Suchergebnisse

Сьогодні у сучасному суспільстві виникла нагальна потреба перегляду традиційних механізмів гарантування його безпечного функціонування та розвитку, що базуються на пріоритетах захисту національної безпеки. Причиною тому є зростання темпів економічної глобалізації, деформація міжнародного права, неспроможність владних органів окремої держави самотужки забезпечувати належний рівень захищеності громадян, активізація інститутів громадянського суспільства, зростання ролі громадських організацій у міжнародній політиці й т. ін. У статті здійснено порівняльний аналіз традиційних та нових (критичних) парадигм безпеки життєдіяльності у сучасній соціології. Визначено сутність розуміння безпеки, представлене у теоріях самореферентних систем Н. Лумана, суспільства ризику У. Бека, онтологічної безпеки Е. Гідденса, соціальних змін П. Штомпки, інформаційного суспільства Е. Тоффлера, антропології безпеки М. Дугласа, побудови соціального простору М. Кастельса, комунікативної дії Ю. Хабермаса та ін. Схарактеризовано сутність критичних парадигм безпеки життєдіяльності (постпозитивізм К. Поппера, І. Лакатоса, П. Фейерабенда, Р. Арре, теорія сек'юритизації О. Вейвера, Б. Бузана, Дж. Вільде, теорія емансипації К. Бута, постструктуралізм Р. Уолкера, теорія інсек'юритизації Д. Біго). Окреслено можливі перспективи розвитку соціології безпеки життєдіяльності на сучасному етапі її інституалізації за рахунок розширення означень предметної галузі, змістовного наповнення сфери досліджень. ; In modern society there is a necessity to revise the traditional mechanisms, ensuring its safe functioning and development and which are based on the priorities of the national security. The main reasons of this are the large-scale emergence of new hazards, in particular, the deepening of the economic globalization, the deformation of the international law, the failure of the authorities of individual States to provide an adequate level of citizens' protection, civil society strengthening, increase of the role of public organizations in international politics, etc. A review of traditional sociological health and safety paradigms of the second half of the XX – beginning of the XXI century has been presented in the article (the theory of self-referental systems by N. Luhmann, the concept of risk society by U. Beck, the theory of the ontological security by A. Giddens, the theory of social changes by P. Sztompka, the concept of the information society by A. Toffler, the anthropological theory of security by M. Douglas, the theory of social space by M. Castells, the theory of communicative action by J. Habermas). The essence of critical theory (post-positivism by K. Popper, I. Lakatos, P. Feyerabend, G. Arrah, the theory of securitization by B. Buzan, O. Waver, J. Wilde, the theory of emancipation by K. Booth, post-structuralism by R. B. J. Walker, the theory of insecurities by D. Bigo) have also been examined in the contradiction to realist theories, in which the state is the dominant subject of the security. A range of issues, relevant to the development theories and practices of the sociology of safety as a branch of the sociological theory have been studied, in particular, dichroism of the social space, the lack of temporal integrity, a variety of risks and crises of modern social development, the erosion of national boundaries, the formation of a new social space, the proliferation of different kinds of destructive deviance as forms of protective group and individual behavior, non-linearity and the radicalization of social and cultural change, growing social tension in key systems of social relations.Possible future development of the sociology of vital activity's safety at the present stage of institutionalization has been outlined by the expansion of definitions of the subject area (explanation of the connections on micro-, macro- and meso-level of the security's existence) in the context of the sector studies (in particular, by examination of social practices of perception of risks, threats, dangers, social actors (social groups, communities, social movements, regional society, ethnic group, nation, etc.), as well as the evaluation of the potential for their activities to forecast the negative consequences of hazards). ; В современном обществе назрела необходимость пересмотра традиционных механизмов гарантирования его безопасного функционирования и развития, основанных на приоритетах национальной безопасности. Основными причинами этого является масштабное появление новых опасностей, в частности, рост темпов экономической глобализации, деформация международного права, несостоятельность властных органов отдельного государства самостоятельно обеспечивать должный уровень защищенности граждан, активизация институтов гражданского общества, рост роли общественных организаций в международной политике и т. д. В статье представлен обзор традиционных социологических парадигм безопасности жизнедеятельности второй половины ХХ – начала ХХІ в. (теория самореферентных систем Н. Лумана, концепция общества риска У. Бека, теория онтологической безопасности Е. Гидденса, теория социальных изменений П. Штомпки, концепция информационного общества Е. Тоффлера, антропологическая теория безопасности М. Дугласа, теория построения социального пространства М. Кастельса, теория коммуникативного действия Ю. Хабермаса). Также проанализирована сущность критических теорий (постпозитивизм К. Поппера, И. Лакатоса, П. Фейерабенда, Р. Арре, теория секьюритизации В. Вейвера, Б. Бузана, Дж. Вильде, теория эмансипации К. Бута, постструктурализм Р. Уолкера, теория инсекьюритизации Д. Биго). Очерчены возможные перспективы развития социологии безопасности жизнедеятельности на современном этапе ее институционализации, связанные с расширением предметной области, наполнением сферы исследований.

В 1714 г. каталонцы, оказавшись в стане проигравших в Войне за испанское наследство, окончательно расстались с надеждами обрести независимость. Спустя 300 лет находящиеся у власти в Каталонии националисты хотят воспользоваться памятной датой для организации регионального референдума с целью выбора самостоятельного пути развития. В обостряющемся противостоянии интересов между Мадридом и Барселоной обеими сторонами используются не только политические и пропагандистские меры, но и финансовые рычаги воздействия. Этнонациональный вопрос в полиэтнической Испании далёк от своего решения, так как на протяжении веков для процесса формирования единого испанского государства было характерно политическое объединение несколькихродственных в генетическом отношении (кроме басков) этнических общностей, но имевших между собой существенные социально-культурные и языковые различия. Не случайно, что до сих пор региональное самосознание в Испании чрезвычайно сильно, а внутриэтническая консолидация испанской нации отличается незавершённостью, что проявляется, в частности, в активизации в последние десятилетия радикально-националистических и сепаратистских настроений в Каталонии, Стране Басков и ряде других автономий. Среди причин, обостривших конфронтацию сторонников и противников независимости Каталонии, следует упомянуть и глобальный финансовый кризис, поразивший как регионы Испании, так и общенациональную экономику. На пути сепаратистов стоит немало преград, начиная с конституционных положений, провозглашающих Испанию единым и неделимым государством и препятствующих проведению региональных плебисцитов, и заканчивая неоднозначным отношением к гипотетической независимости Каталонии, как в самом регионе, так и в других частях страны. Следует учитывать, что в современном мире возможность дробления крупного полиэтнического государства на моноэтнические составляющие более реальна, чем 40-50лет назад. Распад Югославии и Советского Союза, а также появление на политической карте мира Абхазии, Южной Осетии и совсем недавно Республики Крым тому подтверждение. В своих рассуждениях в пользу суверенитета Каталонии националисты ссылаются на произвольность сложившихся в прошлом границ между отдельными европейскими странами и регионами. Современные государственные рубежи действительно не были результатом рационального планирования, демократических договорённостей или учёта мнения местного населения. Во многом нынешние границы -итог исторических процессов, зачастую кровопролитных войн и территориальных отторжений, то есть действий, противоречащих современному международному праву и моральным нормам поведения. Независимая Каталония -это пока ещё гипотеза, но при определённых условиях и целенаправленных усилиях региональных националистов она вполне может стать реальностью. ; In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.

Human history is replete with examples of countries founded on slavery, which believed that the exploitation of slaves was not immoral. Rather, that slaves were simply inferior to others and deserve their circumstances. Modern slavery – bearing similar but not identical hallmarks of past practices – has taken on new lingo, such as human trafficking, which in fact is the trading of people over boundaries for the purpose of enslavement. Slavery and society have been, and continue to be, walking side by side. Wylie and McRedmond's (eds) work, Human Trafficking in Europe: Character, Causes and Consequences is a modern slavery encyclopedia consisting of 13 chapters and although not formally divided into parts, three distinctive thematic sections are clearly visible. Firstly, the authors provide a general section that introduces human trafficking in Europe, develop adequate definitions and explain some wider characteristics, causes and consequences of the phenomenon. Secondly, the work reveals that modern slavery is ever-present; visible in developed and developing countries alike. The works that comprise this part are based on the authors' own countries and produce vivid depictions of human trafficking, its etiology, and its victims quite literally in their own neighborhoods. Finally, the latter parts of the work are dedicated to international and European policies aimed at the suppression and prevention of human trafficking. In short, this book provides a wide readership, even those unacquainted to the phenomena, sufficient information about its dynamics and central characteristics. It commences with a thematic introduction by Wylie and McRedmond's which adequately sets the tone for the subsequent sections by defining the scope and subject of inquiry and weighing in to the discussion on questions of legality and legitimacy while determining key causes. The introduction is logically followed by Munck's contribution which argues that human trafficking is best understood as a more modern way to use antiquated methods and explains root causes that are relevant to our own times. Drawing parallels between past slavery to more modern forms, both are characterized by relatively low costs for purchasing slaves, high profits for traffickers, a short time relation between the slave and trafficker, a large number of potential slaves and a general irrelevance of ethnic differences. Arocha changes the pace of the book by theorizing on slavery through a distinctly (neo)Marxist vantage; a lens that views slavery as a consequence of pre-capitalist societies and suggests economic development as a solution. This is a particularly important chapter since it readies readers for understanding the exploitation of certain segments of society, points further elaborated in the subsequent chapter by Divitti who explores the most vulnerable, children who historically and more contemporarily have been treated as merchandise. Davitti analyses child trafficking from Afghanistan to the United Kingdom and links such actions to international military interventions, the new restrictive migration politics and with global economic development. The following six subsequent chapters' review human trafficking in different countries, each of which serves as a case study. Some are countries of origin while others are countries of destination. Specifically, these chapters offer detailed information about the characteristics, phenomenology, the implementation of international and European legal instruments, state policies for its prevention and suppression, and for reducing of the demand of human trafficking. Wisniewski, Poole, Deighan, Ward and Wylie, Papendreou and Moritz, and Nanu, explore the situations in Poland, Albania, Russia, Ukraine, Ireland, Greece, Cyprus, Germany and Moldova respectively. Following the more empirical central parts of this work, Jobe presents a post-script of trafficking victims after being saved. Through the experiences of 23 trafficked women with the British official authorities, the Jobe traces the victims' psychology vis-a-vis the denial of help, long asylum processes and restrictive immigration policies (in the UK). The Palermo Protocol connects human trafficking with transnational organized criminality and attempts to widely define the phenomenon. However, the definition remains unaccepted as mainstream. With this in mind, McRedmond further elaborates the roles played by organized criminals in modern slavery and works to refine the understandings of the interaction between clandestine traffickers, victims and international approaches to combating the former. Such theorizing also requires empirical testing, a task accepted by Farka who assesses the human trafficking of Albanian children to Greece, and of Albania's legislation and the international law implemented in its codes. This edited volume is dedicated to comprehending human trafficking and acts as a source of knowledge regarding slavery. Comprehensively written, it commences from a global perspective and then turns to focusing on regional and national levels. The work does not omit discussion of the victims and places their needs and rights at the core of the human rights based approach to trafficking advanced throughout the pages of the text. Only through learning from their lives and forced sacrifices can the international community truly understand the entire, deranged process, help victims, prevent new victims and try 'to put modern slavery out of business' once and for all.

The main thesis of the paper consists in that nation is a myth of nation ormore presicely nation is a community united by common identity infoundation of which lies certain national myth. Myth is understood a discourse based on associations and affects, establishing initial coordinates of thinking. There exist two main models of understanding nations: the german (exceeding from the priority of language) and franco-british (exceeding from priority of the state). These models do not contradict each other and both may be reduced to our model exceeding from the priority of identit , as a matter of fact if there is a certain community united by common etnic identity, it aspires to get its own statehood and cultural language unification. In order to groung this thesis it is suggested to make a comparative analysis of the arabic peoples on the one hand and south slav nations on the other. The chief norms of arabic language are given within the so-called classical arabic language of quran. The standard arabic is a kind of modernized version of the latter. It's used in writing and official affairs as well as a means of inter-dialect communication. These languages are native nowhere but learnt in school. The dialects used in everyday communication can differ each other very much, untill the level of mutual incomprehension. Nevertheless the arabs go on to keep for common standard languge as language of official communication. The cause is common arabic identity that exists parallelly with local political, confessional or even ethnic identities. Thus, in the arabic world there exist parallel national identities: common arabic and local syrian, saudite, lebanese or egyptian. Namely the first leads to preservation of the common language, though it's native to nobody. In the balkans situation is evidently opposite. Beginning from the first half of the xix century we may say about existence of some common serbo-croatian language very close to colloquial dialects of the serbs, croats, boshniaks, montenegrians. This language was official in the first and second yugoslavia. Its colloquial dialects' boundaries never coincided with the boundaries between ethnoses speaking them. If they were only dialects of the same language in yugoslavia, after disintegration of the latter they were declared official self-sufficient tongues in according states. The fist was croatia that had started elaboration of their separate language as early as the time of yugoslavia, then after the collapse of yugoslavia the boshniaks and later the montenegrians declared their separate languages. Dialectical peculiarities became norms. Thus, the key moment is identity and myth it's based on. Myths and identities may be national, political, religious, confessional. In the case of the south slavs namely the national myths won that led to disintegration of the common state and further cultural and linguistic differentiation. In the case of the arabs the common national religious myth preserves its power till now and makes the arabs to keep to the according common language different from colloquial dialects. ; Главная идея статьи состоит в том, что нация – это миф нации, или, если конкретнее, нация – это совокупность людей, объединнённых вокруг общей идентичности. Последняя опирается на те или иные мифы. Под мифом, следуя за куртом хюбнером, понимается рассказ, основанный на ассоциациях, имеющий аффективный характер, предшествующий опыту и выполняющий смыслозадающую функцию. Существующие начиная с xix века базовые модели нации – немецкая (связывающая нацию с языком) и франко-британской (связывающей её с государством) отображают две стороны одного и того феномена, который сводится к вопросу об идентичности. В самом деле, если есть общность, имеющая общую идентичность, то она соответственно имеет общую систему символов и ценностей и стремится к политическому оформлению; и наоборот, если есть государство, которое его граждане признают своим, то внутри этого государства происходит выработка общей системы символов и ценнностей, а также языковая унификация. Пример арабских народов, а также южных славян может использоваться в качестве подтверждения указанного тезиса. Так в случае арабов мы видим наличие т.н. Классического арабского языка, а также близкого к нему современного литературногоязыка, которые нидля кого из современных арабов не являются родными, поскольку в повседневной жизни они разговаривают на местных диалектах, зачастую очень сильно отличаются друг от друга и от стандартного литературного языка. Среди южных славян мы наблюдаем прямо противоположную тенденцию. Ещё в xix веке сербские и хорватские просветители начинают работать над созданием общего сербо-ховатского языка. Такой язык стал официальным в первой и второй югославии. Разговорные диалекты, на которых в быту говорят сербы, хорваты, босняки и черногорцы, достаточно близки друг к другу и стандарному языку. При этом границы распространения диалектов не совпадают с границами соответствующих этносов. Не смотря на всё это, после распада югославии во всех государствах, возникших на её месте, были провозглашенысвои собственные, самодостаточные, отдельные друг от друга языки: сербский, хорватский, босанский, черногорский. Т.е. Ключевой момент состоит в идентичности. Если среди арабов помимо локальной национальной идентичности, привязанной к определённому государству, существует также общеарабсткая идентичность, опирающаяся на соответствующие историчесие и религиозные мифы. Именно по причине этого арабы продолжают держаться за общий стандартный язык, который ни для кого из них не является родным. И наоборот, если сербы, хорваты, босняки, черногорцы отвергают общую идентичность, то вместе с ней они также отвергают и общий язык. ; Головна теза статті полягає в тому, що нація – це, грубо кажучи, міф нації або якщо конкретніше – нація – це спільнота людей, об'єднаних насамперед навколо спільної ідентичності, в основі якої лежить певний національний міф. Під міфом розуміється, слідуючи за куртом хюбнером, оповідь, яка передує емпіричному досвідові, спирається на асоціації та аффекти і виконує смислозадаючу функцію. Нації починаючи з першої половини хiх століття пов'язують або з мовою (німецька модель), або з державою (французько-британська модель). Зазначені моделі не суперечать одна одній, оскільки, якщо є спільнота людей, об'єднаних мовою, то вона зазвичай намагається досягти також політичного об'єднання у власній державі; і навпаки, якщо є держава, яку її громадяни визнають своєю, то всередині неї відбувається уніфікація, в тому числі мовна. Ключовим у обох випадках є питання ідентичності: якщо є досить чисельна група людей, які поділяють спільну ідентичність, то вони, ці люди, намагаються досягти також єдності мовної та політичної. Для того, щоб обгрунтувати цю тезу, пропонується розглянути два не зовсім типові випадки, а саме південних слов'ян – сербів, хорватів, босняків, чорногорців- та арабів; зокрема проаналізувати, як серед них співвідносяться ідентичність, мова та політика. Головним нормативом арабської мови є т.зв. Класична арабська мова, яка є мовою корану. До неї близька т.зв. Арабська літературна мова, найближча до арабської класичної мови. Обидві не є рідними, але вивчаються в школі, в побуті ж араби на чисельних місцевих діалектах, які можуть досить сильно відрізнятися одні від одних, аж до до повної незрозумілості. Араби аравійського півострова, об'єднані навколо ісламу та шаріату, завойовують широкі простори азії та південного середземномор'я. Перетворюючи ці території на колиску мусульманської цивілізації. Тобто з'являється широка цивілізаційна ідентичність, у рамках якої багато народів переходять врешті решт також і на арабську мову. В результаті в часи середньовіччя в мусульманському світі ми маємо локальні (родо-племінні, общинні) ідентичності та ідентичність загальномусульманську. Остання розділяється на арабську (тих, хто розмовляє арабською мовою) та неарабську (перську, тюркську тощо). Таким чином арабська ідентичність стає свого роду ідентичністю національною. Але території, де розмовляють діалекткми арабської мови, є занадто різними в культурному, географічному, історичному аспектах. У результаті в мусульманському світі починаються процеси, аналогічні тим, які колись відбувалися в західному світі, тобто процеси утворення локальних націй та ідентичностей у межах відповідних країн, паралельно із загальноарабською ідентичністю. На балканах же спостерігається прямо протилежна тенденція. Іще в першій половині xix століття сербські та хорватські філологи домовляються про розробку спільної сербохорватської мови. Така мова стає офіційною мовою у першій та другій югославії. Вона також, як і арабська, складалася з чисельними діалектами, межі розповсюдження яких, однак, не збігалися з межами розподілу основних національних ідентичностей, які розмовляли цією мовою. Якщо в югославії ці відмінності вважалися суто діалектичними, то після її розпаду хорватія, а пізніше боснія і герцеговина та чорногорія проголошують про існування своїх власних національних мов, роблячи діалектичні відмінності нормативними. Таким чином, ключовим фактором ідентичності залишається пануючий міф – релігійний, національно-етнічний, політичний. У південних слов'ян врешті решт перемагають окремі національно-історичні міфи, що веде також до подальшої мовної диференціації. В арабів же навпаки досі зберігає силу міф національно-релігійний, який змушує їх триматися спільної арабської літературної мови, досить сильно відмінної від розмовних діалектів.

ÖZETRus İdesi ve Rus İdeali Rus Siyasal Düşüncesinde Doğu, Asya ve Avrasya (1700'lerden 1920'lere)Bu tezin amacı Rus Düşünce tarihi içersinde Doğunun, Asya'nın ve Avrasya'nın yerini analiz etmek ve bu kavramların sadece stratejik bir anlam ifade etmediğini açıklamaya çalışmaktır. Çalışmamızda görüleceği gibi Doğu, Asya ve Avrasya kavramlarının anlamları birbirlerinden farklı olmakla beraber zamanla aynı kavramsal çerçeve içinde kullanılmış ve ulusal bir nitelik kazanmışlardır.Bu durumun esas nedeni Rus Düşünürlerinin Rusya'nın hem fiziki, hem de tarihsel varlığını Doğu-Batı karşıtlığı içinde anlamlı görmeleridir. Rusya'nın tarihsel varlığı tezimizde Rus İdesi olarak ifade edilmiştir. Rus düşünce geleneği bu ideyi 19. yy.' da Otokrasi, Ortodoksluk ve Milliyetçilik formülü içersinde açıklamıştır. Daha sonra bu genel bir tanım haline gelmiştir. Bu tezin diğer bir amacı, Doğu- Batı; Asya-Avrupa karşıtlığı bağlamında ortaya çıkan bu tür tanımların daha geniş bir çerçevede değerlendirilmesi gerektiğini belirtmektir. Rus Düşünce tarihi de bu tür bir anlam genişliğine meyillidir. Bu Avrasya coğrafyasında çok kültürlü, çok etnikli bir yapıyı tek bir devletin yönetiminde tutmak için gereklidir. Bu çerçevede, Rus İdesi tezimde "hizmet, sosyal adalet/ etik, ve tabilik" bağlamında tanımlanmıştır. Bu kavramlar Rus toplumsal yapısını entegre bir bütüne döndürmek için kullanılmıştır. Kısaca Rus İdesi Rus toplumunun bütünlüğünü tekrar ve tekrar entelektüellerin geliştirdiği tanımlamalar aracılığı ile sağlamıştır. Bu süreç içersinde sözünü ettiğimiz İdeyi Rus yapan iki faktör vardır: Rus Devletinin varlığı ve İdenin batılı olmayan içeriği. Göreceğimiz gibi, Rus düşünürleri Rus İdesine, Rus doğasının batılı olmadığı ve olamayacağını vurgulamak için atıfta bulunmuşlardır. Rusya başka bir yol izlemek, kendi ayrı dünyasını kurmak zorundadır.Bu anlayış, Rus İdeali anlayışı ile birleşmektedir. Rus İdeali Rusya'nın kendi güvenliğini, ekonomik ve sosyal bütünlüğünü, ve kendi kendine yeterliliğini en iyi şekilde koruyabileceği coğrafi sınırları ifade eder. Rus İdeali bu sınırlar içersinde Rus İdesinin öngördüğü biçimde tam bir birliği öngörür. Rus düşünürler bu sınırları Asya üzerinde tanımlarlar. Rus emperyal sisteminin Doğuya yayılışı kolonyalizmi hatırlatsa da, tezimizin ikinci bölümünde görüleceği gibi bu Avrupa kolonyal yönetimlerinden farklıdır. En önemli farklılık da bu yayılmanın "yeni" bir ulus oluşumuna işaret etmesidir. Devletin ve emperyal sistemin oluşumunun ulus oluşumundan önce gelmesi, Rus İdeali içersinde ve Rus İdesi kılavuzluğunda gerçekleşecek entegrasyon sürecine oldukça modern bir anlam katar. Yurtaşlık, Rus Asyasında yaşayan Pagan ve çoğunlukla Müslüman hakların etnik ve kültürel olarak Rus kültür ve medeniyetine asimile olmasından ziyade, Rus İdesini en geniş şekilde (hizmet, sosyal adalet/ etik, ve tabilik) algılayan yeni bir ulus oluşumuna işaret eder. Rus düşün hayatı bunu yeni bir medeniyet oluşumu olarak algılarlar.Böylece Rus Doğası, Rusya'nın tarihsel ve coğrafi varlığı, kendi içersinde bir dönüşüm geçirir. Rus düşünürlerinin gözünde ancak bu özel doğaya uygun siyasi modeller Rus varlığını güvence altına alır. Rus düşünürleri, Batının ( Avrupa'nın) gittikçe artan askeri gücüne ( kolonyalizmin Asya'da stratejik amaçla kullanılması), geliştirdiği ekonomik sisteme (ticari ve finansal kapitalizm) , iddia ettiği kültürel gelişmişliğe ( Avrupa medeniyetinin bütünlüğü ve üstünlüğü) karşı bir güvence aramaktadırlar. Bu durum düşünürlerin Asyalılığı ve Doğululuğu Batılılığa karşı harekete geçirmelerine yol açmıştır. Ancak, Batıdakinin aksine bu atıfla Doğuya aktif olma rolü verilmiştir. Bu Rus coğrafyası içersinde ulusallaşma sürecini de kapsıyordu. Çünkü her milli canlanış arayışında olduğu gibi, Rus Düşünürleri kendi değerlerine dönmek istediklerinde, Rus milletinin Avrupalı ve Asyalı kavimlerin, ulusların aktif kültürel, etnik, ve politik katkıları sonucu oluştuklarını farkettiler.Avrasyacılık bu anlayışın Rusya'nın geleceğini belirleyecek bir ideoloji olarak ortaya çıkışını anlatır. Avrasyacılar hem Rus İdesini hem de Rus İdealini batı karşıtı bir retorikle yorumlamayı başarmışlardır.Üçüncü Bölümde göreceğimiz gibi bu yorumlama sadece Rus düşünce tarihinin Doğu-Batı karşıtlığı geleneğinden kaynaklanmıyordu. Aynı düşünce geleneği Batı'da da hakimdir. En önemlisi de Batı düşünce sistematiği içersinde Rusya batılı bir güç değildir. Hatta ekonomik, siyasi ve toplumsal dinamiklerinin nasıl yorumlandığına bakacak olursak, onun Doğulu bir güç olarak görüldüğünü anlarız.Avrasyacılar, Batının Batılı olmayan tüm uluslara karşı ayrımcı ve hatta saldırgan davranacağını varsayarak, Batılı olmayan Rus /Avrasya doğasını gerektiğinde Batı karşıtı olacak bir iradeyle kullanmayı planlarlar. Dolayısıyla tezin diğer bir amacı, Avrasyacılığın basit bir strateji olmadığı, Rus Düşünce tarihinin ana dinamiklerini kullanan bir doktrin ve bölgesel bir model olduğunu vurgulamaktır.ABSTRACTThe main aim of this thesis is to maintain that three geographic concepts East, Asia, and Eurasia are not only strategic. They are also philosophical and political notions. As it can be seen in our study, although, East, Asia and Eurasia are originally different concepts in nature, East and Asia are associated and acquire a national feature together with Eurasia throughout Russian political thought.The main reason of this perception is the imagination of Russian political thinkers. They saw Russian physical (geographic) and historical existence meaningful only within East-West dichotomy.In our thesis Russian historical existence is symbolised as Russian Idea. In 19th century, it was explained within the formula of "Autocracy, Orthodoxy and Nationalism." For years, it became the general definition of Russian Idea. Thus, another goal of my thesis is to emphasise that Russian Idea that has emerged from West-East, Asia-Europe contradiction, should be taken into consideration within a broader perspective. Indeed, Russian political thought has been inclined to such flexibility. This kind of flexibility was a requirement to cover multicultural and multiethnic structure of Eurasian geography under the aegis of one state.Within this framework, I prefer "service, social justice/ morality, and nature" basis for the definition of Russian Idea. I observe that Russian thinkers used these concepts to make Russian social structure an integral entity. Within this process, Idea was called Russian due to two reasons: The presence of Russian State, and its non-western nature.As it can be seen, Russian thinkers refer to Russian Idea to express the belief that Russian nature has been non-western and would never be western. The consequence of this logic is the claim that Russia has to follow a different path in order to establish her distinct world.This understanding was combined with Russian Ideal. Russian Ideal is used to denote the geographic area where Russia can maintain her security, economic and social integrity, and her ability to form self-sufficiency more efficiently. So, Russian Ideal proposes integration within certain boundaries like Russian Idea. Russian thinkers chose to define these boundaries on Asia. Although, expansion of Russian imperial system to east reminds us colonialism, as we see in Part II of the thesis, it is very different from European colonialism. The most significant distinction is that Russian eastward expansion is also a process of nation building.Thus, state-building and empire-building processes proceed nation-building period. This gives modern aspect to the integration realised on Russian Ideal (geography of Russian Empire), and under the guidance of Russian Idea. Thus, citizenship in Eurasian geography means more than assimilation of pagan and Muslim natives into the Russian culture. It points to the appearance of a new nation including members who perceive Russian Idea in its broader version (service, morality, and nature).In this sense, Russian nature, the physical and historical existence of Russia transformed in itself. In the eyes of Russian political thinkers, only the political models that are suitable for Russian nature can save Russian future. It is a search to find a guarantee for Russia at the face of expanding militarily power (colonialism), rising economic system (financial capitalism) and so-called cultural superiority of West (Europe).This is the situation that paved the way for the mobilisation of native dynamics under the name of Asianism or Easternism. However, by this mobilisation, Russian thinkers, and bureaucrats gave active role to eastern forces contrary to the tradition of western political thought. This was coincided with nation building process within Russia. Because when Russian thinkers turned to their native forces in order to renovate Russia, they perceived that Russian nation has been formed by the active cultural, ethnic, economic and political contributions of European and Asian nationalities.Eurasianism followed this logic of integrity. It emerged as a doctrine that used Russian Idea and Ideal within anti-western rhetoric. As we see in Part III, this anti-westernism can not be explained only with a reference to the traditional Russian political thought. This vision also derives from east-west contradiction and assumes that this contradiction is essential one. Actually, this understanding is not different from the dominant view within the Western political thought, which supposes that Russia is not a western power rather it has been an eastern one.Accordingly, Eurasians accepted that western (European) attitude toward non-western powers is always discriminative. As a result, they planned the non-western system of Russia /Eurasia in a manner to be anti-western when a direct confrontation between Europe and Asia were observed.Thus, another goal of my thesis is to prove that Eurasianism is not a simple strategy. Rather it is a doctrine and a regional model making use of the main dynamics of Russian political thought (Russian Idea and Russian Ideal).

En los últimos veinte años en Colombia se ha dado un gran desarrollo en los estudios poblacionales, en buena parte por el auge de la genética forense de acuerdo con nuestra compleja realidad nacional, como producto derivado se ha dado la importación al país de tecnología suficiente para el desarrollo de nuevas técnicas en biología molecular. Sin embargo dos aspectos metodológicos como los cálculos de tamaño de muestra y la adecuada selección de las muestras no han tenido el mismo desarrollo en los estudios poblacionales, manteniéndose sin criterios específicos, en ocasiones generando resultados pocos claros y con estimaciones confusas sobre nuestras poblaciones. Buscando realizar un aporte en estas dos direcciones, en el presente trabajo se presenta un nuevo algoritmo para la determinación de tamaños de muestra en estudios poblacionales. Este además arroja estimaciones de frecuencias alélicas asociadas a intervalos de confianza, lo que permite aproximaciones más confiables a las realizadas por conteo directo. Junto a este algoritmo se propone un método fundamentado en el análisis genealógico y demográficopara mejorar la selección muestral. La evaluación del algoritmo, se realizó con la base de datos de los usuarios de pruebas de filiación, mientras que para el análisis demográfico se realizaron estudios de campo en las poblaciones del archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina, en el Caribe colombiano y en la península de la Guajira, población con una fuerte ancestría de la comunidad indígena Wayuu. Los resultados obtenidos en los estudios muéstrales indican tamaños cercanos a las 700 personas en poblaciones grandes y con marcada influencia de múltiples grupos ancestrales, dada las altas de migración que caracteriza la población de Bogotá. Por otra parte los análisis demográficos permitieron la construcción de múltiples grupos poblacionales, de lo cual se generaronmodelos de estructuraa priori a los obtenidos con la información genética. El uso de variables demográficas permitió una gran definición de las poblaciones en el espacio y en el tiempo, independientes de las básicas clasificaciones político-administrativas, e incluso de las geográficas. Además, las variables demográficas, permitieron evaluar desde otra óptica los efectos de las diferentes fuerzas de cambio evolutivo en las poblaciones estudiadas. Luego en el trabajo se intento ir más allá, construyendo dos capítulos de reflexión, el primero dirigido a los principiantes en la genética de poblaciones, en el que se explora el origen de la disciplina desde "El origen de las especies". El segundo dirigido a los investigadores que incursionan en las poblaciones y a quienes presentamos cinco propuestas sugeridas para diseñar e incorporar en sus estudios. Fue un reto lograr los muestreos en el trabajo de campo, por tanto consideramos que junto al refinamiento demográfico o la precisión matemática, se trata de un acercamiento humano, el cual debe ser cuidadosamente realizado y por sobre todo integrador entre una cultura científica y nuestras culturas ancestrales. En los capítulos de reflexión me he permitido plantear mi experiencia de trabajo y después de mucho pensarlo sin lugar a duda creo que esta tesis, so pena de ser extensa es el escenario para hacerlo. / Abstract: During the last twenty years, Colombia has greatly advanced in population studies, mainly for two reasons: (1) because necessary forensic genetics studies developed as a result of our complex national reality, (2) as a derived product as the country has enhanced in molecular biology tools. Nevertheless two methodological aspects including an adequate sample selection and sample size have not had the same development as the population studies. Instead, non-specific criteria exist, results may not be very clear or confusing estimates are generated about our populations. In order to contribute in further discussion on both issues, this thesis introduces a new algorithm to determine sample size in population studies. The output of the algorithm provides allelic frequencies associated to confidence intervals, which allows more reliable approaches to those performed by classical direct count. In addition, a new method, based on genealogical and demographic analyses is proposed in order to improve the selection of the sample. To evaluate the algorithm, a database corresponding to paternity and filiation tests were used, where as for the demographic analysis two field works were carried out (1) with human populations of the archipelago of San Andres, Old Providence and Santa Catalina Islands in the Caribbean and (2) with populations of Wayuu, an Amerindian ethnic group with strong genetic ancestry of the Guajira Peninsula in northern Colombia. The results obtained in the study samples suggest samples sizes of about 700 people for large populations influenced by multiple ancestral groups and large migration rates. Demographic studies allowed proposing a multi-population structure, providing different modelsa priori.The use of demographic variables, instead of administrative and political boundaries, provides a good scenario in time and space for population studies. They also provide elements to understand the effect of evolutionary forces and the quality of In this work, we tried to go beyond throughout two additional chapters of discussion and reflection on the issues of population studies. The first one is aimed to those interested in population enetics by exploring the origin of the discipline, even from Darwin's "theorigin of species". The second one is aimed to researchers in forensic genetics throughout fiveproposals suggested to incorporate in their studies. To get the samples for this work was a worthwhile challenge, but together with the demographic refining of the sampling and the proposed mathematical tool, it certainly provides an integrative approach of our scientific culture and our ancestral cultures.In the reflection chapters, ideas and thoughts come my own work experience for the last 10years, so I thought this thesis would be a good scenario to write them out. ; Doctorado

This dissertation examines the political tensions between metropolitan planning and immigrant incorporation in Miami over the past 50 years. I develop a planning history encompassing the transformation of metropolitan planning in Dade County from the early 1960's to the post-Cuban period in contemporary times. By combining the historical analysis of planning documents, data from interviews with different actors shaping planning practice - metropolitan planners, community development practitioners, residents and artists - and participant observations of charrettes and grassroots mobilizations of local residents, I analyze how immigrant empowerment influenced the work of metropolitan planners and currently yields political practices through the deployment of discourses that uphold cultural production as a place-making strategy. By developing the concept of spatial politics, I argue that an analysis of urban space is crucial to understand immigrant incorporation and empowerment in American Cities. I define spatial politics as the practices and tactics carried out by social groups to achieve political empowerment in the City. By tracing the effects of immigration in the history of metropolitan planning in Miami, I consider how spatial politics is exemplified by linkages between planning, community development, and political mobilizations carried out by social groups competing for political control in an urban context transformed by the status of immigrants as the social majority. In Chapter One, I introduce the physical context of metropolitan Miami. I provide a mapping of Miami's urban geography, government structure and socio-demographic composition. I continue by developing the narrative of a participant observation based on a contentious policy measure voted upon in 2010 that aimed to give control of planning decisions to local community groups: Amendment Four. The Amendment Four debate illustrates the underlying tensions of Miami's urban politics as it is defined by claims and counter-claims defined by ethnicity and the experience of immigration. I continue by explaining the need to explore the relationship between immigrant incorporation and urban planning through an analytical lens that considers the empowerment of immigrant groups. In Chapter Two I draw on archival evidence from Dade County's Department of Planning and Zoning and carry out a review of Miami's architectural, urban design and urban history literature to develop a history of metropolitan planning in Dade County. I argue that Miami's urban historiography has mostly emphasized developers, architects and entrepreneurs as the main actors of urban transformation. Due to this tendency, the relationship between social history, immigration and planning has remained mostly unexplored. By considering the work of metropolitan planners from the introduction of the "Home Rule" Charter and the Two-tier System of governance through the development of Miami's first set of comprehensive development master plans, I analyze how demographic change and immigrant influx were important factors in planning practice. From its inception, metropolitan planning was envisioned as a tool for regional management in behalf of the public interest. Its goal was to facilitate the management and distribution of resources through a centralized system of government exemplified by two tiers; an upper tier for regional issues and a lower tier for local issues. The two-tier governance structure, however, led to the political under-representation of residents of unincorporated areas, who did not have the direct representation of municipal representatives. This condition would have consequences in the following decades as demographic growth and immigrant political empowerment transformed the city's political status quo. The demographic growth of Hispanics resulting from immigration led to the political empowerment of Cuban Americans during the 1980's. In Chapter Three, I explore this particular period by combining archival evidences from Dade County's Department of Planning and Zoning, interviews with retired planners and practicing community development specialists, spatial analysis of demographic data, and a review of civil rights legal history. I consider how the work of metropolitan planners was influenced by the electoral empowerment of Cuban Americans at the municipal and county levels. I begin by reviewing of the existing literature on Cuban American incorporation in Miami to argue that it has remained a-spatial. The political, economic and cultural tensions that affect urban space have not been considered in the incorporation of Cuban Americans. I continue by arguing for the consideration of Cuban American spatial politics through three phases - crisis, community development and empowerment - and four types of practices - planning, electoral, discursive, and allied. During the refugee crisis of the Mariel Boatlift, metropolitan planners produced demographic data that facilitated the planning agenda of a burgeoning Cuban American community development system focused on public policy, economic development and housing. This planning apparatus facilitated the concentration of electoral voting blocs in Miami's ethnic enclave of Little Havana, which mobilized to elect Cuban Americans at the municipal and county levels by generating discourses upholding the positive economic contributions of Cuban Americans in Miami. A decade after the Mariel Boatlift the demographic changes brought forth by crisis and continuing immigration led Cuban American and African Americans to ally and join suit against Dade County in the Meek v. Metropolitan Dade County lawsuit. This coalition argued for a change in the composition and number of county commission seats given the socio-demographic make up of Dade County. The lawsuit's decision changed the numbers and re-drew commission district boundaries, establishing a new political order in Miami based on minority power. Metropolitan planners were protagonists in this process by providing demographic data and mapping alternatives for the new commission districts. In Chapter Four I connect archival data from the Dade County Planning Department and the Miami Herald - Miami's most prominent news daily - with interviews of retired planning practitioners to consider how communities of interest countered the empowerment of Cuban Americans. Beginning in 1991 with the municipality of Key Biscayne, a wave of grassroots incorporation efforts led by ultra-local neighborhood groups swept throughout unincorporated Dade County. These mobilizations were based on the perception of donor communities that metropolitan government was inefficient inadequately used taxes for the local service provisions of recipient communities - residents in unincorporated Dade County. Miami's Cuban American community considered the rebellion of municipal incorporations a backlash to their political gains. Fearing the prospect of political and economic fragmentation, metropolitan planners attempted to resolve the problem of political under-representation and economic imbalance embedded in the Two-Tier system by establishimg community councils. Community councils were envisioned as units of local government that would to bring government closer to the people by giving local residents control over zoning issues and budgetary decisions. Nevertheless, community councils became training grounds for ethnic leadership across unincorporated Dade County. As the decade of the 1990's ended the evolving process of spatial politics was defined by a new political geography exemplified by newly minted municipalities. In Chapter Five I turn to Miami's recent history to consider how the practices of cultural producers- developers, artists, art collectors, and community development specialists - offer a new field of spatial politics. I carry out participant observations between two sites - the District of Wynwood in the City of Miami and the Municipality of Opa-Locka in northwest Dade County - to explore how art is used as a tool of urban revitalization through the deployment of collective and individual discourses formed by notions of community, identity and multiculturalism. I develop the first part of this analysis in the art district of Wynwood where I consider the collective mobilizations of urban developers, gallery owners, artists and art collectors against big development as well as the individual practices of artists who negotiate their immigrant identity to access resources and social capital in Wynwood's artistic milieu. I continue by turning to Opa-Locka's, where a robust community development system led by African Americans uses a discourse of pan-african multiculturalism to revitalize impoverished areas of the municipality. I finalize the dissertation by providing a brief call for the need to consider the figure of the empowered immigrant to re-evaluate the role of urban planning in immigration debates. Urban planning practice has traditionally been defined by an assimilationist ideology underlined by the imperative of adaptation and incorporation into the mainstream of society. Because of this undercurrent, the political agency of immigrants in American cities remains under-studied and bound by a framework of identity politics, cultural rights, and national citizenship. The case of spatial politics in metropolitan Miami, however, offers an example of the urban citizenship that organized immigrant groups can develop through the claim, control and transformation of urban space.

Ilya Gerasimov finds a conflict between the empirical material presented in Omer Bartov's book "Anatomy of a Genocide: The Life and Death of a Town Called Buczacz" (New York, 2018) and the explanatory model proposed by the author. In the Galician town of Buczacz, where Jews, Ukrainians, and Poles had lived together for centuries, local gentile residents actively participated in the Holocaust, and later in the Ukrainian–Polish ethnic cleansings. Bartov's explanation of fratricide during World War II is based on a teleological vision of primordial interethnic tensions that gradually escalated to the boiling point. Gerasimov argues that the book leaves two key questions unanswered: Why was the Holocaust so deadly in a region that had not known a prehistory of anti-Jewish violence (if "neighbors" were its most numerous perpetrators, as Bartov argues)? And why did gentile "neighbors" so massively turn against the local Jews (if the Holocaust was orchestrated and supervised by the Nazis, as the book demonstrates)? Inspired by Bartov's rich ethnography of the Holocaust in Buczacz, Gerasimov offers his own answers to these questions. He proposes an understanding of genocide (including the Holocaust) that views the participation of longtime members of the same social network ("neighbors") as a typical factor rather than a scandalous aberration. In this model, the driving force behind genocide is not entrenched hatred of the Other based on potent nationalism. Rather, it is a desire to join a kindred community at any cost by the aspiring members of a crumbling national project – compromised by the wartime threat to national sovereignty and the absence of political institutions of participatory democracy due to a foreign occupation or dictatorial regime; a national project, whose promise of unity is shattered by civil war and the absence of a common language capable of formulating and communicating the criteria of national belonging. It is not ancient xenophobic animosity that leads to genocide but a very recent and rapidly developed longing for membership in a legitimate national community. Hence the central role of "neighbors" in genocide as an instrument of "negatively" drawing new boundaries of a political community by stigmatizing those former members of the old polity who could be most easily identified as "aliens" or "enemies of the people." ; Илья Герасимов полагает, что эмпирический материал, представленный в книге Омера Бартова ("Анатомия геноцида: жизнь и смерть города, который назывался Бучач", Нью-Йорк, 2018), противоречит объясняющей модели, предложенной автором. В галицийском городке Бучач, где евреи, украинцы и поляки жили вместе на протяжении столетий, местные жители-христиане приняли активное участие в Холокосте, а затем и в украинско-польских этнических чистках. Объяснение Бартовом массового уничтожения соседей в годы второй мировой войны основано на телеологическом видении постепенной эскалации давних межэтнических конфликтов до уровня открытого насилия. Герасимов показывает, что книга оставляет без ответа два ключевых вопроса: как объяснить максимальную интенсивность Холокоста в регионе, не имевшем предыстории насилия по отношению к евреям (если именно "соседи" составили основную массу преследователей евреев, как утверждает Бартов)? И почему "соседи" столь единодушно ополчились против местных евреев (если, как показывает книга, Холокост был организован и координировался нацистами)? Опираясь на плотное описание Бартовом Холокоста в Бучаче, Герасимов предлагает собственные ответы на эти вопросы. Он рассматривает участие в геноциде давних членов одной социальной сети ("соседей") как типичный и даже основополагающий фактор, а не как скандальное отклонение. Движущей силой геноцида в этой модели оказывается не укорененная ненависть мощного националистического движения к Другому, а желание примкнуть к сообществу "своих", стремление любой ценой доказать свою причастность к рассыпающемуся национальному проекту в ситуации угрозы национальному суверенитету. В условиях войны и отсутствия демократических политических институтов из-за иностранной оккупации или диктаторского режима, когда обещанное национальное единство подорвано гражданской войной и отсутствием самого общего языка, способного сформулировать и распространить критерии принадлежности к единой нации, – это стремление доказать свою причастность нации выражается через убийство "чужака" в пределах досягаемости, то есть соседа. Не древняя традиция ксенофобской вражды ведет к геноциду, а недавнее и стремительно развивающеесястремление примкнуть к легитимной национальной общности. Этим объясняется центральная роль "соседей" в осуществлении геноцида как попытки проведения новых границ политического сообщества "негативно" – через стигматизацию бывших членов прежнего политического пространства, которых проще всего объявить "чужаками" или "врагами народа". ; Ілля Герасимов вважає, що емпіричний матеріал, представлений у книжці Омера Бартова («Анатомія геноциду: життя і смерть міста, що називалось Бучач», Нью-Йорк, 2018), суперечить моделі, запропонованій автором. У галицькому містечку Бучач, де євреї, українці та поляки жили разом упродовж століть, місцеві жителі-християни взяли активну участь у Голокості, а потім і в українсько-польських етнічних чистках. Пояснення Бартовим масового знищення сусідів у роки Другої світової війни засноване на телеологічному баченні поступової ескалації давніх міжетнічних конфліктів до рівня відкритого насильства. Герасимов показує, що книга залишає без відповіді два ключові питання: як пояснити максимальну інтенсивність Голокосту в регіоні, який не мав передісторії насильства по відношенню до євреїв (якщо саме «сусіди» становили основну масу переслідувачів євреїв, як стверджує Бартов)? І чому «сусіди» настільки одностайно виступили проти місцевих євреїв (якщо, як показує книжка, Голокост був організований і координувався нацистами)? Спираючись на насичений опис Бартовом Голокосту в Бучачі, Герасимов пропонує власні відповіді на ці запитання. Він розглядає участь у геноциді давніх членів однієї соціальної мережі («сусідів») як типовий і навіть основоположний фактор, а не як скандальне відхилення. Рушійною силою геноциду в цій моделі виявляється не вкорінена ненависть потужного націоналістичного руху до Іншого, а бажання приєднатися до спільноти «своїх», прагнення будь-якою ціною довести свою причетність до національного проєкту, що розсипається, у ситуації загрози національному суверенітету. В умовах війни і відсутності демократичнихполітичних інститутів через іноземну окупацію або диктаторський режим, коли обіцяна національна єдність підірвана громадянською війною і відсутністю самої спільної мови, здатної сформулювати і поширити критерії приналежності до єдиної нації, – це прагнення довести свою причетність через убивство «чужинця» в межах досяжності, тобто сусіда. Не давня традиція ксенофобської ворожнечі веде до геноциду, а нещодавнє і стрімко розвинене прагнення приєднатися до легітимної національної спільноти. Цим пояснюється центральна роль «сусідів» у здійсненні геноциду як спроби проведення нових кордонів політичного співтовариства «негативно» – через стигматизацію колишніх членів старого політичного простору, яких найпростіше оголосити «чужинцями» або «ворогами народу».

Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Issues and Sources is a review of literature dealing with political, economic and social reconstruction from a gender perspective. One of its objectives is to go beyond conventional images of women as victims of war, and to document the many different ways in which women make a contribution to the rebuilding of countries emerging from armed conflicts. Special attention is given to women's priority concerns, to their resources and capacities, and to structural and situational factors that may reduce their participation in reconstruction processes. A second aim is to shed light on how post-war reconstruction processes influence the reconfiguration of gender roles and positions in the wake of war, and how women's actions shape the construction of post-war social structures. Following the brief Introduction is a chapter on political reconstruction. It raises questions concerning women's participation in peace-building and democratization. In order to illuminate women's expectations regarding their roles and status in post-war society, the chapter opens with a brief discussion of how and to what extent various liberation movements have addressed women's issues. While some movements considered women's issues to detract attention from the main goal of their struggle, many movements regarded women's liberation as an integral dimension of their overall struggle for social justice. The fact that women's issues were included on the political agendas and that women themselves were mobilized to participate actively in the fighting is demonstrated to have been instrumental in raising women's political awareness and their expectations of state and society today. The ensuing discussion of women's participation in formal and informal peace-building activities shows that in most cases women are excluded from formal peace negotiations. Such high-level negotiations are identified as male domains, which means that they also employ discourses and practices that are closer to men's reality than to women's. As a result, women also lack direct influence in the identification of reconstruction priorities that are usually part of a peace agreement. Nevertheless, women are demonstrated to play an influential role through their work in grassroots organizations working for peace and reconciliation. From within these organizations, women constantly challenge the authorities and other members of society with demands for peace, non-discrimination, accountability, recognition of human rights, etc. While always positioned on the margins, these organizations show their ability to mobilize large numbers of women, and to translate individual grievances into legitimate social concerns. Moreover, many of them play a significant role in building a new culture of peace at the local level by organizing peace education and community-based reconciliation and social reconstruction activities. Democratization processes are generally applauded, because they are assumed to guarantee accountability and to grant all citizens the possibility to participate in political life. However, studies on elections and decentralization demonstrate several flaws when it comes to women's position. Many countries emerging from armed conflict have adopted new constitutions that grant women equal political, social and economic rights, and many governments have developed new quota systems to ensure women equal representation in decision-making institutions at all levels. However, the implementation of these laws and good intentions often runs into major obstacles. At the government level the problems include a lack of financial resources and a lack of gender awareness or political will among staff. Other major problems are to be found at the social level, where the new discourse of gender equality may run counter to existing social norms regarding gender roles. The examples discussed show that, in some cases, local authorities and male members of society may discourage or prohibit women from participating in political activities. Moreover, the fact that the division of labour has not changed in favour of women, but rather added to their burden, also poses practical limitations on the possibilities for active involvement of women. Despite these constraints, women have made remarkable contributions in many countries. In the context of elections women have organized civic education targeting women, and they have convinced women of the importance of their vote. Educated women have organized legal counselling to inform women about their rights and to help them exercise these rights. Chapter three deals with economic reconstruction and the strategies that women develop to cope with war-induced changes in the economic environment and to meet the growing responsibilities for the survival and well-being of family and relatives. The focus is on the relationship between women's economic activities and their socio-economic position. The first section of the chapter concentrates on women's involvement in agricultural production, which often constitutes a major source of income. In addition to problems of landmines, a lack of agricultural inputs and farm implements, a shattered infrastructure and the inaccessibility of markets, etc., which equally trouble male farmers, women face a number of particular challenges. First, women often lack legal rights to land and other resources which, in the context of social disintegration where a large number of women become single providers, may reduce their ability to survive on farming alone. In some countries, women are organizing themselves to lobby state and local authorities for increased access to such resources, but in many cases women are forced off the land and are compelled to seek other sources of income. Another problem facing women in agriculture is the dismantling of traditional work groups due to displacement, divorce, death, etc. This has often resulted in the creation of new co-operative associations and voluntary self-help groups which combine old institutions and current social conditions. When cultivating the family land is no longer an option, some women join the casual agricultural labour force. While this opportunity enables women to employ their skills and to earn an income, recent analyses suggest that this may in fact mean that women come to occupy a marginal position in the new structure of rural social stratification. Another area which proved to be of great importance to women's livelihoods was the burgeoning informal sector, with petty trade and small-scale businesses as major sources of income. The documentation of women's involvement in this sector showed a great variety in experiences. Some women took up activities in which they had also been involved prior to the war, but many engaged in innovative projects, even when it meant a break with existing social norms, as they took up jobs perceived to be male jobs. Some women established businesses on the basis of local resources and demand, while others established elaborate trading networks which cut across ethnic boundaries and national borders. Again, women's capacity to build and mobilize extensive social networks had a positive impact. But while women generally proved to be eager and capable entrepreneurs, the sustainability of their enterprises was often constrained by a lack of capital and marketing skills, not to mention the fact that the sector itself is highly insecure and fluctuating. Moreover, women's economic success would in some cases result in social stigmatization and exclusion, due to clashes with prevailing norms or jealousy. Finally, the formal sector is discussed. For various reasons, societies emerging from war usually experience a high unemployment rate, and women are often particularly marginalized with regard to access to formal employment. In some cases this is a result of the fact that women generally have poorer educational qualifications, but research also suggests that discriminatory practices are still frequent. One of the few areas where women seem privileged is the social sector, but because this sector is often exposed to budgetary cuts, women's access to income and status from this field is reduced. Nevertheless, women continue to perform related tasks, but as semi-professionals or even as volunteers. The fourth chapter focuses on social reconstruction, specifically on the rehabilitation of social services (health care and education) and wider issues of social integration. With regard to the first aspect, the main questions are whether the social sector recognizes women's particular needs, and whether it seeks to build on women's skills and capacities. The discussion on social integration shifts the focus to how women are positioned in processes of inclusion and exclusion, and to how women's strategies and activities influence social integration. Studies on the rehabilitation of social services suggest that even though women's needs and rights are increasingly recognized officially, women continue to be discriminated against with regard to access to education for social and cultural reasons. Health care and other social facilities also remain inadequate, with consequences not only for women's health, but also for their ability to participate in political and economic life. The material clearly demonstrates that social issues were generally given high priority by women themselves, and many women in post-conflict societies make a major contribution to their rehabilitation. In rural as well as urban areas, women have re-established primary education for children as a means to build local capacities and influence their socialization, and women are often involved in providing primary health care and socio-economic assistance on a self-help basis to people in crisis. However, as noted above, while such activities are generally welcomed, they are often considered but a natural extension of women's domestic obligations and hence are not remunerated or responded to with offers of training. In addition to ordinary health care problems, intrastate wars produce a number of specific health problems known as psycho-social traumas. These traumas may stem from experiences of forced displacement, torture, rape, violence, witnessing killings, etc. In some cases, women have been particularly vulnerable to this kind of assault on mind and body. But women have also been very active in addressing the scars that such experiences leave, organizing voluntary organizations which offer medical and psychological treatment. Moreover, they have helped former victims to overcome their distress and reintegrate, by offering skills training and income-generating activities. Another issue which has been addressed by women's organizations is the growth of violence within post-war societies. Through classroom education and workshops, women have sought to raise awareness about violence against women and to change the attitudes that consider such violence acceptable. As the discussion on social integration points out, there has long been a tendency to focus exclusively on the reintegration of returnees, internally displaced persons and demobilized soldiers, or of persons who have become marked and marginalized due to torture, disability, widowhood, etc. However, to the extent that any post-war society is inevitably undergoing profound changes in its socio-economic and political composition, the issue of integration is relevant to all members of society. This chapter focuses on this aspect from a gender and family perspective, and shows how integration often also has disintegrative aspects. Newly gained economic freedom and independence, long years of separation and exposure to new social environments and attitudes, new perceptions of the role of the family and its members, and forced migration in search of employment, all contribute to continued dismantling of existing social institutions and the establishment of new ones. Social integration, in other words, is not simply about "coming home", but about defining new guiding social values and establishing corresponding relationships and institutions based on a combination of factors including kinship, socio-economic interests, and shared experiences and circumstances. In the final chapter, conventional conceptualizations of women in conflict and post-conflict situations are examined. The chapter also contains some suggestions for alternative concepts and approaches which appear to be better tools for our understanding of women's situation and thus for the development of programmes that will assist women in their multiple efforts to rebuild their lives. It is pointed out that our understanding of women's roles in post-war societies and of their contributions to post-war reconstruction must go beyond the universalistic narrative of "women's experience of war". The specificity and diversity of women's experiences must be acknowledged. Only on this basis can we conduct comparative analyses and begin to develop a deeper general understanding of post-war reconstruction from a gender perspective. Second, the concluding chapter stresses the need to supplement the image of women as vulnerable victims with an image of women as a highly differentiated group of social actors, who possess valuable resources and capacities and who have their own agendas. Women influence the course of things, and their actions are constitutive of post-war societies. The reduction of women to targets and beneficiaries both fails to recognize their contributions and contributes to their marginalization. A third point stressed in the conclusion is the need for gender-specific data and gender-focused analysis. While special attention is given to women throughout the publication, so as to make visible the previously invisible, the aim has been to see women's situation within a gender framework which pays attention to how gender roles and relationships are continuously constructed and contested by different actors, and which recognizes the gender dimension inherent in all aspects of post-war reconstruction. The gender perspective is also relevant for the achievement of sustainable peace. As the analysis strongly suggests, the failure to recognize gender issues may produce new social tensions and contribute to the differentiating struggles over identity, status and power that are so distinctive for societies which have recently achieved peace.

Metaphors are used in political discourse in order to advance one particular view of the world whilst delegitimising other ideologies and belittling political opponents. The author verifies this claim by analysing the wrestling with a pig in the mud metaphor in light of the Critical Metaphor Analysis model and by providing broad reference to the socio-political context of the 2019 European Parliament election in Poland. Consistent with the premises of the selected paradigm, the investigation is performed at three intermingling levels. Basic categories of source domains present in the complex metaphorical structure are identified at the descriptive level. At the interpretative level, attention is directed towards mapping out correspondences between source and target domains. 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Author's introductionOver the last 20 years, there has been a technological advance and commercial boom in genetic technologies and projects. These developments include a renewed scientific interest in the biological status and genetic constitution of race. This aspect of genetic research is of interest to sociologists and others working in the field of race and ethnicity studies. While the consensus among sociologists is that race is a social construction with no biological foundations, innovations in genetic research have pushed sociologists and other social scientists to reflect upon the ways in which ideas of biology mediate everyday understandings of race. Anthropologists, cultural geographers and sociologists have begun to study the complex and ambivalent ways in which laypeople think about the biological and genetic constitution of racial identities. Central to this area of inquiry has been analysis of laypeople's engagements with the new reproductive technologies, such as IVF. In addition, social scientists have begun to study laypeople's uses of genealogical technologies that claim to trace family ancestries, including racial descent and ethnic origins. Ultimately, such studies enable a deeper understanding of the social construction of 'race', and in the course of so doing provide an important research avenue to challenge racism.Author recommendsWade, Peter 2002. Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Perspective. London: Pluto Press.In this book, Peter Wade argues that anthropological studies of kinship provide a lens to think about how ideas of nature and culture mediate the formation of racial identities. Drawing upon studies from within anthropology, Wade contends that an increasing emphasis upon the 'gene' at the everyday level does not necessarily signify a growing genetic/biological determinism in laypeople's conceptions of race and human nature. Rather, he suggests anthropological studies that explore the biological and social 'origins' of persons can be deployed to unpack 'everyday' understandings of the relationship between ideas of 'race', 'nature' and 'culture'. In his review of anthropological approaches to the study of 'race', Wade (2002, 15) writes that, 'People…move between the biological and the social, the given and the developing, the permanent and the changeable, in ways that blur the boundary between them'.Skinner, D. 2006. 'Racialized Futures: Biologism and the Changing Politics of Identity.'Social Studies of Science 36: 459–88.In this paper, David Skinner examines sociologists' and scientists' reflections on the social and ethical implications of recent research on race and genetics. He argues research on race and genetics has led to both utopian and dystopian visions of the future: 'one in which scientific racism is revived, the other in which science finally abolishes race thinking'. Skinner contends that detailed critical attention needs to be paid to existing notions of relatedness, personhood and nature/culture, to understand the implication of genetic science on racial thinking.Franklin, S. and S. Mckinnon (eds) 2001. Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.This book provides a collection of articles that represent the diversity of perspectives that constitute the 'new kinship studies' within anthropology. Chapters by Kath Weston, Charis Thompson and Signe Howell focus explicitly upon how ideas of biology, blood and culture mediate the formation of racial identities within everyday and popular discourses. In this vein, Thompson explores how kinship ideologies become reconfigured by people who take‐up the opportunities offered by the new reproductive technologies, for example, ova and sperm donation. In so doing, Thompson's study illuminates the ways in which these recent clinical practices have opened a space for anthropologists to examine how ideas about biogenetic and social relatedness within families and across generations become intersected with ideas about the inheritance of ethnic and racial identities.Wade, Peter (ed.) 2007. Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Perspectives from Kinship and Genetics. Oxford: Berghahn, New York.This book brings together a collection of essays written by scholars who worked collaboratively for 3 years exploring everyday articulations of race, ethnicity and genetics across Europe in the face of innovations in genetic science. The book draws upon a rich array of anthropological studies of 'assisted reproduction, transnational adoption, mixed‐race families, Basque identity politics and post‐Soviet nation‐building' to explore how ideas of race, ethnicity, nation and nature are lived and experienced by people within differing European social contexts.Tyler, Katharine, 2009. 'Whiteness Studies and Laypeople's Engagements with Race and Genetics.'New Genetics and Society 28 (1): 36–48.In this paper, Tyler proposes a research strategy for examining laypeople's thoughts and reflections on innovations in the science of race and genetics. While some sociologists have shown a reluctance to engage in such discussions, Tyler argues that social scientists need to take such views seriously. To do this, the paper brings together an anthropological approach to the study of scientific literacy and recent scholarship in the field of Whiteness studies. The combining of these literatures raises a set of interesting and sometimes uncomfortable questions about the ways in which social scientists and research participants contribute to the reproduction of White power and dominance in Western societies.Online materials'Ten commandments' of race and genetics issued, Science in Society http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn14345‐ten‐commandments‐of‐race‐and‐genetics‐issued.html This website describes 10 'guiding principles' for the scientific community in relation to research on race and genetics. These principles were written by a multidisciplinary group including geneticists, psychologists, historians and philosophers. At the end of the principles are reflections from readers of the New Scientist. Motherland: A Genetic Journey, BBC Documentary, Director Archie Baron; Producer Tabitha Jackson http://www.rootsforreal.com/motherland_en.php The programme analysed the DNA of 228 Black African Caribbean descent men and women living in the United Kingdom. The research participants were selected on the criteria that they had two generations of paternal and maternal grandparents that were of Black African Caribbean descent. Twenty‐six percent of the Black male participants were told that their Y chromosome, inherited through the male line, traced them back to a European ancestor. The tests also showed that mitochondria DNA that is inherited through the maternal line affiliated many of the research participants with ancestors from African tribal groups. The documentary follows the journeys of three research participants who used their newly acquired genetic kinship to interrogate either their Black/African or their White/European ancestry, depending on which aspect of their identity was important to them. In this regard, the viewer is left with the impression that an individual's DNA can be objectively coded, separated and divided into its racially distinct component parts. However, when the research participants embarked on their journeys to forgotten African and Caribbean ancestral home‐places, they unexpectedly discovered the entanglement of White and Black people's colonial histories and origins. In this way, knowledge of genetic ancestry when combined with social relationships and history can be put to work to undermine the idea of racially pure lines of descent within families.'Roots for Real, your ancestry discovered' http://www.rootsforreal.com/?gclid=CNbs86LYu5kCFQ00QwodliIP6A 'Roots for Real' is a commercial organisation that offers a DNA tracing service, as used in the BBC programme, Motherland, to the general public. Deploying an 'at home saliva test', this service promises to analyse individual's maternal and paternal ancestry, and match it with the company's database of samples from all over the world. A map is sent to the genealogist (i.e. the client) estimating the location of the client's ancestral origins. The website includes links to testimonies from people who have used this site, press coverage of this service and a description of 'ancient migrations'.'African American Lives 2' http://www.pbs.org/wnet/aalives/ This website accompanies Professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr, television series that traced famous African American people's ancestries back to slave times. The research deploys the same kinds of genealogical techniques used in the Motherland experiment, as well as archival and historical research. Gates' guests include Tina Turney, Morgan Freeman and Maya Angelou. The website provides information about the television series, video clips from the series, including interviews with famous African Americans, background on the scientific and scholastic research, and resources for people to learn more about their own family history and genealogy.'Oxford Ancestors Ltd' http://www.oxfordancestors.com/ Oxford Ancestors was the first provider of DNA‐based services in the UK. The founder is Professor Bryan Sykes, a geneticist at Oxford University. Through the use of a saliva test, Sykes claims to be able to trace an individual's European maternal ancestry back to one of seven 'clan mothers', who are ultimately all related to 'Mitochondrial Eve' the original mother. Catherine Nash has written extensively about the gendered and ethnic meanings embedded within the work of Bryan Sykes in the following article: Nash, C. 2004 'Genetic Kinship.'Cultural Studies 18: 1–33.Sample syllabusOverview of the courseThis course introduces students to the contemporary debates in the sociological and anthropological study of race, ethnicity and racism. Historical material, social theories and ethnographic studies will be used to illustrate the social construction of race and ethnicity and the reproduction of racial power in western societies.Lecture 1 – Meanings of race and ethnicityWhat is race? What is ethnicity? How do race and ethnicity relate to racism? The era post‐1945, it has been argued, marked a shift from 'biological racism' to 'cultural racism' in which culture, rather than biology, forms the reference point for defining identities previously seen as racial. We consider to what extent such a shift has actually taken place. We shall also examine the ways in which this shift corresponds with a change in social policy and academic debates from the use of the term 'race' to 'ethnicity'.Anthias, F. and Yuval‐Davis 1992. Racialised Boundaries. Routledge.Barker, M. 1981. The New Racism: Conservatives and the Ideology of the Tribe. Junction Books.Goldberg, D. T. 1993. Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Meaning. Blackwells.Malik, K. 1996. The Meaning of Race. New York University Press.Wade, P. 2002. Race, Nature and Culture. Pluto Press.Post‐race: The end of race?Lecture 10 – Interracial IdentitiesWith a marked rise in the number of children of mixed parentage, there is a growing body of literature that explores the experiences and identities of the members of interracial families. This body of literature challenges simplistic understandings of 'race', nation and culture through an interrogation of what it means to be the parent of mixed‐race children and/or to grow up and claim a 'mixed' identity.Ali, S. 2003. Mixed‐Race, Post‐Race. Berg.Alibhai‐Brown, Yasmin 2001. Mixed Feelings: The Complex Lives of Mixed‐Race Britons. The Women's Press.Brah, A. and Coombes, A. 2000. Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture. Routledge (see Part 1 of this book titled 'Miscegenation and Racial Purity' that include essays by Stoler, Labanyi, Phoenix and Owen, Treacher).Frankenberg, R. 1993. White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness. Routledge (chapter 5).Howell, S. 2001. 'Self‐Conscious Kinship: Some Contested Values in Norwegian Transnational Adoption', in Franklin, S. and Mckinnon, S. (eds), Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Duke University Press.Ifekwunigwe, J. 1999. Scattered Belongings: Cultural Paradoxes of 'Race', Nation and Gender. Routledge.Parker, D. and Song, M. 2001. Rethinking 'Mixed Race'. Pluto Press.Root, M. (eds) 1992. Racially Mixed People in America. Sage.Tizard, B. and Ann Phoenix 1993. Black White or Mixed‐Race? Race and Racism in the Lives of Young People of Mixed Parentage. New York: Routledge.Twine, F. W. 2000. 'Bearing Blackness in Britain: The Meaning of Racial Difference for White Birth Mothers of African‐Descent Children.' Pp. 76–108 in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Tyler, K. 2005. 'The Genealogical Imagination: The Inheritance of Interracial Identities.'The Sociological Review 53 (3): 475–94.Wilson, A. 1987. Mixed Race Children: A Study of Identity. Allen and Unwin.Zack, N. (ed). American Mixed‐Race: The Culture of Microdiversity. Rowman and Littlefield Pub.Lecture 12 – Race, genealogy and geneticsRecent research into human genetics has probed the relationship between human characteristics and the meaning of racial difference. Some social critics have warned that such research will heighten racist attitudes, whereas others argue that the new genetic research opens the way to a post‐racial future. In this lecture, we shall examine this debate and in doing so inquire into the interpretations that laypersons might hold of the relationship between race, genetics and human nature.Brodwin, P. 2004. 'Genetics, Identity and the Anthropology of Essentialism.' Pp. 116‐122 in Mixed Race Studies: A Reader, edited by J. O. Ifekwunigwe. London: Routledge.Condit, C. M, et al. 2002. 'Lay Understandings of the Relationship Between Race and Genetics: Development of a Collectivized Knowledge Through Shared Discourse.'Public Understandings of Science 2: 373–87.Cross, K. 2001. 'Framing Whiteness: The human Genome Diversity Project (As Seen on TV).'Science as Culture 10 (3).Essed, P. and D. T. Goldberg 2002. 'Cloning Cultures: The Social Injustices of Sameness.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 25 (6).Franklin, S. and Ragone, H. 1998. Reproducing Reproduction: Kinship, Power and Technological Innovation. University of Pennsylvania Press.Franklin, S. and Mckinnon, S. 2001. Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Duke University Press.Gilroy, P. 2000. Between Camps: Nations, Cultures and the Allure of Race. Penguin.Haraway, D. 2000. 'Deanimations: Maps and Portraits of Life Itself.' in Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture, edited by A. Brah and A. Coombes. Routledge.Inhorn, M. C. 2000. 'Missing Motherhood: Infertility, Technology, and Poverty in Egyptian Women's Lives.' in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Marks, J. 2001. 'We're Going to Tell These People Who They Really Are,' in Relative values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies, edited by S. Franklin and S. Mckinnon (eds). Duke University Press.Moore, D., Kosek, J and Pandian, A. 2003. Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference. Duke University Press.Nash, C. 2002. 'Genealogical Identities.'Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 20.Nash, C. 2004. Genetic Kinship. Cultural Studies 18: 1–33.Palsson, G and Haroardottir, K. E. 2002. 'For Whom the Cell Tolls.'Current Anthropology 43 (2).Reardon, J. 2001. 'The Human Genome Diversity Project: A Case Study in Coproduction.'Social Studies of Science 31 (3).Ragone, H. 2000. 'Of Likeness and Difference: How Race is Being Transfigured by Gestational Surrogacy.' in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Steinberg, D. L. 2000. "Reading Genes/Writing Nation: Reith, 'Race' and the Writings of Geneticist Steve Jones." in Hybridity and Its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture, edited by A. Brah and A. Coombes. Routledge.Skinner, D. 2006. 'Racialized Futures: Biologism and the Changing Politics of Identity.'Social Studies of Science 36: 459–88.Skinner, D. 2007. "Groundhog Day? The Strange Case of Sociology, Race and 'Science'."Sociology 41: 931–44.Thompson, C. 2001. 'Strategic Naturalising: Kinship in an Infertility Clinic.' in Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies, edited by S. Franklin and S. Mckinnon. Duke University Press.Tyler, K. 2007b. "Race, Genetics and Inheritance: Reflections Upon the Birth of 'Black' Twins to a 'White' IVF Mother." Pp. 33–51 in Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Perspectives from Kinship and Genetics, edited by Peter Wade. Berghahn Books.Tyler, K. 2009. 'Whiteness Studies and Laypeople's Engagements with Race and Genetics.'New Genetics and Society, 28 (1): 35–48.Tyler, K. 2008. 'Ethnographic Approaches to Race, Genetics and Genealogy.'Sociology Compass, 2 (6): 1860–77.Wade, P. 2002. Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Perspective. Pluto Press.Wailoo, K. 2003 'Inventing the Heterozygote: Molecular Biology, Racial Identity and the Narrative of Sickle‐Cell Disease, Tay‐Sachs and Cystic Fibrosis.' in Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference, edited by D. Moore, J. Kosek and A. Pandian. Duke University Press.Wiegman, R. 2003. 'Intimate Publics: Race, Property, and Personhood.' in Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference, edited by D. Moore, J. Kosek and A. Pandian. Duke University Press.

One of the important issues in the formation of a park environment is the identification of the human needs, which must be realized within the boundaries of this environment and which change under the influence of both personal and socio-cultural factors. The importance of studying the socio-cultural aspect is due to politics of memory, which is the object of scientific interest of a number of scientists, however, the state policy on in relation to the Soviet heritage in modern Ukraine has not yet become the subject of thorough scientific research. The objectives – to identify the role of socio-cultural aspect in the formation of requirements for the environment of park objects of different functional purpose. The study involved 60 people, aged 22 to 74 years. Identification of the influence of socio-cultural factor, in particular Soviet ideals, on the formation of requirements for the park environment necessitated the division of respondents into two age categories: young people – 22-34 years old (born after or shortly before the end of the Soviet period in Ukraine); people of ripe years - 46-74 years old (childhood, youth and / or middle age of whom passed during the Soviet Ukraine). A free associative experiment was applied in the study. The socio-cultural aspect in identifying the requirements for a city recreation park is traced in the proportion of respondents who noted the expediency of placing components of monumental and sculptural design. This fact may be a consequence of the socio-cultural influence of the Soviet concept of park space formation, aimed at the memorialization of revolutionary events, and from the second half of the twentieth century. - World War II, and which assumed the placement of monuments in almost every landscape object, which contributed to the creation of an appropriate association between the park environment and its monumental decoration. The features of the historic park environment have significant differences between age groups. Young people paid special attention to the need for historic plantations, while people of ripe years did not single out plant groups. The expediency of placing elements of monumental and sculptural decoration within the historic park (as well as the city park) is more noted on the part of people of ripe years. The most significant difference in the proportion of respondents who paid attention to a certain feature of the historic park environment as being important is the reflection of historical events, which was noted by 56.7% of young people and only by 21.1% of people of ripe age. Most of the respondents' attention is focused on the monumental and sculptural design, where, as in previous cases, the proportion of older respondents is greater than that of young people – 36.8% and 26.7%, respectively. All the respondents noted the need to place these components in the memorial park. An interesting aspect is the emphasis of both groups on the importance of matching the coloration of the park environment to with the theme of the park, which was not the case within the historic park. Both age categories are relatively unanimous in their discussions about the need for "thematic", "restraint" and "memorial" (embodiment of memory) environment of the memorial park. However, the solemn nature of the park space is emphasized by 26.3% of people of ripe years and only by 10% of young people, which may also be evidence of the influence of the principles of organization of memorial parks that dominated in Soviet Ukraine. The main needs within the park environment of respondents of all age categories are signs of physical comfort, in the second place is the need for self-identification, in particular ethnic, regional and socio-cultural. The city's recreational park for young people is an object of communication at the level of everyday communication and representation of the cultural heritage of the society. For older respondents, the attractiveness and functionality of the park environment is a priority after comfort. A dominant conscious need within the historic and memorial parks for people of ripe years is to preserve cultural heritage, and for young people - to obtain information about historical events. ; Дослідження фокусуються довкола людини як суб'єкта сприйняття паркового середовища, яке змінюється із плином часу під дією соціокультурних чинників та спрямовані на виявлення вимог респондентів різних вікових категорій до паркового середовища різного функціонального призначення (історичного, меморіального, міського парку відпочинку). Для проведення дослідження було залучено 60 осіб, віком від 22 до 74 років. Виявлення впливу соціокультурного чинника, зокрема радянських ідеалів на формування вимог до паркового середовища зумовило необхідність розподілу респондентів на дві вікові категорії: молоді люди – 22-34 роки (народилися після або незадовго до закінчення радянського періоду історії України); зрілі люди – 46-74 роки (дитинство, юність та/або середні роки пройшли за часів Радянської України). Встановлено, що основною вимогою до міського парку відпочинку є комфорт рекреації незалежно від віку респондентів. Для молодих людей міський парк відпочинку є важливим об'єктом комунікації, як на рівні повсякденного спілкування, так і об'єктом культурного надбання соціуму, для зрілих – пріоритетним, після комфорту, є привабливість та функціональність території. Наявність національних прикмет у межах міського парку відпочинку важлива для однакової частки (близько 11%) респондентів обох вікових категорій. Для меморіального та історичного парку важливими є інформативні функції паркового середовища, однак шляхи забезпечення останньої відрізняються відповідно до вікової категорії. У зрілих людей це, насамперед, матеріальні компоненти культурної спадщини, у молодих – інформаційні якості паркового середовища. ; Дослідження фокусуються довкола людини як суб'єкта сприйняття паркового середовища, яке змінюється із плином часу під дією соціокультурних чинників та спрямовані на виявлення вимог респондентів різних вікових категорій до паркового середовища різного функціонального призначення (історичного, меморіального, міського парку відпочинку). Для проведення дослідження було залучено 60 осіб, віком від 22 до 74 років. Виявлення впливу соціокультурного чинника, зокрема радянських ідеалів на формування вимог до паркового середовища зумовило необхідність розподілу респондентів на дві вікові категорії: молоді люди – 22-34 роки (народилися після або незадовго до закінчення радянського періоду історії України); зрілі люди – 46-74 роки (дитинство, юність та/або середні роки пройшли за часів Радянської України). Встановлено, що основною вимогою до міського парку відпочинку є комфорт рекреації незалежно від віку респондентів. Для молодих людей міський парк відпочинку є важливим об'єктом комунікації, як на рівні повсякденного спілкування, так і об'єктом культурного надбання соціуму, для зрілих – пріоритетним, після комфорту, є привабливість та функціональність території. Наявність національних прикмет у межах міського парку відпочинку важлива для однакової частки (близько 11%) респондентів обох вікових категорій. Для меморіального та історичного парку важливими є інформативні функції паркового середовища, однак шляхи забезпечення останньої відрізняються відповідно до вікової категорії. У зрілих людей це, насамперед, матеріальні компоненти культурної спадщини, у молодих – інформаційні якості паркового середовища.

The article constructs a descriptive and analytical description of the connection between corruption, delegitimization and loss of state sovereignty over society as background factors for increasing external influence and the destruction of political and spatial cohesion. As a result of the study, a conclusion was formulated, according to which the complete or partial loss of legitimacy coincides with the spread of corruption, which entails the devaluation of value and regulatory systems of social behavior. It is emphasized that corrupt practices contribute to the destruction of morals, law, ideology, have a devastating effect on government structures, procedures for its institutionalization, prevent the nomination of elites and leaders to command positions in the state apparatus, negatively affect the power and centralizing capabilities of the state. legitimate physical violence. It is noted that the loss of legitimacy is preceded by the loss of dialogue between government and society, the habitualization of corruption and its transformation into an endemic component of social life.It was stated that corruption increases the level of public permeability for external actors who take advantage of the situation of blurring the boundaries of political space and encourage citizens to spontaneous protests, which should shake the procedural principles of law and order, to achieve open conflicts between government and self-organized communities. what are the conditions for dialogue. External actors can seek to actively discredit the ruling elites by simultaneously unscrewing instability and escalating waves of destructive criticism aimed at disavowing all kinds of legitimacy: ideological, ethnic, structural, personalistic (charismatic), and others.It is noted that the final destruction of the state is the loss of a monopoly on public violence within the procedures established by law. Actors of external influence can resort to various acts of violence in order to encourage the ruling elites to increase security with the use of special Praetorian groups (paramilitary formations).It is summarized that the emergence of paramilitary formations is an indicator of the fragility of the state and its inability to control its own power structures, as evidenced by the violation of paramilitary formations of the usual official hierarchies and privatization of legitimate violence by alternative centers of power. Finally, it is emphasized that the destructive accompaniment of the latter is the growth of shadow arms markets, criminalization of the behavior of ordinary citizens who cease to see the state as an authorized defender of sovereignty and security and cease to trust legitimate law enforcement agencies, and these processes precede their colonial expansion. frozen conflicts with accompanying negative consequences for the state. ; В статье построено описательно-аналитическую характеристику связи коррупции, делегитимизации и потери суверенитета государства по отношению к обществу как фоновых факторов усиления внешнего воздействия и разрушения политико-пространственной когезии. В результате проведенного исследования сформулирован вывод, согласно которому полная или частичная потеря легитимности содержательно совпадает с распространением коррупции, что влечет за собой обесценивание систем ценностной и нормативной регуляции социального поведения. Отмечено, что коррупционные практики способствуют уничтожению основ морали, права, идеологии, разрушительным образом влияют на структуры власти, процедуры ее институциализации, делают невозможным выдвижение элит и лидеров на командные позиции в государственном аппарате, негативно отражаются на властно-централизующих возможностях государства и относительно применения легитимного физического насилия. Отмечено, что потере легитимности предшествует потеря диалога между властью и обществом, габитуализация коррупции и ее превращения в эндемическую составляющую социального жизнеустройства.Констатировано, что коррупция повышает уровень проницаемости общества для внешних актеров влияния, которые пользуются ситуацией размывание границ политического пространства и побуждают граждан к стихийным протестам, которые должны расшатать процедурные основы поддержания законности, добиться развертывания открытых конфликтов между государственной властью и самоорганизованными сообществами граждан и разрушить любые условия для диалога. Внешние актеры могут добиваться активной дискредитации властных элит за счет параллельного развенчивания нестабильности и наращивания волн деструктивной критики, направленной на дезавуировании всех разновидностей легитимности: идеологической, этнической, структурной, персоналистической (харизматической) и др.Отмечено, что окончательным разрушением государства является потеря монополии на публичное насилие в пределах установленных законом процедур. Актеры внешнего воздействия могут прибегать к различным насильственным действиям с целью побудить властные элиты к усилению безопасности с использованием специальных преторианских группировок (парамилитарных формирований).Резюмировано, что появление парамилитарных формирований является индикатором хрупкости государства и его несостоятельности контролировать собственные силовые структуры, о чем свидетельствует нарушение парамилитарными формированиями привычных официальных иерархий и приватизация функций легитимного насилия альтернативными по отношению к государству центрами силы. В конце отмечено, что деструктивным сопровождением последних становятся рост теневых рынков оружия, криминализация поведения рядовых граждан, которые перестают видеть в государстве авторизованного защитника суверенитета и безопасности и перестают доверять легитимным силовым структурам, а указанные процессы предшествуют колониальной экспансии определенных территорий или их превращения в зоны замороженных конфликтов с сопутствующими негативными последствиями для государства. ; У статті побудовано описово-аналітичну характеристику зв'язку корупції, делегітимізації та втрати суверенітету держави щодо суспільства як фонових чинників посилення зовнішнього впливу та руйнації політико-просторової когезії. У результаті проведеного дослідження сформульовано висновок, згідно якого повна або часткова втрата легітимності змістовно співпадає із поширенням корупції, що тягне за собою знецінення систем ціннісної та нормативної регуляції соціальної поведінки. Наголошено на тому, що корупційні практики сприяють знищенню засад моралі, права, ідеології, руйнівним чином впливають на структури влади, процедури її інституціалізації, унеможливлюють висунення еліт та лідерів на командні позиції в державному апараті, негативно відбиваються на владно-централізуючих можливостях держави та застосування нею легітимного фізичного насильства. Відзначено, що втраті легітимності передує втрата діалогу між владою та суспільством, габітуалізація корупції та її перетворення на ендемічну складову соціального життєустрою. Констатовано, що корупція підвищує рівень проникності суспільства для зовнішніх акторів впливу, які користуються ситуацією розмивання кордонів політичного простору та спонукають громадян до стихійних протестів, що мають розхитати процедурні засади підтримання законності, домогтися розгортання відкритих конфліктів між державною владою та самоорганізованими спільнотами громадян та зруйнувати будь-які умови для діалогу. Зовнішні актори можуть домагатися активної дискредитації владних еліт за рахунок паралельного розгвинчування нестабільності та нарощування хвиль деструктивної критики, спрямованої на дезавуювання всіх різновидів легітимності: ідеологічної, етнічної, структурної, персоналістичної (харизматичної) та ін. Зазначено, що остаточним руйнуванням держави є втрата монополії на публічне насильство в межах встановлених законом процедур. Актори зовнішнього впливу можуть вдаватися до різноманітних насильницьких дій з метою спонукати владні еліти до посилення безпеки з використанням спеціальних преторіанських угруповань (парамілітарних формувань). Резюмовано, що поява парамілітарних формувань є індикатором крихкості держави та її неспроможності контролювати власні силові структури, про що свідчить порушення парамілітарними формуваннями звичних офіційних ієрархій та приватизація функцій легітимного насильства альтернативними щодо держави центрами сили. Наприкінці наголошено на тому, що деструктивним супроводом останніх стають зростання тіньових ринків зброї, криміналізація поведінки пересічних громадян, які перестають бачити в державі авторизованого захисника суверенітету та безпеки та перестають довіряти легітимним силовим структурам, а означені процеси передують колоніальним експансіям певних територій або їх перетворення на зони заморожених конфліктів із супутніми негативними наслідками для держави.

Problem setting. In most states, the territorial issues were accompanied by the establishment of a sovereign power, the inviolability of borders, the preservation of the independence of the state, the search for a new model of national identity. As a result, territorial integrity has gained the appropriate level of institutionalization and legitimization at the international and national levels, thus becoming one of the most pressing problems for modern humanities.The basis for understanding the territorial integrity of the state is the study of Hajd, Ch. (2005). The territorial integrity of the state scientist understood as its unity and indivisibility, while inviolability – as the preservation of the integrity of the territory, protection from encroachments by other states or other political forces. In this respect, the territorial integrity and inviolability of the territory are considered by the author as a whole and partial, on the basis of which the inviolability acts as a structural component and a necessary condition for the territorial integrity of the state.The purpose of the paper is to conduct a conceptual analysis of the concept of state territory and territorial integrity in the context of modern political science. The objectives of the paper are to find out the essence of the state territory, to specify the main theories of its research, to systematize the main research approaches to the identification of the content of territorial integrity and the tools for its protection within the framework of domestic and Western political science.The paper main body. The concept of Cassese, A. (2007) is of significant methodological value within the research. The territorial integrity of the state he understood as "an element of state unity characterizing the immutability of state borders, territorial integrity and inviolability of the territory of the state historically formed and people living in a certain territory". On this basis, territorial integrity is the basis of strengthening the constitutional system, which in no case may contradict the principle of the right of people to self-determination. Within this research logic, an important role in implementing the mechanism of ensuring the territorial integrity of the state is given to judicial instruments for resolving territorial disputes within a single constitutional space.The scientific approach by Fukujama, F. (2004) is analyzed. The scientist makes a methodological attempt to carry out a detailed analysis of the notions of "state unity" and "territorial integrity".Within the bounds of political analysis, the concept of Eide, A. (2015) is of great conceptual value. He defines the notions of "territorial integrity", "state integrity" and "territorial inviolability". The concept of Jacobson, J. (2014) in this context is also of great importance. The author reveals the essence of territorial integrity in the context of the implementation of the principle of inviolability of borders, which is an important condition for the solution of issues of protection of state borders, which are essential for the provision of international security throughout the world.Conclusions of the research. Thus, our analysis made it possible to find out the essence of the notions of "state border", "territorial integrity", "territorial integrity" by systematizing the main research approaches that were formed in the context of world and national scientific thought. On this basis, the structural and functional content of the state territory is clarified, including the determination of its composition, history of formation, morphology, location and characteristics of the boundaries. The economic and political peculiarities of the development of the state territory are presented. The relationship between the structure of the state territory and the territorial structure of the economy, the content of territorial disputes and claims between the states, as well as the nature of the corresponding territorial-ethnic conflicts, which leads to a violation of its integrity, are disclosed.The notions of territorial integrity, which refers to unity and indivisibility, and territorial inviolability, which characterizes the preservation of the integrity of the territory, protection from encroachments by other states or other political forces, are delimited.Territorial integrity and territorial inviolability are considered as integral and partial, on the basis of which the inviolability acts as a structural component and a necessary condition for the territorial integrity of the state. It is this aspect that is least developed within the framework of modern political science, which thus forms the methodological prospects for further study of this problem. ; Раскрыта сущность государственной территории, конкретизированы основные теории ее исследования, в частности концепции А. Кейсеса, Ф. Фукуямы, А. Эйде, Ж. Якобсона, А. Эртеля. Систематизированы основные исследовательские подходы к идентификации содержания территориальной целостности и инструментов ее защиты; которые были сформированы в пределах мировой научной мысли. Уточняется структурное и функциональное содержание территории государства, определяется ее структурный состав, освещаются исторические аспекты ее образования, морфология, место нахождения и характеристика границ. Освещены экономические и политические особенности развития государственной территории. Установлена взаимосвязь между структурой государственной территории и территориальной структурой экономики, содержанием территориальных споров и претензий между государствами, а также характером соответствующих территориально-этнических конфликтов, что приводит к их целостности. Установлена сущность понятий «государственная граница», «территориальная целостность», раскрыто их структурно-функциональное содержание, состав. История формирования, морфология, место размещения и характеристика границ; представлены экономические и политические особенности их развития.Разграничены понятия территориальной целостности, под которой понимается единство и неделимость, и территориальной неприкосновенности, что характеризует сохранение целостности территории, защиту от посягательств со стороны других государств или политических сил. Территориальная целостность и неприкосновенность территории рассматриваются как целое и частное, на основании чего неприкосновенность выступает структурной составляющей и необходимым условием территориальной целостности государства.Проанализирована взаимосвязь между структурой государственной территории и территориальной структурой хозяйствования, определено содержание территориальных споров и претензий между государствами, а также проведена характеристика природы соответствующих территориально-этнических конфликтов, которые приводят к нарушению ее целостности. ; З'ясовується сутність державної території, конкретизовано основні теорії її дослідження, зокрема, концепції А. Кейсеса, Ф. Фукуями, А. Ейде, Ж. Якобсона, А. Ертеля. Систематизовано основні дослідницькі підходи до ідентифікації змісту територіальної цілісності та інструментів її захисту, які були сформовані в межах світової наукової думки. Уточнюється структурний і функціональний зміст території держави, визначається її структурний склад, висвітлюються історичні аспекти її утворення, морфологія, місце знаходження і характеристики кордонів. Висвітлено економічні і політичні особливості розвитку державної території. Встановлено взаємозв'язок між структурою державної території і територіальною структурою економіки, змістом територіальних суперечок і претензій між державами, а також характером відповідних територіально-етнічних конфліктів, що призводить до порушення її цілісності. З'ясовано сутність понять «державний кордон», «територіальна цілісність», розкрито їх структурно-функціональний зміст, склад, історію формування, морфологію, місце розташування та характеристики кордонів; наведено економічні й політичні особливості її розвитку.Розмежовано поняття територіальної цілісності, під якою розуміється єдність та неподільність, та територіальної недоторканості, що характеризує збереження цілісності території, захист від посягань з боку інших держав або інших політичних сил. Територіальна цілісність та недоторканість території розглядаються як ціле та часткове, на підставі чого недоторканість виступає структурною складовою та необхідною умовою територіальної цілісності держави. Проаналізовано взаємозв'язок між структурою державної території та територіальною структурою господарювання, визначено зміст територіальних суперечок і претензій між державами, а також охарактеризовано природу відповідних територіально-етнічних конфліктів, які призводять до порушення її цілісності.

Community-Driven Development (or CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. The proponents of CDD believe that giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources will lead to more efficient and effective use of financial resources. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider 'spillover' impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy. This paper briefly reviews the World Bank's experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. This paper provides a framework for assessing the impacts of CDD projects in post-conflict and conflict-affected areas. It tries to unpack the potential causal channels through which projects may have their desired, or other, impacts. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don't, and potential future directions for research and programming.