just as serf-dom was made to give way to modern society without violence or bloodshed." Hecker hoped that the Civil War would lead the coun-try to see the value of Catholicism.63 On the issue of slavery itself, Hecker held views conventional for a Roman Catholic of his day. There is evidence of his views in correspondence with Jane Sedgwick, a convert and friend in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in the spring of 1861. Hecker's letter to Sedgwick no longer exists, but her response indicates her dis-agreement with his defense of servitude under certain conditions. We have no record of Hecker's response to her questions and argu-ments. "Once the war came, Hecker told friends he had always been opposed to slavery; he even told Bishop Lynch of Charleston that he regarded the war as a punishment of the South for its evils.''64 One of his biographers, David O'Brien, quotes a passage from a letter of September 1861 : The sentiment of loyal Americans whether Catholic or not is getting always [more] and more strong and united every day against slavery and without any change of principle. We have always taken the ground that it is an evil and a disgrace which might be tolerated for a time, but ought to be grad-ually abolished. The Constitutional rights of the states for-bade, however, any direct meddling and made it our duty to protect the institution of slavery against unjust aggression. Now, however, since slavery is so destructive of national prosperity, and the South by its rebellion has forfeited all claim to the forbearance of the North, we think the time will soon come to expel slavery from our entire country.65 Slaves Attitudes toward slaves among religious are similar to those held by other white Catholic Americans. Although some English Protestants held the view that Negroes were incapable of baptism because they were not strictly human, Catholics did baptize slaves when the occasion presented itself, especially when the slaves were their own.6. Father George Hunter, a Jesuit, reminded masters of their duty to treat slaves with charity. "As they are members of Jesus Christ, redeemed by his precious blood, they are to be dealt with in a charitable, Christian, paternal manner; which is at the same time a great means to bring them to do their duty to God, and therefore to gain their souls.".7 Although seen as human, slaves were often treated and described in condescending and paternal- July-August 1999 Fitz * U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery istic terms. The treatment of slaves as property (moving them from one place to another) manifests the failure of religious to treat slaves as fully human. The language of religious also por-trayed their condescending attitudes toward slaves. Father Joseph Mosley SJ, who came to Maryland at the time of the Jesuit sup-pression in 1773, wrote to his sister the following year: "They ['the Negroes'] are naturally inclined to thieving, lying, and much lechery. I believe want [poverty] makes them worse thieves and liars, and the innate heat .of the climate of Africa and their natu-ral temper of constitution gives them a bent to lechery.''6s Another Jesuit, Brother Mobberly, who managed St. Inigoes from 1806 to 1820, felt that a lack of discipline was the root of the slaves' prob-lems. He developed a racial theory of African subservience.69 Mobberly wrote in his diary: "The better a Negro is treated, the worse he becomes." With this attitude, there is little wonder that Mobberly was removed a month after the visit of Father Kenney in 1820.70 Against the background of slavery, Vincentian lay brothers felt and caused some difficulty within their congregation. "The broth-ers resented the implicit identification of their work with that of slaves and were increasingly reluctant to do certain types of labor, perhaps under the influence of American attitudes." Like many white laborers, the lay brothers disliked doing the kind of work slaves did, considering it degradation. Father Rosati, one of the Vincentian superiors, struggled with the duplicity he saw in the lay brothers: they did not want slaves, but refused to do the work that the slaves were hired or bought to do.71 Some religious felt compassion for the slaves, although this compassion did not always lead to action. Mother Theodore Guerin, who founded the Sisters of Providence of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods in Indiana, wrote the following in her journal about her trip to New Orleans: The most painful sight I saw in New Orleans was the selling of slaves. Every day in the streets at appointed places, Negroes and Negresses in holiday attire are exposed for this shameful traffic, like the meanest of animals at our fairs. This spectacle oppressed my heart. Lo! I said to myself, these Americans, so proud of their liberty, thus make game of the liberty of others. Poor Negroes! I would have wished to buy them all that I might say to them, "Go! Bless Providence. You are free." But such feelings must be concealed from the Louisianians, as this is a point on which they are very sensio tire.72 Review for Religious The Vincentian Father DeAndreis also felt compassion toward the slaves. In a letter of 1819 to the Vincentian community at Monte Citoria, he wrote: .With regard to the situation of the blacks and mulattoes, these are for the most part slaves, who are condemned to eat the bread of sorrow and to bear pondus diei et aestus [the burden of the day and the scorching heat (Mt 20:12)] and, what is worse, in their harsh condition to serve the passions of others and to be in the moral impossibility of knowing and practicing religion. They are commonly forbidden to contract marriage because of the loss that their masters would suffer as a result, something that exposes them to a thou-sand dangers. For the rest these natives of Africa are for the most part simple and disposed to profit by the labors that are undertaken for their salvation. They are moved at seeing a white priest interested in them since they are regarded as the offscouring and refuse of the human race. How many subjects of consolation do not these poor creatures offer me! They are instructed, they make their first communion, and then they frequent the sacraments.73 DeAndreis's writing flowed from personal experience. After arriving in St. Louis in 1818, he made the African Americans of the city an object of his special ministry. His friend Joseph Rosati, who became the first bishop of St. Louis, recollected that people were astonished at seeing a scholar applying himself to this min-istry with special ardor and dedication.74 Conclusion Several general trends can be drawn from this study of American religious and slavery. Like their fellow Catholics, some American religious owned and sold slaves and became entangled in the control and supervision of slaves. Although some commenta-tors indicate that, in general, religious treated their slaves better than .other slave masters, there are few slave witnesses to verify this perception. Religious provided sacramental ministry and edu-cation (mostly catechetical) to their slaves and to the slaves of other Catholic masters. Religious also provided limited social ser-vices to slaves. With regard to the institution of slavery, American religious mirrored American Catholics in general. They did not see slav-ery as intrinsically wrong. If they opposed slavery, they were for gradual emancipation. Although they saw slaves as human, slaves 3%dy-August 1999 Fitz ¯ U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery were often described in condescending and racist terms. Some compassion was shown, but this did not often lead to action or a desire to eliminate the institution. As an historical account, this article could end at this point. But should more be said? Is there anything we, as religious living near the end of the 20th century, might learn from our forebears in the faith as we grapple with social-justice and social-transformation issues in the world today? There are several important lessons. A first lesson might be a challenge for us as religious to exam-ine more critically our relationship to culture. As religious, we are called to be prophetic. Hopefully, our words, actions, and lives will perform at least two prophetic functions: criticize the existing sinful and unjust social consciousness and energize the world by embodying an alternative way to live that brings hope.7s This prophetic witness can be greatly compromised if we live com-pletely apart from the culture. Conversely, if we are so immersed in the culture that we do not see injustices, and in fact participate in them, our actions become a source of scandal. American reli-gious quickly adapted to the American experience of slavery. Was this an example of being too immersed in the culture to be truly prophetic to it? Were some religious so much outsiders (for exam-ple, Catholic, French extraction, unmarried women) that criticism was muted in order not too offend? The experience of slavery of American religious in the 19th century can challenge religious today to look at our present culture. Are there structures in which we are so immersed that we fail to see injustice present? Are there unjust structures that we are afraid to challenge because the chal-lenge might cost us personally or communally? Are we alert and attentive to the structures of culture that may need prophetic chal-lenge and a witness to :an alternative way? For international institutes, these same questions may be asked concerning new implantations in other cultures. What aspects of the new culture should be accepted as compatible with and expres~ sive of gospel values? What aspects are unjust and need to be opposed? As the first religious in America quickly adapted to the institution of slavery, are there aspects of other cultures to which we are easily adapting without critical thought? These are not easy questions, but they are important if we are to be faithful to our prophetic witness. Second, the slavery issue can be a lesson in listening to and evaluating the message of another. Catholics, including religious, Review for Religqous did not listen to the abolitionists because a significant group of abolitionists was anti-Catholic as well (though this was not true of all of them). Although abolitionists may have been wrong in their anti,Catholicism, they were prophetic in their respect for the dignity of African Americans. In our own day the truth may be proclaimed by someone with whom we have little in common or with whom we disagree on significant issues. Truth can come from anywhere, and we need to hear the truth whether it comes from friend or foe, compan-ion or opponent. Are we today open to the truth, from whatever source? Have we stopped listening to some group where the truth may be present, even in the midst of error? A third lesson concerns the development of doctrine in the history of the Catholic Church. In the area of social justice and trans-formation, there are significant examples of this development. The institution of slavery, once considered a moral way to treat individuals, is now considered immoral. Reflection over the years has helped the church come to a new understanding of the implications of the reign of God as Jesus proclaimed it. As the early church struggled with the issue of accepting Gentiles into the church, so American Christians of the 19th century grappled with the implications of the gospel in terms of slavery. Statements made by bishops over a hun-dred and fifty years ago have been reversed by bishops in our own day. What was once considered not intrinsically wrong is now con-sidered a crime against human dignity. This development of doc-trine, therefore, can be a source of hope as we grapple with new justice issues today. As we deal with right-to-life issues (think of abortion and capital punishment), dignity-of-women issues, and other such issues, what appears as a small glimmer of light (even a light from outside the church) may be the source of new insight and a new living of the reign of God in future generations. A call for change, for which there may be little'support now, may gain considerable support as time passes. Religious in the United States have been called by the church to commit themselves to social justice and social transformation. We have chosen to commit ourselves to these values. Although the story of American religious involvement in and response to Are there structures in which we are so immersed that we fail to see injustice present ? ~uly-August 1999 Fitz * U.S. Catholic Religious and Slavery the institution of slavery in this country is not one of the glorious moments in our history, we can hope that the experience of our forebears in dealing with this issue may bring light and insight to our present-day struggle to discern the call of the Spirit in our world. Notes ~ I am using Austin Flannery's translation of the tide of this document, which has elsewhere been called "Religious and Human Promotion." The document was issued by the congregation in January 1981. See Origins 10, no. 34 (5 February 1981): 529-541. 2 House Concurrent Resolution 96, Congressional Record, 1997, H3890-3891. 3 A term I have borrowed from Kenneth M. Stamp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (New York: Vintage Books, 1956). 4 R. Emmett Curran, "'Splendid Poverty': Jesuit Slaveholding in Maryland, 1805-1838," in Randall M. Miller and John L. Wakelyn, eds., Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture (Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1983); Stafford Poole CM and Douglas J. Slawson CM, Church and Slave in Perry Country, Missouri, 1818-1865 (Lewistown, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1986). s Kenneth J. Zanca, ed., Amen'can Catholics and Slavery, 1789-1866: An Anthology of Primary Documents (Latham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1994), pp. xxxi and 37-39. 6 Madeleine Hooke Rice, American Catholic Opinion in the Slavery Controversy (Gloucester: Peter Smith, 1964), p. 21. 7 John Francis Maxwell, Slavery and the Catholic Church: The History of Catholic Teaching concerning the Moral Legitimacy of the Institution of Slavery (London: Barry Rose Publishers, 1975), pp. 101-110. 8 David J. O'Brien, Public Catholicism, 2nd ed. (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1996), p. 65. See also Rice, American Catholic Opinion, pp. 80-85. 90'Brien, Public Catholicism, p. 53. ,0 Rice, American Catholic Opinion, p. 85. ii Zanca, American Catholics, pp. 134-139. This is an article from Brownson 's Quarterly Review. 12 Zanca, American Catholics, p. 200. See also Joseph D. Brokhage, Francis Patrick Kenrick's Opinion on Slavery (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1955), pp. 122-124. 13 Zanca, American Catholics, pp. 201-209. This is a sermon preached by Verot in 1861. ~ Zanca, American Catholics, p. 136. ts Cyprian Davis, The History of Black Catholics in the United States (New York: Crossroad, 1990), p. 35. Review for Religious ,6 Curran, "Splendid Poverty," p. 126. 17 Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, pp. 180-181. ~8 Christopher J. Kauffmar~, Tradition and Transformation in Catholic Culture: The Priests of Saint Sulpice in the United States from 1791 to the Present (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1988), p. 146. See also Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, p. 143. 19 Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, pp. 144-158 and 162. 20 Barbara Misner, Highly Respectable and Accomplished Ladies: Catholic Women Religious in America, 1790-18~0, Vol. 22 of The Heritage of American Catholicism, ed. Timothy Walch (New York: Garland Publishing, 1988), pp. 75 and 76. See also Mary Ewens OP, "The Role of the Nun in Nineteenth-Century America: Variations on the International Theme" (Doctoral diss., University of Minnesota, 1971), p. 38. 2t Roger Baudier, The Catholic Church in Louisiana (New Orleans, 1939), pp. 89, 108-109, 115-116, 131-132,139, 202. 22 Sister Frances Jerome Woods, "Congregations of Religious Women in the Old South," in Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture, ed. Randall M. Miller and Jon L. Wakelyn (Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1983), p. 112. 23 Woods, "Congregations,,' p. 113. See also Ewens, "Role of the Nun," p. 22. 24 Woods, "Congregations," p. 114. See also Ewens, p. 64, and Davis, History, p. 39. 2s Poole and Slawson, Church andSlave, pp. 171 and 172. 26Misner, Highly Respectable, p. 82, quoting from an archival record. 27Misner, Highly Respectable, p. 77. 28Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, pp. 186-189. 29Curran, "Splendid Poverty," pp. 134-135. 30Curran, "Splendid Poverty," pp. 138, 140, 141. ~ Curran, "Splendid Poverty," p. 142. 32 Zanca, American Catholics, p. 111. ~3 Curran, "Splendid Poverty," pp. 129, 130, 132. 34 V~Zoods, "Congregations," p. 114. ~5 Misner, Highly Respectable, p. 84, and Woods, "Congregations," p. 114. The two authors seem to be using a common source, Commemorative booklet for American Bicentennial (St. Catherine, 1976). 36 Woods, "Congregations," p. 114, quoting from Margaret Williams, Second Sowing: The Life of Mary Aloysia Hardey (New York, 1942), p. 103. 37 Thomas Hughes SJ, History of the Society of ffesus in North America, Colonial and Federak Text, From 164Y till 1773, Vol. 2 (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1917), p. 565. ~8 Michael McNally, "A Minority of a Minority: The Witness of Black July-August 1999 Fitz ¯ U.S. Catholic Religious ~nd Slavery Women Religious in the Antebellum South," Review for Religious 40, no. 2 (March 1981): 261. 39 Margaret Susan Thompson, "Philemon's Dilemma: Nuns and the Black Community in Nineteenth-Century America: Some Findings," in The American Catholic Religious Life: Selected Historical Essays, ed. Joseph M. White (New York: Garland Publishing, 1988), p. 83. 40 John Carroll, "The First American Report to Propaganda on Catholicism in the United States, March 1, 1785," in Documents of American Catholic History, Vol. 1, 1493 to 186~, ed. John Tracy Ellis (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1987), p. 149. 4~ Randall M. Miller, "The Failed Mission: The Catholic Church and Black Catholics in the Old South," in Miller and Wakelyn, Catholics in the Old South, p. 152. 42 Baudier, Catholic Church, pp. 76-77. 43 Baudier, Catholic Church, pp. 139, 161. The Capuchins provided ministry to slaves in Louisiana. A dispute arouse between the Jesuits and the Capuchins over whether the Jesuits, who were assigned to the Indian missions, had jurisdiction and could minister to their own slaves (see Baudier, pp. 115-116). ~4 Edward E Beckett SJ, "Listening to Our History: Inculturation and Jesuit Slaveholding," Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 28, no. 5 (November 1996): 15. 4s Baudier, p. 213. 4~ Woods, "Congregations," p. 113. 47 Misner, Highly Respectable, p. 203 48 Misner, Highly Respectable, pp. 204-205. 49 Zanca, American Catholics, p. 143. ' 50 Woods, "Congregations," p. 112. s~ Baudier, Catholic Church, p. 183. 52 Sister M. Reginald Gerdes OSP, "To Educate and Evangelize: Black Catholic Schools of the Oblate Sisters of Providence (1828-1880)," U.S. Catholic Historian 7, nos. 2 and 3 (Spring/Summer 1988): 183-199. s3 Woods, "Congregations," p. 115. 54 Davis, History, pp. 105-I10. See also Woods, "Congregations," p. 116, and Baudier, Catholic Church, p. 397. 55 McNally, "Minority," p. 264. ~6 Woods, "Congregations," p. 113, and Baudier, p. 396. Baudier is quoting from the silver-jubilee booklet of the Hotel Dieu School of Nursing in 1927. 57Kauffman, Tradition and Transfomnation, p. 146. 58 Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, p. 179. 59 Beckett, "Listening to Our History," p. 45, fn. 186. 60 Edward J. Langlois, "Isaac Hecker's Political Thought," in Hecker Review for Religions Studies: Essays on the Thought of Isaac Hecker, ed. John Farina (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), pp. 51 and 66. 6, David J. O'Brien, Isaac Hecker: An American Catholic (New York: Paulist Press, 1992), p. 191. 62 Langlois, "Isaac Hecker's Political Thought," p. 68. See also p. 85, fn. 36. 63 Hecker's sermon, quoted in Langlois, p. 69. 64 O'Brien, lsaac Hecker, p. 192. 6s O'Brien, Isaac Hecko; p. 192. 66Zanca, American Catholics, p. 113 67Hughes,.History, Vol. 2, p. 559. 68Zanca, American Catholics, pp. 1 I3-114. 69Beckett, "Listening to Our History," p. 2 I. 70Curran, "Splendid Poverty," p. 133. 7~ Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, pp. 156-157. 72 Zanca, American Catholics, p. 117. 73Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, pp. 145-146. ~4 Poole and Slawson, Church and Slave, p. 147. 75 For further development of the concept of religious life as acted prophecy, see my article "Religious Life as~Acted Prophecy," Review for Religious 41, no. 6 (November-December 1982): 923-927. I Will I will survive even though I have doubts and fears, I will survive when my eyes are full of tears, I will go on with faith in God's hands I will trust my Jesus for I know he understands. Janice Barham July-August 1999 RITA E. GOLDMAN Edith Stein: St. Teresa Benedicta of the Cross OCD witness We might begin by asking ourselves, who is Edith Stein? First and foremost, she is a woman, a Jewish woman, student, nurse, scholar/philosopher, teacher, Carmelite nun, and confessor/martyr saint. She was inscribed in the calendar of saints on 11 October 1998, having been beatified at Cologne, Germany, on 1 May 1987. On the last few pages of her work On the Problem of Empathy, she has left us a short biographic sketch. She writes: "I, Edith Stein, was born on 12 October 1891 in Breslau, the daughter of the deceased merchant Siegfried Stein and his wife, Auguste, n~e Courant. I am a Prussian citizen and Jewish." She tells us that, in the year she was born, 12 October was the greatest Jewish holy day, Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement. Her mother, a devout Jew, always considered this a great blessing, having her last child on the Day of Atonement. Edith was the youngest of eleven children, of whom only seven sur-vived. Her mother was widowed twenty-one months after Edith was born. She tells of where she went to school and then of beginning the study of philosophy, to be interrupted in 1916 when she served with the Red Cross during the Rita E. Goldman wrote "Frances Cabrini: A Woman for Today" for our November-December 1996 issue, Her address is 3041 North Country Club Road, Apartment 220; Tucson, Arizona 85716. Revie~v for Religious First World War. After the war she became a teacher at a girls' secondary school in Breslau. Later she began work on her doc-torate in phenomenology, becoming an assistant to Edmund Husserl. In 1917 she was asked by the widow of her former teacher Adolf Reinach, who had died at the front, to help put her hus-band's papers in order. Frau Reinach was a devout Christian; and it was from her influence that Edith began to move toward the Christian faith. In the summer of 1921 she read the autobiography of St. Teresa of Avila, the great Carmelite mystic of the 16th cen-tury. "This," she concluded, "is the truth." She was baptized on New Year's Day 1922. After her baptism Edith spent the next eight years teaching German and literature at St. Magdalena's, a teacher training insti-tute run by the Dominican Sisters at Speyer. During this time she continued her philosophic interests, writing a two-volume study of the philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas. She tried to obtain a pro-fessorship at Freiburg, but was refused because she was a woman. Though she was later to be barred from publishing and lecturing because of being Jewish, at this time she traveled extensively to give lectures in places as varied as Munich, Vienna, Prague, Juvisy (near Paris), and Zurich. In 1932 she accepted a teaching post at the German Institute for Scientific Pedagogy in MOnster. The following year she was denied her lectureship under a Nazi decree aimed at Jews. In October 1933, on the Feast of St. Teresa of Avila, Edith entered the Carmel at Cologne. When the situation in Germany became very bad for Jews, Edith was transferred to the Carmel at Echt, in Holland. But this move did not save her, and in August 1942 she and her sister Rosa were arrested and deported. She died at Auschwitz, on or near 9 August 1942. What I have said above is a general outline of Edith Stein's life, but I think we are more concerned with her thought, what led her to become a Catholic, what called her to become a Carmelite nun, than with the externals of her life. At the age of fifteen, Edith decided she did not believe in God. When she was twenty-four, during her study of phenomenology, a flicker of faith began to catch her ey.e. Then came her contact with Frau Reinach and her reading of the life of St. Teresa of Avila. In St. Teresa's response to Christ's love, Edith found the answer she had sought. She decided to follow Christ's invitation and enter July-Augtlst 1999 GoMman ¯ Edith Stein the Catholic Church. (Even at that time Edith was strongly aware that an attraction to live out her baptismal commitment as a mem-ber of the Discalced Carmelite Order and as a daughter of St. Teresa was inseparable from her resolve to enter the church.) Edith bought a catechism and a missal, studied them thor-oughly, then went to her first Mass in the parish church of Bergzabern, celebrated by the pastor, Monsignor Breitling. Finding that she had no difficulty in following the Mass, she approached Monsignor Breitling afterwards and asked for baptism. The sur-prised pastor told her that there is usually an extended period of preparation before someone is received into the church. But Edith would not relent and asked that he examine her right then on the truths of the faith. The "examination" went so well that her bap-tism was set for the coming New Year's Day. Edith began attend-ing Mass daily--it became the center of her spiritual life. During the years she taught at St. Magdalena's, she was remembered as a teacher who was "modest and unassuming., she went about her work pretty much unseen and unheard, always friendly and ready to be of help." As one student wrote of her rec-ollections of Edith Stein: "Actually, she gave us everything. Though we were all very young at the time, none of us has ever been able to forget the spell that her personality exerted. Her manner alone made her a model for us at that critical time. There's not a single remark of hers that I can repeat--and it isn't that her comments were not memorable, but that she was a quiet, untalkative person who could influence us simply by who she was." These words reflect what Edith herself said of her teaching. She regarded edu-cation as a form of apostolate and generously devoted herself to all the needs of her students. When in 1932-1933 Edith could no longer teach or publish because of the situation in Germany, she at last received permis-sion to enter the Cologne Carmel. This was something she had wanted to do since the day she was baptized, and now it was to be fulfilled. From 16 July to 15 August 1933, she lived in the extern guest quarters at the C.ologne convent while getting acquainted with the sisters. After" that she spent several months in Breslau doing all she could to make her leave-taking easier on her family before her entrance into Carmel on 15 October, the feast of St. Teresa. For six months she was a postulant, being admitted to the novitiate on 15 April 1934. At this time she received her name in religion, Sister Teresa .Benedicta of the Cross. She had taken the Review for Religious name of Teresa at the time of her baptism and took the name Benedicta of the Cross--blessed by the cross--which was her great devotion. She took the name Benedicta also in honor of St. Benedict, since she had been the spiritual child of Archabbot Walzer, who was the abbot at Beuron, the monastery where she had spent much time. In 1935 on Easter Sunday she pronounced her first vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience and three years later, on 21 April 1938, she made her final solemn profession. Life in the monastery was for Edith very different from what she had experienced in the world. She was forty-two years old, and the other novices were in their twenties. She was not accus-tomed to housework and made all kinds of mistakes. The novice mistress had been a bit worried at first when she heard she would have to teach a scholar, but Edith was so amiable and eager to learn that the novice mistress forgot her nervousness. Another thing, her time was not her own--and was very much regulated by bells. After the novitiate, however, much of her assigned work was of an intellectual nature. She revised some of the things she had written while at Speyer. Some of her writings during this period are published in The Hidden Life. At times she also served as receptionist (at the "turn" and on the telephone) and as infirmarian. On 31 December 1938 she was driven across the border to the Carmelite monastery at Echt in Holland. Since Kristallnacht (8 November 1938), Edith had thought it best not to endanger the Cologne Carmel any longer with her presence. Sister Teresa Benedicta spent only a little over three years in the Echt Carmel. During this time she suffered greatly, not know-ing what was happening to her family. Some of her brothers and sisters were able to emigrate to America, but several were not per-mitted to go. Her sister Rosa was with her, having become a Catholic after the death of their mother in 1936. Edith's letters at this time express a central theme: Do everything you can to give joy to others; let God guide you without resistance; fill up She had taken the name of Teresa at the time of her baptism and took the name Benedicta of the Cross-blessed by the cross - which was her great devotion. July-Augv~st 1999 Goldman ¯ Edith Stein the emptiness of your heart with love of God and neighbor. In 1939 she composed her final testament. It reveals more than anything else her conscious acceptance of her particular mis-sion. I quote from the concluding lines: I joyfully accept in advance the death God has appointed for me, in perfect submission to his most holy will. May the Lord accept my life and death for the honor and glory of his name, for the needs of his holy Church (especially the preservation, sanctification, and final perfecting, of our holy order, and in particular for the Carmels of Cologne and Echt), for the Jewish people, that the Lord may be received by his own and his kingdom come in glory, for the deliverance of Germany and peace throughout the world, and finally for all my relatives living and dead and all whom God has given me: may none of them be lost. In late July 1942 the Dutch bishops issued a pastoral letter that was read in all the Catholic parishes of the Netherlands con-demning the deportation of Jews. One week after the bishops' pas-toral letter, on 2 August 1942, the Nazis in a single sweeping operation rounded up all Jewish Catholics, among them Edith and Rosa Stein. On 6 August Edith and Rosa and many other Jewish Catholics were at Westerbork awaiting deportation to the "east." The destination was Auschwitz, where it is believed both Edith and Rosa were executed on 9 August. When the church canonizes someone, it is in essence saying that it is safe to imitate this person. In putting its final approval on Edith Stein by declaring her a saint, the church says to us that we cannot go wrong if we incorporate into our lives the ideals that she professed. Edith Stein gave much to our world by her life and death, and now that she is ranked among the saints in heaven, she is still able to give to us by her example and prayers. I think Edith Stein could easily be the patron saint of academics, school teach-ers, and certainly single people living in the world, since this was her life before she entered Carmel. We may not be called upon to give our lives for our faith, but there are endless possibilities of our practicing virtue as exemplified in Edith Stein's life. First of all, she was a modern woman, one who lived in the world, made her living, and when time permitted spent many hours at home with her family--remember she came from a large fam-ily and her mother died in her eighty-seventh year in 1936. She is a 20th-century woman, one who had a deep regard for the voca-tion of women in our world. I point out her book on woman, Review for Religions where she brings out the vocation of women, their education and professionalism, their life not only in the church, but in civic and national life as well. She had experienced exclusion from a pro-fessorship because she was a'woman--Edith Stein could easily be the patron saint of the feminist movement of our day. Edith Stein is a model for our prayer life. Even from the time before her baptism, daily Mass was on her agenda, and she was very familiar with the other official prayer of the church, the Divine Office, the Breviary, now called the Liturgy of the Hours. She often went to the Benedictine abbey at Beuron and participated in the choral praying of the Liturgy of the Hours. Being there for Holy Week services was something she anticipated yearly. Besides Mass and Office, she was accustomed to spending several hours daily in private prayer before the Blessed Sacrament. She had a great familiarity with Scripture and quotes it often in her letters. Before she entered Carmel, she would accompany her mother to the synagogue and pray the psalms in Latin that her mother was praying in Hebrew. Even in her busy life of teaching, writing, counseling students, giving lectures, and so forth~ she always found time for prayer. I hope that this brief sketch provides some insight into this new saint of ours, one who is very aware of our times. Edith Stein is being proclaimed a martyr and a confessor. At the homily of her beatification, Pope John Paul II declared: "In the extermina-tion camp She died as a daughter of Israel 'for the glory of the Most Holy Name' and, at the same time, as Sister Teresa Benedicta of the Cross, literally, 'blessed b~ the cross.'" The "cause" of her martyrdom, the pope said, was the Dutch bishops' letter of protest against the deportation 6f the Jews. But, he added, because of her great desire to unite with the sufferings of Christ on the cross, she "offered herself to God as a 'sacrifice for genuine peace' and above all for her threatened and humiliated Jewish people." Prudently he left unmentioned her desire to atone for Jewish "unbelief." To many Jewish people the canonization of Edith Stein is an affront. What about the six million Jews who were exterminated and are not saints in the Catholic sense? In my opinion Edith Stein is a Catholic saint who iust happened to have Jewish origins, some-thing she was especially proud of after she came into the church. Edith Stein is a model for our prayer life. July-August 1999 Goldman ¯ Edith Stein Perhaps it is also a mystery. In my own life, being Jewish and Catholic has been a great grace. I have always said that I did not really convert, but just kept going on. Judaism is the beginnings of Christianity, and my own beginnings have been fulfilled in my life. I am sure Edith Stein looked at this in the same way. I close this brief essay with the prayer from the Mass of St. Edith Stein, whose feast will be celebrated.on 9 August: Lord God of our ancestors, you brought St. Teresa Benedicta to the fullness of the science of the cro~s at the hour of her martyrdom. Fill us with that same knowledge; and, through her intercession, allow us always to seek after you, the supreme truth, and to remain faithftil until death to the covenant of love ratified in the blood of your Son for the salvation of all. Grant this through Christ our Lord. Amen. Select Bibliography Works by Edith Stein: Collected Works of Edith Stein. Washington, D.C.: ICS Publications¯ Vol. I: Life in a Jewish Family. Trans. Josephihe Koeppel OCD. Vol. 2: Essays on Woman. Trans. Freda M. Oben PhD. Vol. 3: The Problem of Empathy. Tians. Waltraut Stein PhD. Vol. 4: The Hidden Life. Trans. Waltraut Stein PhD Vol. 5: Self-Portrait in Letters 1916-1942. Trans. Josephine Koeppel OCD. Edith Stein: Selected Writings, ed. Susanne M. Batzdorff. Springfield, Illinois: Templegate Publishers, 1990. On the Problem of Empathy (Zum Problem der Einfiihlung). Trans¯ Waltraut Stein. The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1964. The Science of the Cross (Kreuzewissenschaf~). Trans. Hilda Graef. Chicago: Regnery, 1960. "Ways to Know God" (Wege der Gotteserkenntnis). Trans. M. Rudolf Mlers. The Thomist, July 1946. Works about Edith Stein: Batzdorff, Susanne M. Aunt Edith: The Jewish Heritage of a Catholic Saint. ~Springfield, Illinois: Templegate Publishers, 1998. Graef, Hilda. Writings of Edith Stein. Westminster, Maryland: Newman Press, 1956. Herbstrith, Waltraud. Edith Stein: A Biography. San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1985¯ ¯ Never Forget¯ Washington, D.C.: ICS Publications, 1998. Oben, Freda Mary, PhD. Edith Stein: Scholar, Feminist, Saint¯ Staten Island: Review for Religious Alba House, 1988). Oesterreicher, John M. Walls Are Crumbling. London: Hollis and Carter, 1953. Pp. 288-329. Woodward, Kenneth L. Making Saints: How the Catholic Church Determines Who Becomes a Saint, Who Doesn't, and Why. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990. Pp. 135-144. Also articles in various periodicals such as America, London Tablet, Spiritual Life, and Carmelite Digest. In Passing In the morning when Jesus walked with the disciples by his side, he encountered the wildflowers, the grains of wheat caught by the breeze, and the songbirds that greeted him with their unending hosannas. Now as I stroll past the flowers , their colors brightening my path and the trees 'beckoning to me to partake of the lilting songs of birds hidden in their branches, I recall all Jesus said and did as he walked the roads of this life, and I try to keep his great love, compassion and zest for life in the tabernacle of my heart. Neil C. Fitzgerald ~dy-August 1999 C. WALKER GOLLAR At Home by the Sea: Isabel Green SCN and the House of Prayer Experience Teponymous hero of Richard Bach's 1970 book Jonathan ingston Seagull at one point employs a rare maneuver in order to test two other seagulls that caught his eye. Jonathan pre-viously has been obsessed with speed, but, upon seeing these two unusual birds, Jonathan "twisted his wings land] .slowed to a sin-gle mile per hour above stall, [but then, much to his surprise, the] two radiant birds slowed with him, smoothly, locked in position. They knew about slow flying.''1 Like Jonathan Livingston Seagull, the Catholic female reli-gious orders of the 1940s and '50s could demonstrate great skill along with an increasing level of professionalism. As institutions they flew at top speeds, even though their abundance of ritual, order, and bureaucracy often seemed to stray far from their sim-ple beginnings. In the 1960s the Second Vatican Council chal-lenged communities of religious not only to get in touch with their roots, but also to recultivate the equivalent of slow flying, that is, prayer and contemplation. One directive that accompanied this challenge called for the creation of houses of prayer. Several men, including Bernard H~iring, Thomas Merton, and David Steindl- Rast, promoted the idea, but religious women effectively saw to its realization. The House of Prayer Movement grew, not out of a set of theological concepts, but rather out of the very real efforts C. Walker Gollar, an assistant professor of church history, writes from the Department of Theology; Xavier University; 3800 Victory Parkway; Cincinnati, Ohio 45207. Review for Religious of women looking to be regrafted onto their ministry's spiritual roots. The progress made by one woman will illustrate how this prayer initiative enriched not only her life, but also the lives of thousands of other religious women heeding the call of the Second Vatican Council. Eleanor Isabel Green was born on 19 June 1921 in Lebanon, Kentucky, the third child and first daughter of Nell Churchill Putnam Green. Nell's husband, a local dentist named William Spalding Green, died in 1926 of a rare heart condition at the age of forty-three, when Isabel was only five. Isabel's mother never remarried; she raised her five children largely by herself. On Sunday evening, 3 November 1935, when only fourteen, Isabel was in a car accident that resulted in the amputation of her right leg below the knee. By all accounts she quickly accepted this hand-icap as part of God's plan and then got on with her life. She grad-uated from St. Augustine High School in Lebanon in June 1938 and then enrolled at Nazareth College, nineteen miles away, at the Motherhouse of the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, Kentucky, just north of Bardstown. Sister Catherine Spalding After her second year, the school's chaplain, Father James McGee, persuaded Isabel to become a novice with the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth. She professed vows on 19 July 1941. Her ancestors included the Spalding family of old Kentucky. Archbishop Martin John Spalding of Baltimore and Bishop John Lancaster Spalding of Peoria, Illinois, were her uncles from two different generations. Because of these connections, Isabel was the first sister in the order allowed to assume the name of their foundress, Mother Catherine Spalding, a cousin of Archbishop Spalding. As Sister Catherine Spalding, Isabel immediately fell into the busyness of religious life. Heeding an older nun's advice that "it's better to wear out than to rust out," over the next quar-ter of a century Isabel served the college as registrar, treasurer, dean, financial-aid advisor, director of admissions, and alumnae and public-relations director.2 She recalled that all these skills, and many others as well, were learned "on the.job.''3 During these years, by her own account, she "worked with and dealt with all kinds of people in all kinds of situations--young and old, reli-gious and lay, foreigners and American, black, white, yellow, and July-August 1999 Gollar ¯ /It Home by the Sea red, rich and poor, socially elite and simple, professionals, etc.''4 Into the 1960s she served, in effect, as president of the college even though she did not hold the title. As tireless service to others began to take its toll on Isabel, she listened intently to the admonitions of her neighbor, the Trappist monk Thomas Merton of Gethsemani, which is located just a few miles from Nazareth. "We have to learn to commune with our-selves," he explained, "before we can communicate with other men [and women] and with God.''s At the same time, however, Merton insisted that we become our true selves only through identification with God as the reason and fulfillment of our exis-tence. This identification emerged out of what Merton called "active contemplation."6 Like countless other religious women at this time, Isabel had become highly professional; to use Merton's terminology, she gained her identity primarily through the actions of her external or false self. She soon came to realize, as Merton had written, that there are "times when in order to keep ourselves in existence at all we simply have to sit back for a while and do nothing.''7 As did many though certainly not all religious, Isabel wel-comed the directives of the Second Vatican Council (1961-1965), which called not only for adaptation to the times; but also for fundamental renewal in the religious life. The Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life (Perfectae caritatis) indi-cated that religious should be thoroughly prepared for their min-istry and also be afforded the opportunity and time for ongoing spiritual, doctrinal, and professional development. Such growth must include a "continuous return to the sources of all Christian life," including Scripture and the Eucharist. As Merton had already argued~ this decree likewise maintained that religious communi-ties should make a genuine commitment not only to apostolic love, but also to contemplation aimed at an "intimate union" with Jesus Christ.8 In response to this conciliar exhortation, theologian Bernard Hiiring CSSR suggested that female orders set aside specific places at each convent that would be devoted to prayer. He had been inspired by Isaiah 56:7: "I will make them joyful in my house of prayer." On 12 March 1967 Marie Goldstein RSHM and Ruth Caspar OP convened a spontaneous workshop at Notre Dame University in order to discuss the feasibility of establishing houses of prayer. Several other sisters, two priests, and one layman Review for Religious attended. The group suggested that these houses should seek to balance the pervasive "thrust towards hyperactivism" with "a cor-responding thrust towards radical prayer." Each house should become a center for the study of mysticism and ascetic theology, including the practice of Yoga and Zen. The spirit of poverty and simplicity should reign, with the houses providing a place for divine energy and peace as well as psychological serenity. With these aims, houses of prayer could constitute, the group said, "one of the greatest hopes for an authentic understanding of church renewal." In the September 1967 issue of Review for Religious, the group published under H~iring's name a report on their meet-ing. H~iring had not attended the gathering at Notre Dame, though he was supportive of the proceedings. His name certainly added weight to the report.9 A New Apostolate Thomas Merton's death at Bangkok on 10 December 1968 accelerated Isabel's own movement away from the convent into a house of prayer. Almost exactly one year earlier, Isabel's mother had passed away. With a heavy heart Isabel attended Merton's funeral in Kentucky, then~reevaluated the course of her own life. After twenty-three years of service to the college, Isabel concluded that she had given all she wan~ed to give to the field of'education. Following the directives of Merton, she asked her community for time to pray. In her late forties, she was overworked and, as she said, was "tired." She knew that the college was going to close anyway, but.also sensed a growing need to care for her own spirit. Completely of her own accord she resigned from the position at Nazareth College in Januai'y 1969. The school closed two years later. ~0 From January to June she lived with a group of Sisters of Charity of Nazareth at the Cardinal Cushing Hospital in Brockton, Massachusetts, where, besides praying, she studied what some were calling HOPE, which stood for House of Prayer Experience. At the end of this time she spent seven weeks in a House of Prayer program sponsored by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in Monroe, Michigan. Under the direction of Margaret Brennan and Ann Chester, the IHM sisters had taken the lead in this move-ment. The seven-week program, called HOPE '69, terminated with a retreat under Bernard H~iring. He considered his presence at July-Augv~st 1999 Gollar ¯ At Home by the Sea the end to be providential. After the 136 participants had been living in fourteen different locations for seven weeks, H~iring cel-ebrated the fact that these women had brought to life houses of prayer on their own. During the concluding retreat, one woman suggested that a priest should h'ave been part of each house. To this, H~iring emphatically answered: No-o-o. You are too prone to rely on a priest. This House of Prayer is your charism. Use your own ingenuity to develop it. The best way to produce something new is to trust the charism of those involved, as they are open to the Spirit and to one another. The Holy Spirit does not work through inflexible people.'ll Some men did get involved in the movement, certainly~contributed excellent work, and provided important insights. Ann Chester nonetheless contended "that the leadership in the movement and the main development have been the work of women religious."12 After the experience in Monroe, Isabel ct)nvinced the' Sisters of Charity of Nazareth to offer their support. The 1969 chapter commissioned her to introduce, over six months beginning in September, the House of Prayer Movement to all 110 communi-ties in the order. She stirred up great interest and then, from February to June 1970, while residing back at St. Joseph's Infirmary in Louisville, continued extensive planning. That sum-mer she coordinated the running of~ fourteen houses of. prayer open to various religious communities in the Archdiocese of Louisville. In September 1970 she accepted a two-year grant from the Center for Spiritual Studies at Mount Saviour Benedictine Monastery in Elmira, New York, to assist Brother David Steindl- Rast in the House of Prayer Movement. She lived at the monastery for three months. Gloucester During this time Isabel and Brother David searched for a suit-able place0.for another house of prayer that might s.erve a range of active orders beyond the Sisters of Charity. Since 1957 'the Jesuits had offered high school retreats for boys at Gonzaga, a revamped turn-of-the-century stone mansion that overlooked Brace Cove and the Atlantic Ocean at Eastern Point: in Gloucester, Massachusetts. Next to the retreat house Isabel and Brother David spied a five-bedroom servants' outbuilding that had stood virtually Review for Religious unused for many years. In December 1970 they secured permission from the Jesuits to rent this space for a house of prayer. Isabel and Brother David invited two religious women not of the Sisters of Charity, a Catholic layman, and a Jewish expert in Hatha Yoga, Ravi Baumann, to be a part of the first core group. Over the next few months this team gradually established prayerful routines, while they also cleaned and rearranged the house. Then in late May 1971 Isabel bade adieu to Brother David and the initial core team, which by this time not only had readied the place for its first real guests, but also had begun to discuss what the permanent thrust of the house should be. They had agreed that the door would be open to anyone who wished to come anytime throughout the year, though special emphasis would be placed on the summer, when presum-ably more people could get away from their jobs. Individuals who could stay for up to a year might be asked to become part of new core teams that would take special responsibility for run-ning the house. No 'set fees were charged, though guests would be invited to make donations to help cover operating expenses. In the summer of 1971, for the first time at Gloucester, Isabel sponsored two five-week summer experiences. Seven sisters from at least four different orders con-stituted the first group; several religious men joined other sisters during the second session. They came from all over North America. After this time Isabel decided upon the four essential aspects of her house: simplicity, silence, prayer, and hospitality. Isabel decided upon the four essential aspects of her house: simplicity, silence, prayer, and hospitality. Essential Aspects of the House of Prayer Simplicity was apparent in the furnishing and the free atmo-sphere. The house had no frills, no bedspreads, and no curtains other than fishnet draped across curtain rods. Lobster traps served as tables, while carpet samples donated by a local store decorated the floors of the upstairg hallway and chapel. Since many of the guests who would visit over the next fifteen years left incredibly busy schedules to come to Gloucester, Isabel tried her best to ~u~-August1999 Gollar * At Home by the Sea uncomplicate things for them. "Of intent purpose," she once explained, "not much 'busyness' or 'business' goes on here.''~3 Freed from their jobs and left without much to do, many guests eventually discovered new freedom. Sisters, brothers, priests, and an increasing number of laypersons often found their inner selves again at Gloucester. One woman wrote, "For the first time in my life, I feel free--free to be me.''~4 The simplicity of Gloucester encouraged persons to uncover their true selves in an environ-ment that sanctioned doing nothing. Beyond the simple environment, for Isabel the key to the House of Prayer was the pervasiveness of what she called "life-giv-ing silence." ~s This was not, as a core member once explained, a matter of waiting for what was going to happen next, but rather "a happening in itself."'6 Such silence was rarely found in bustling convents, even though in Isabel's mind silence constituted every-one's "birthright." Conversation at the House of Prayer was lim-ited to the noon meal, while TVs and typewriters were nowhere to be found. One telephone was available, though out of sight in a closet underneath the main stairwell. "If you're going to talk to God," Isabel insisted, "then it's easier when you're not talking to someone else at the same time." ~v The house provided quiet space and time for theological reflection and prayerful discernment, so that visitors might, in Isabel's words, "look at and attempt to answer the questions we all are asking ourselves.''~8 Silence at Gloucester effectively b~came a means to communication both with yourself and with others. One priest, for example, while at the House of Prayer faced for the first time what he called his "shat-tered self." Out on the rocks he discovered "that I was deeply afraid of death and very angry at a 'god' who took my parents in the prime of their lives." He voiced this anger, then in faith began to see that death was not the end he had so desperately feared?9 Other guests often emerged out of their silence, needing to talk to Isabel, and she gladly lent her ear. The group conversations at the noon meal were especially enriching. The Eastern Point House of Prayer never had a name, though, after reading Trina Paulus's Hope for the Flowers,. Isabel once considered calling the place the "Cocoon House.'! Many visitors left Gloucester like beautiful butterflies, reinvigorated and sometimes transformed. Temporary retreat from life's incessant demands encouraged more spirit-filled worldly work.2° In a simple and silent environment, the Eastern Point House Review for Religious of Prayer became, in Isabel's words, primarily "a community of praying people who live in praise of the Lord all day, every day.''2~ In contrast to the complicated, impersonal rote prayers of the con-vent, Isabel encouraged simple encounters with God. Brother David had helped her distinguish between the "prayers" that often get in the way of prayer, and "prayer" as the "total confrontation of the human heart with God.''22 During her months of prepara-tion, Isabel had searched the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures for every name that could be attributed to Jesus and then arranged these titles with a Hare Krishna chant used by Eastern yogis. At Gloucester, with the gong of a melodious bowl, Isabel called guests to gather in the chapel to greet the sunrise, bless the water, and invite God into their hearts with the chanting of this Jesus prayer. This ritual was repeated at noon and often at compline around the living-room fireplace. Each session of prayer ended with the chant "Om shanti," a cry for peace. One core member spoke for many others when she explained that, before her year at Gloucester, prayer "was something I had to do and did, but it seemed never to mean much." After her visit the Jesus prayer became a vital part of her life.23 Many religious traditions met at Gloucester. A small menorah burned in the chapel during Hanukkah, while yoga was adapted to Christianity in order to enrich experiences of prayer. Isabel explained that yoga could be practiced by anyone regardless of his or her faith, for yoga simply encourages relaxation and emotional integration. At this time a Congregational minister and frequent visitor to the House of Prayer, R. Cameron Borton from nearby Rockport, Massachusetts, was happy to note that, while many young persons were leaving Christianity in pursuit of Eastern reli-gions, the House of Prayer demonstrated a way in which both tra-ditions could be integrated. Catholic liturgies were celebrated on most afternoons; these liturgies were, in Isabel's words. "really different.''24 A small group of participants gathered on pillows around a squared piece of drift-wood used as the altar. Gifts from~the sea, as well as a portrait of Robert Kennedy, decorated the walls. The celebrant, wearing only minimal vestments, encouraged everyone to participate especially in the shared homilies. Openly expressing individual concerns kept participants in touch with the larger world community. During these services Reverend Borton witnessed what he called "the Catholic Church in a way free from the overpowering structures, July-August 1999 Gollar ¯ At Home by the Sea massive institudonalism, and impersonalism I had come to associate with the Catholic Church." He saw the House of Prayer as "a very crucial ecumenical bridge for these reasons.''2s To foster reconciliation within the Catholic community, Isabel still insisted that the Eucharist be available for perpetual adoration. For the alarming number of Catholics who had grown alienated from the church during or after the Second Vatican Council, the Eastern Point House of Prayer was a safe place to come. Broken individuals, as well as those simply searching for something more, came to Gloucester. Often, in the chapel before the Eucharist, new direction was found among sisters who might otherwise have lost their vocation, lay people whose only thread of contact with the church was provided at the House of Prayer, and priests in search of the contemplative roots of their ministry. Everyone was welcome at Gloucester. Rooted in Isaiah 55, -Ish_.bel extended her hospitality: "Oh, come to the water, all you who are thirsty; though you have no money, come!. Listen, lis-ten to me, and you will have good things to eat and rich food to enjoy. Pay attention, come to me; listen, and your soul will live." A wide range of persons visited the House of Prayer, including, according to Isabel's ~ecollection, "blacks, Jews, orientals, hus-bands and wives, [the divorced, widowed, and alcoholic], children, married deacons, ministers (both men and women), priests, reli-gious, [seminarians, Pax Christi groups, and Catholic Worker peo-ple].'' 26 As one outsider observed, coming to Eastern Point seemed easy--it was the leaving that was hard.27 Most visitors agreed with one woman who remarked that at Gloucester "I was home.''2~ Wider Significance , With this spirit of simplicity, silence, prayer, and hospitality, the Eastdrn Point House of Prayer quickly became known all .around the country. Brother David had gone on to inspire many other houses of prayer, yet still acclaimed Gloucester as "one of the most successful realizations of the House of Prayer idea.''29 Like most observers, Brother D~vid attributed much of the success of Eastern Point to Isabel's own unique gifts. She was able to inspire many persons who had ~received their "basic training" at Gloucester to start other houses of prayer across the United States and in Canada, Chile, and Ireland as well. Though the House of Prayer Movement lost some steam by the early 1980s, with many houses Review for Relig'ious closing or changing focus, Isabel reported to the Jesuits that over the years very little had changed at Gloucester. She had always been able to maintain the original purpose of the house. The House of Prayer breathed new life into the Jesuit Retreat House next door and also supported other communities like the Wellspring House, started in Gloucester in 1981 by several persons including lay theologian Rosemary Haughton. Occasionally Wellspring did not have enough room to put up some homeless men. Wellspring's director, Nancy Schworer, asked Isabel to help out; Despite her suspi-cion that the Jesuits would not approve, Isabel told Schworer to bring them over, but to cut her lights when she pulled up to the House of Prayer. "I did," Schworer said.3° The Jesuits still grew suspicious of Isabel. Over the years the Jesuits periodically challenged Isabel's use of the property, but despite some battles her days at Eastern Point remained vibrant until she was diag-nosed with terminal cancer in 1985. That summer her family brought her back to Kentucky, to the Nazareth Home in Louisville, where she spent her last days. Once the Jesuits realized she would never return to Gloucester, they began to reno-vate the House of Prayer, eventually mak-ing it an extension of the retreat house, which is what it remains to this day. The Jesuits defended this readaptation, explaining that no one could replace Isabel. Still, the decision to close the House of Prayer must have been linked to periodic suspicions regarding the creative community that existed on their property but was effectively out of their control. Because of its radical openness to God, the House of Prayer invited renewal in ways that undoubt-edly seemed threatening to certain entrenched church str~ctures. Isabel passed away on Wednesday, 15 January 1986. Order was restored at Gloucester, but a certain creativity was lost. In his 1977 novel, Illusions, Richard Bach tells of a creature that dared to let go of the twigs and rocks on the river bottom to which all other creatures previously had clung. The current lifted him free. Thomas Merton, Bernard H~ring, David Steindl-Rast, and the fathers of the Second Vatican Council called for change, To foster reconciliation within the Catholic community, Isabel insisted that the Eucharist be available for perpetual adoration. July-August 1999 Gollar ¯ At Home by the Sea but people in houses of prayer, especially women like Isabel Green, realized the anticipated renewal. Many guests let go of their busy-ness, put behind the patriarchal structures of the past, and tran-scended traditional Catholic boundaries in search of deeper knowledge of themselves. Visitors to houses of prayer replaced detached, regulated prayers with intimate encounters with God, and with all of creation too, especially those who were struggling for personal and social integrity. In. so doing these guests discov-ered new possibilities for their ministries. Like Richard, Bach's courageous river creature, Isabel Green sounded the good news of the Second Vatican Council when, in the silence of the. Eastern Point House of Prayer, she announced: "The [water] delights to lift us free, if only we dare let go.''3~ Notes ~ Richard Bach, Jonathan Livingston Seagull, A Story (New York: Macmillan, 1970), p. 46. 2 Isabel Green papers (hereafter IGP), Isabel Green to Katie Pumam, 10 February 1948, Nazareth, Kentucky. Isabel Green is the aunt of the author of this article; he inherited her papers. 3 IGP, Talk to Jesuits, 7 February 1983 (hereafter Talk), p. 1. 4 IGP, 1974 Resum~ for Brian Duffy SJ, p. 1. 5 Thomas Merton, No Man Is an Island (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1955), p. 120. 6 Thomas Merton, Woods, Shore, Desert: A Notebook, May 1960 (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1982), 6 May, p. 10. 7 Thomas Merton, No Man lsan Island, p. 122. 8 Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life (Perfectae caritatis), §§2 and 8. 9 Bernard H~iring, "A Contemplative House: Notes from a Discussion Held at Notre Dame," Review for Religious 26, no. 5 (September 1967): 772; and H~iring, Acting on the Word: The Challenge to Religious Communities in an Age of Renewal (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1968), p. 204. H~ring's book reprinted part of the article and added a few new insights. 10 IGP, Talk, p. 1. " Quoted in Ann Chester, My Journey in the House of Prayer (Monroe, Michigan: Pathways Press, 1991), p. 42. ~2 Chester, MyJourney~ p. 16. ~3 IGP, Open letter of solicitation for "testimonials," by Isabel Green SCN, November 1973, Gloucester, Massachusetts. Review for Religious ~4 IGP, Ann to Isabel Green SCN, 22 January 1975, no place. ~3 IGP, General Statement by Isabel Green SCN directed to Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, 26 February 1984 (hereafter General Statement). ~6 IGP, Michael van der Peer SCJ to Isabel Green SCN, 7 January 1975, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. ~7 Quoted in Gloucester Community News, "Nuns Rise at Dawn for Daily Yoga," 21 November 1975. ~8 IGP, General Statement. 19 IGP, Sister Darlene Kern to Isabel Green SCN, 3 January 1975, St. Pius X Convent, Billings, Montana. 20 IGP, Michael Guimon OSM to Isabel Green SCN, 20 January 1975, Detroit, Michigan. 2~ IGP, Janet L. SSJ to Isabel Green SCN, 11 January 1975, Providence, Rhode Island. 22 IGP, Janine to Isabel Green SCN, undated (c. 1 January 1975). 23 Isabel Green, "Eastern Shoreside House of Prayer," SCNews (April 1973), p. 4; Tina Paulus, Hope for the Flowers (New York: Paulist Press, 1972). 24 IGP, Talk, p. 4 zs Steindl-Rast, "Prayer in the Twenty-first Century," Audiotape by Credence Cassettes, AA2566, 1992. 26 IGP, Jean Kilvin to Isabel Green SCN, 2 February 1975, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 27 IGP, Talk, p. 8. 2.8 IGP, Reverend R. Camer~)n Borton to Isabel Green SCN, 20 January 1975, Rockport, Massachusetts. 29 IGP, Talk, p. 9. Some well-known theologians including Avery Dulles visited the Eastern Point House of Prayer. 30 "At Home by the Sea: Intercommunity Prayer, Often Interfaith Too," Crux of Prayer, February 1976. 3~ IGP, Sheila Ford SCN to Isabel GreenSCN, January 1975, Eastern Point House of Prayer, Gloucester. 32 IGP, David Steindl-Ra~t OSB to Isabel G~'een SCN, 5 January 1975, West Tremont, Maine. 33 Phone interview with Nancy Schworer, 3 March 1998. 34 Richard Bach, Illusions: The Adventures of a Reluctant Messiah (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1977), p. 17. 57uly-August 1999 consecrated lile DENNIS J. BILLY Vita Consecrata and the Anthropology of the Vows In Vita consecrata (1996), his postsynodal apostolic exhor-tatioff on the consecrated life, Pope John Paul II writes of "the profound anthropological significance of the coun-sels" (§87). He does so while treating the prophetic stance of the consecrated life before some of the difficult chal-lenges facing the church today. This explicit statement of the intricate connection between the theology of the counsels and the character of human existence makes the phrase one of the most important in the entire docu-ment. In it the pope bids us to note not only how the vows relate to our self-understanding, but also how, through them, human understanding itself can be transz formed. My purpose in this essay is to draw out some of the implications of this key anthropological statement. The Right Question What we think about the vows and how we live them tells us something about how we view ourselves and the world we live in. This has always been the case, even long ago in the church's .past when philosophical and theological justifications of the counsels thrived that now seem somewhat dubious and even embarrassing. At one Dennis J. Billy CSSR, a frequent contributor, writes again from Rome, where his address is Accademia Alfonsiana; C.P. 2458; 00100 Roma, Italy. Review for Religio us time, for example, the counsels were seen as a way of rising above the material dimension of human existence and escaping the bonds that the physical world placed on us--including our own sexuality. Lives of perfect chastity, poverty, and obedience were thought to lead religious to a higher plane of existence where they could over-come'bodily passions and be free of attachments to family, pos-sessions, and self-will. Such a conception of the counsels was supported by an ethi-cal dualism in the church's understanding of human existence that manifested itself in a deep distrust of the body and bodily pas-sions. This deep-seated suspicion predated but was galvanized by Augustine's doctrine of original sin, which affirmed its orthodoxy, on the one hand, by condemning the Gnostic equation of matter with evil and Gnostic ascetic rigor and, on the other, by main-taining a close association between sin and sexual intercourse. Traces of this pessimistic estimation of the body and bodily passion (what Augustine called "concupiscence") have filtered through the church's historical memory and continue to exert a subtle influence on our reception and understanding of the counsels. This is so even though many of the anthropological assumptions that presently guide our theological understanding of the vows (and of the doctrine of original sin) are decidedly different. We lack the space to go into any of these assumptions in detail. My point, however, is very simple. In the church's past, every the-ology of the counsels has made certain anthropological assump-tions. The more we are aware of them, the better we can examine them and discern whether they are appropriate expressions of our own self-understanding. The counsels have had and will always have a deep anthropological significance. The question we need to pose is: Which anthropology and what significance? We need to ask these questions today. Vita Consecrata In his apostolic exhortation, the pope describes the anthro-pological significance of the vows in this way: The decision to follow the counsels, far from involving an impoverishment o~ truly human values, leads instead to their transformation. The evangelical counsels should not be considered as a denial of the values inherent in sexual° ity, in the legitimate desire to possess material goods or July-August 1999 Billy * Vita Consecrata and the Anthropology of the Vows to make decisions for oneself. Insofar as these inclinations are based on nature, they are good in themselves. Human beings, however, weakened as they are by original sin, run the risk of acting on them in a way which transgresses the moral norms. The profession of chastity, poverty, and obe-dience is a warning not to underestimate the wound of original sin and, while affirming the value of created goods, it relativizes them by pointing to God as the absolute good. Thus, while those who follow the evangelical counsels seek holiness for themselves, they propose, so to speak, a spir-itual "therapy" for humanity, because they reject the idol-atry of anything created and in a certain way they make visible the living God. The consecrated life, especially in difficult times, is a blessing for human life and for the life of the church. (§87) In this passage John Paul affirms the fundamental goodness of human sexuality, material possessions, and human freedom. At the same time he recognizes the capacity each of us has by reason of our weakened state to abuse these basic human goods and even to idolize them. VChat the evangelical counsels do.is "cut them down to size" by referring them to God, the absolute good of human life, and thus diminishing the exaggerated worth we may be tempted to place in them. This process offers humanity a "spiritual therapy" which, through the operation of grace, promises to heal its wounds and bring about the transformation of all human values. Unfortunately, the pope does not go into detail about how this treatment or ther-apy might function. Nor does he tell us the extent to which this rel-ativizing process takes place. By invoking God as the absolute good to which the counsels point, he simply reminds us that human existence is not an end in itself, but is actually oriented beyond itself. It is precisely by looking beyond itself that humanity is able to discover its truest, deepest meaning. In this presentation of the counsels, the pope affirms (1) the fundamental goodness of all creation, (2) the weakness (and not total corruption) of human nature due to original sin, (3) the abso-lute goodness of God, who alone is worthy of our praise and ado-ration, (4) the eschatological orientation of the vows, which relativize human existence by pointing beyond it and by empha-sizing its inherent creaturely status, and (5) the specific anthro-pological orientation of the vows by virtue of their therapeutic (that is, healing) and transformative (that is, elevating) effect on Review for Religious people's lives. Each of these affirmations is both theological and anthropological in orientation. Together they draw the parame-ters within which the counsels are to be understood and assimilated in our lives. Together they remind us that we are wounded crea-tures capable of being healed and elevated by the grace of a truly plentiful redemption. Within this context the pope speaks about three major chal-lenges facing the church today and how the consecrated life has a prophetic role to play in responding to each of them. The first challenge is "that of a hedonistic culture which separates sexuality from all objective norms, often treating it as a mere diversion and a consumer good and, with the complicity of the means of social communication, justifying a kind of idolatry of the sexual instinct" (§88). Consecrated persons, he states, respond to such values by showing through their lives of chastity that it is possible "to love God with all one's heart, putting him above every other love, and thus to love every creature with the freedom of God" (§88). The second challenge is "that of a materialism which cravespos-sessions, heedless of the needs and sufferings of the weakest, and lacking any concern for the balance of natural resources" (§89). Here again, consecrated persons respond by a life of evangelical poverty, which attests "that God is the true wealth of the human heart" and which "forcefully challenges the idolatry of money, making a prophetic appeal as it were to society, which in so many parts of the developed world risks losing the sense of proportion and the very meaning of things" (§90). The third challenge "comes from those notions of freedom which separate this fundamental human good from its essential relationship to the truth and to moral norms" (§91). To this, con-secrated persons respond th.rough a life which "reproposes the obedience of Christ to the Father and., testifies that there is no contradiction between obedience and freedom" (§91). Consecrated per-sons, in other words, respond to the challenges facing the church in today's world through lives dedicated to the evangelical coun-sels. They do so not alone, but through life in community. This is especially important, since community is "the particular sign, before church and society, of the bond which comes from the same call and the common desire--notwithstanding differences of race and origin, language and culture--to be obedient to that call" (§92). Life in community is nbt only an aid to living the counsels, but also a sign of that toward which both church and July-August 1999 Billy ¯ Vita Consecrata and the Anthropology of the Vows society are tending. It forges the vows into an eschatological sign of the kingdom that is, at one and the same time, already here and yet to come. Further Integration Although the pope provides many fine insights into the anthro-pological dimensions of the consecrated life and the prophetic response it makes to the challenges facing the church today, I can-not help feeling that even further development of his fundamen-tal insights is possible and even necessary for a more thorough understanding of the vows. I would see this development taking place in five basic anthropological dimensions of human existence: the physical, the emotional, the mental, the spiritual, and the social. The Physical. The counsels make sense only if they have a con-crete, physical expression in the world. If they do not, then con-secrated persons need to ask themselves if they are only pretending to lead lives of chastity, poverty, and obedience. It is very easy to talk about the counsels. It is much more difficult to live them and to insure that they have repercussions in the concrete circum-stances of one's life. I am not going into what these concrete expressions might be. They are probably clearer for some counsels (chastity) than others (poverty and obedience)--although not nec-essarily. My point is that we need to take the physical, bodily expressions of the vows seriously. Consecrated persons are called to be chaste, to be poor, to be obedient; and this should be obvi-ous to other people by the lives we lead. We need to be careful not to fall into the trap of self-deception. It is easy for us to ratio-nalize the compromises we make with the counsels. If we are not careful, we can end up being chaste, poor, and obedient in name only. We are called to much more than that. The Emotional. The physical expression of the counsels, how-ever, would be cold and void of meaning if our hearts were not in it. The emotional side of human existence is very complex and, to many, extremely threatening. It too needs to be integrated in a life dedicated to the counsels. If it is not, then there is a strong possibility that we will end up leading double lives, where our out-ward actions do not correspond with our deepest feelings and emo-tions. Integrating our emotions is a lifelong process. One of the mistakes that institutes of consecrated life have made in the past and which, sad to say, some continue to make is to repress or (per- Review for Religious haps worse) completely ignore this dimension of human existence. Like others, consecrated persons need to be taught how to deal with their emotions--those which help them deepen their com-mitment, as well as those which could weaken it--and integrate them into their life commitments. If they are not taught this, they run the risk of just going through the motions or perhaps not even bothering with them. Consecrated persons who have not learned how to integrate their emotions with the rest of their lives are usually very unhappy people who do a good job of making other people unhappy. They can be difficult to get along with in community. The Intellectual. It is important also that we reflect on the counsels regularly--both individually and as a group. Consecrated persons need to keep abreast of the latest developments in the psychological and social sciences with a view to understand-ing more profoundly their own charism within the church. The theology of the counsels has undergone a great deal of change down through the years, especially since the end of the Second Vatican Council. It shall continue to change. If we fail to reflect upon the meaning the counsels have for us, if we fail to read what theologians and spiritual writers are saying about them, if we fail to talk about them among ourselves, then we run the risk of isolating our vowed commitments from the rest of life. When this happens, we can easily get stuck in old patterns of expression that do not help us meet the challenges of the day. Consecrated persons need to be creative in the way they give witness in the world through the counsels. Theological reading, reflection, and conversation are ways of insuring that such ideas will come to us and find expression in our lives and ministry. It is a mistake to think, for example, that religious learn everything they need to know about the vows during the novitiate. In these matters there needs to be lifelong growth; the intellectual component of that growth should not be overlooked. The Spiritual. Consecrated persons also need to be still and let their spirits yearn for God. It is in the deepest dimension of the self that the Spirit of God communes with consecrated persons' own spirits; it is there that they can find strength for living their Consecrated persons need to be creative in the way they give witness in the world through the counsels. ~uly-August 1999 Billy ¯ Vita Consecrata and the Anthropology of the Vows We are social beings by nature. We become who we are called to be through our interaction with others. vowed life. By professing the evangelical counsels, consecrated per-sons seek to follow in the footsteps of Jesus. This life of imitation is not meant to be a cold, external effort.'We are much too weak for that. Rather, it involves an intimate relationship with the Spirit of Jesus, which propels us to live the way he did and to do so with all our heart, mind, soul, and strength. For this to happen, conse-crated people need to be men and women of contemplation. Surely there are many forms of prayer; both as individuals and as communities, we favor certain ones. Among these forms we should not forget the contemplative dimension of our lives. On the contrary, we should give it priority of place. If we do not allow ourselves to be still and to listen, if we do not know how to allow our spirits to yearn, to groan, to breathe, then we are overlooking in our prayer a tremendous help in living the counsels. It is through contemplation that we gradually tame, and integrate into the rest of our lives, the deep, inordi-nate passions that affect us by reason of our weakened state. Through contemplation our spirits gradually become chaste, poor, and obedient to the movements of the Holy Spirit in our lives. Without it, it will become all the more difficult for us to live "in the Spirit" and to see how our vows fit into such a life. The Social. We live the vows individually, but also in community. Consecrated persons cannot go it alone. They need the support of others to help them along. They should be encouraged to have close, intimate friends with whom they feel free and secure enough to share their problems and difficulties. They also need the support of a wider circle of friends and acquaintances. Most of all, they need community. We are social beings by nature. We learn about ourselves and we become who we are called to be through our interaction with others. It is through our interaction with others that we learn the meaning of the counsels and receive help to live them. Consecrated persons are oriented toward community life because the counsels themselves are rooted in a communal under-standing of human existence. If we overlook the social dimensions of our lives as consecrated persons, it is almost certain that we will be overlooking in our lives some aspect of what it means to be chaste, poor, and obedient. Living the counsels and living in com-munity are closely tied. This holds true even for the hermit, who Review for Religious lives alone, but whose life and actions lie hidden in the contem-plative heart of the church. These dimensions are important for living the counsels. That is not to say, however, that they will be understood and incorpo-rated in the same degree in every life dedicated to living them. Differences in personality, family background, and cultural prove-nance all come into play, as do such other factors as level of edu-cation, religious training, and long-standing community traditions. The goal for consecrated persons should be to try to integrate all of these elements into their lives, adverting to them and giving them appropriate expression. To overlook some of them or, worse, simply to refuse to take them into account reveals a severe defi-ciency in living the life of the counsels. Counsels and Challenges All of this helps us to view John Paul's emphasis on the anthro-pological dimensions of the counsels and the challenges facing the church today in a slightly different light. For one thing, it helps us to see the challenge beneath the challenges that face consecrated persons in the church today. The counsels must penetrate every part of our lives, not simply those we find most convenient or accommodating to our needs. We will not be able to give a true prophetic response to the hedonism, materialism, and individual-ism in the world today if we exclude the counsels from any of the dimensions I have mentioned--the physical, the emotional, the intellectual, the spiritual, and the social. If we do, we compart-mentalize the counsels, allowing them to take shape in one or more areas of our lives, but not in all of them. When this hap-pens, we wind up with only a halfhearted commitment to the life of chastity, poverty, and obedience. The result is a diminution of our prophetic call. People will refuse to take us seriously because we do not take ourselves seriously. They will only half-believe the words we say, because they will be convinced that we only half-believe them ourselves. John Paul's reflection on the anthropological significance of the counsels can be applied in a reflective and consistent manner to each of these five dimensions. When this is done, an even deeper sense of the anthropological (ignificance of the counsels results. The goodness of creation, foi" example, extends not only to our physical well-being but to the emotional, the intellectual, the spir- July-August 1999 Billy ¯ Vita Consecrata and the Anthropology of the Vows itual, and the social as well. All of these dimensions, though they are weakened by the results of humanity's primordial fall and seem insignificant in comparison with God the Absolute Good, never-theless have an eschatological significance and hold promise of being both healed and elevated by God's plentiful redeeming grace. It is in these contexts that the counsels deepen our understand-ing of human existence and help us see the whole of life as radically dependent on God. This is what consecrated persons give witness to, live their lives for, and die for. Tidal Wave - Papua New Guinea 7 July 1998 Deadly as a cobra, hooded wide The tidal wave lifts ten meters And sweeps across the Bay Swallowing tall pandanus palms, Crossed timbers of the villages, Once the necklace of the North. Midst the flotsam and jetsam A woman, one foot torn away, grasps a tree top And suddenly gives birth. A scream. And a small brown babe Is lifted above the swirl. "Oh God[ Where are You?" and the wood replies: "He has known the waves of sin His feet were spiked with pain And He, too, died upon a tree." Mary O'Neil RSM Review for Religious NIHAL ABEYASINGHA Authority among Religious in South Asia T[superior general of a male international religious con-gation, after visiting several units of the insftute in South Asia, said he found it difficult to understand the defiance of author-ity and the backbiting that go on in this area. He added that his lack of understanding of this phenomenon was perhaps due to his own foreign cultural perspective. Such an observation from a man of wide experience should at least pose a question to Asian religious. Every culture functions on certain assumptions. They are sel-dom clearly articulated, but they are real and they are operative. For example, in a culture that links equality with freedom, there is a growing awareness that men have, in fact, been afforded greater freedom than women. In order to repair the imbalance, people seek to equalize the position of the sexes by using equality as their criterion. It is not difficult to generate enthusiasm in the public forum for a movement towards equality. Another culture, however, could work from a different assumption. It could consider women to be worthy of much esteem as members of society because of their special role to give birth to and nurture new life in that society. This culture would express that esteem by providing the security of a stable mar-riage and home and by linking this to a limited set of achieve-ments expected of every woman. VChat we tend to forget is that Nihal Abeyasingha CSSR wrote about an approach to refounding in our July-August 1998 issue. Hi