Suchergebnisse

Esta sección contiene los siguientes documentos: Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) Informe Anual 2013. Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation- Key Trends and Developments relating to Trade and Investment. Measures and their Impact on the APEC Region. Grupo de los 20 (G20) Communiqué Meeting of Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors Washington, 18-19 April 2013. Communiqué Meeting of Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors Moscow, 15-16 February 2013. Anti-Corruption Action Plan. Banco Mundial Informe Anual 2012. Doing Business 2013. Economic Mobility and the Rise of the Latin American Middle Class. Global Economic Prospects. BRICS Joint statement of the BRICS Business Forum 2013 Durban, 26 March 2013. The Third Meetinf of the BRICS Trade Ministers Durban, 26 March 2013 Joint Communique. BRICS and Africa: Partnership for Development, Integration and Industrialisation Durban: 27 March 2013. Foreign Ministers' Meeting (Russia) on May 16, 2008. The BRICS Leaders- Africa Dialogue Forum Durban on 27 March 2013 (retreat). Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA) Convención Interamericana Contra el Racismo, la Discriminación Racial y Formas Conexas de Intolerancia (2013). Escenarios para el problema de drogas en las Américas 2013 – 2025. Informe Anual del Secretario General 2012. El problema de las drogas en las Américas 2013. Tendencias en la seguridad cibernética en América Latina y el Caribe y respuestas de los gobiernos. Informe anual del Comité Jurídico Interamericano (CJI) al cuadragésimo tercer período ordinario de sesiones de la Asamblea General. Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) Informe sobre la estabilidad financiera mundial – abril 2013. Resumen ejecutivo. Nota de prensa del capítulo 3 de perspectivas de la economía mundial, abril de 2013. Perspectivas económicas. Las Américas: Tiempo de reforzar las defensas macroeconómicas. República de Guinea Ecuatorial. Consulta del artículo IV correspondiente a 2012. Repunte gradual del crecimiento mundial en 2013. Unión Europea-Consejo Europeo Consejo Europeo, 7 y 8 de febrero de 2013. Conclusiones (Marco Financiero Plurianual). Consejo Europeo, 7 y 8 de febrero de 2013. Conclusiones. Consejo Europeo, 14 y 15 de marzo de 2013-Conclusiones. Consejo Europeo, 22 de mayo de 2013-Conclusiones. El Consejo Europeo en 2012 Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU)- Convención Marco sobre el Cambio Climático Aplicación de todos los elementos de la decisión 1/CP.17. Disposiciones para las reuniones intergubernamentales. Informe de la 23ª reunión del Grupo de Expertos para los países menos adelantados. Informe de síntesis sobre la aplicación del marco para el fomento de la capacidad en los países en desarrollo. Informe de síntesis sobre la aplicación del marco para el fomento de la capacidad en los países en desarrollo-Adición. Informe de síntesis sobre la labor de fomento de la capacidad realizada por órganos establecidos en el marco de la Convención y su Protocolo de Kyoto. Nairobi work programme on impacts, vulnerability and adaptation to climate change. Proyecto de presupuesto por programas para el bienio 2014-2015. Proyecto de presupuesto por programas para el beinio 2014-2015-Corrección. Grupo de los 8 (G8) Chancellor's closing remarks at the G7 meeting. G8 Factsheet: Social Investment and Social Enterprise. June 3, 2013. G8 Foreign Ministers Meeting Chair's Progress. Report March 14, 2013. G8 Foreign Ministers Meeting Chair's Progress. Report March 14, 2013. G8 Political Directors' Statement on Mali. London, January 15, 2013. Plans for the 2013 G8 Lough Erne Summit. June 17-18, 2013. PM Letter to the EU on Tax Evasion and Aggressive Avoidance. April 25, 2013. The UK's G8 Agenda: Increasing Trade, Fairer Taxes and Greater Transparency David Cameron, prime minister, United Kingdom, May 13, 2013. Prime Minister's Letter to G8 Leaders David Cameron, prime minister, United Kingdom January 2, 2013. David Cameron's Speech to the World Economic Forum in Davos . David Cameron, prime minister, United Kingdom January 24, 2013. The UK's G8 Priorities . Right Honourable David Cameron, prime minister January 1, 2013. Argentina Memorándum de Entendimiento entre el Gobierno de la República Argentina y el Gobierno de la República Islámica de Irán sobre los temas vinculados al ataque terrorista a la sede de la AMIA en Buenos Aires el 18 de Julio de 1994. Proyecto de declaración sobre la cuestión de las Islas Malvinas. Declaración conjunta del Sr. Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto de la República Argentina y del Sr. Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de la Federación de Rusia. Intervención del ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto de la República Argentina, Héctor Timerman, ante la XLIII Asamblea General Ordinaria de la OEA "Cuestión de las Islas Malvinas". Jueves 06 de Junio de 2013. Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR) Comunicado conjunto de los Estados Partes del Mercosur y Estados Asociados. Comunicado Conjunto de los Presidentes de los Estados Partes del Mercosur. Decisión de los Estados Partes del Mercosur de respaldo al Presidente Evo Morales. Decisión sobre el cese de la suspensión del Paraguay en el Mercosur en aplicación del Protocolo de Ushuaia sobre compromiso democrático. Decisión sobre el Reconocimiento Universal del Derecho de Asilo Político. Declaración de San Salvador. La unidad Latinoamericana y el desarrollo de los pueblos. Decisión sobre el rechazo al espionaje por parte de los Estados Unidos sobre los países de la región. Procedimentos para atualização de listas positivas harmonizadas. Anexo X. XCI Reunión Ordinaria del Grupo Mercado Común, junio 2013. Guía metodológica para estudios de evaluación económica de tecnologías sanitarias. Requisitos mínimos para elaborar planes de contingencia para Emergencias de Salud Pública de Importancia Internacional (ESPII) en puntos de entrada designados por los Estados Partes según el RSI (2005) Régimen de carrera de los funcionarios Mercosur (modificación del anexo de la Decisión CMC Nº 04/12). XCI Reunión Ordinaria del Grupo Mercado Común, junio 2013 - Lista de participantes. Anexo I. XCI Reunión Ordinaria del Grupo Mercado Común, junio 2013 - Agenda. Anexo II. Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) Tratado sobre el comercio de armas 2013. A new global partnership: eradicate poverty and transform economies through sustainable development. The report of the high-level panel of eminent persons on the post-2015 development agenda. Resolución 2086 (2013) Resolución 2087 (2013) Resolución 2088 (2013) Resolución 2089 (2013) Resolución 2090 (2013) Resolución 2091 (2013) Resolución 2092 (2013) Resolución 2093 (2013) Resolución 2094 (2013) Resolución 2095 (2013) Resolución 2096 (2013) Resolución 2097 (2013) Resolución 2098 (2013) Resolución 2099 (2013) Resolución 2100 (2013) Resolución 2101 (2013) Resolución 2102 (2013) Resolución 2103 (2013) Resolución 2104 (2013) Resolución 2105 (2013) ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

This thesis analyzes the complex relations between climate change, vulnerability, adaptation and violent conflict in northern Africa and Kenya. To grasp this complexity, the thesis combines seven studies, applying a multitude of research methods at different geographic scales and across disciplinary and cultural boundaries. The first study reviews the existing literature on climate change and conflict to identify core research challenges and questions. This research field is still in its early stage. Some studies have found a correlation between climatic conditions and conflict while others have not. The major research challenge is to collect and utilize spatiotemporal data which is able to capture local, non state conflict dynamics, and to integrate this data into the overall complexity of the research matter. To address this challenge, the thesis uses agent-centered approaches to combine the analysis of local conflict and climate data with qualitative field research. The theories, concepts and models needed to understand climate-security interactions are introduced in the second study. Here, a conceptual framework is developed for an agent-based model which is then used to discuss potential conflict constellations between the states of the Nile river basin. The third study analyzes climatic changes, vulnerability, adaptation and conflict in North Africa with a focus on Morocco. The results show that North Africa is highly vulnerable to climate change but the reasons for the vulnerability differ from state to state. Water scarcity, dependence on rain fed agriculture, population growth and corruption are challenges for adaptation to an increasingly drier climate. In Morocco, the applied climate simulation and the bio-economic model show that a shift in agricultural production from maximization to stabilization of output is recommendable. The analysis of socioeconomic, climate and conflict data shows further that Algeria, Egypt and Morocco are the countries most prone to climate change related social instabilities. The next study focuses specifically on social instabilities in northern Africa. The discussion of conflicts between farmers and herders in Mali shows that climate change contributes to these conflicts, although to a limited extent. Based on this finding and the models introduced earlier, the study develops a conceptual framework which can be used to explore other farmer-herder conflicts. The last three studies focus on climate change and violent inter pastoral conflicts in Kenya. Over a period of five months the author has lived in arid northwestern Kenya with the two pastoral groups, Turkana and Pokot, to analyze their violent conflicts over water, land and livestock. A variety of qualitative research methods including interviews with community members (e.g. pastoralists, elders, women, youth) and experts, focus group discussions and participating observations was applied. The conflicts are closely related to violent livestock thefts, termed "raiding". The identified motives for the raiding range from drought and poverty to payment of dowry and the expansion of territory. Other factors contributing to conflict include political and socioeconomical marginalization, commercialization of raiding and the availability of automatic small arms. Based on the analysis of climate data and a unique record of raiding incidences, a hypothesis is developed which could explain the relation between raiding during drought and during rainy periods. Climate projections suggest a warmer, overall wetter but less predictable and reliable climate for Kenya. This is likely to increase difficulties for pastoralists to utilize pasture and water resources. Additionally, the pastoral livelihoods are under pressure from the effects of the armed conflicts. The effects are discussed in detail together with the question of what can be done to mitigate violence and to promote conflict sensitive adaptation to climate change. Several overarching conclusions can be drawn from this thesis. The complex relations between climate change and conflict can only be understood if questions of vulnerability and adaptation are answered first. The complexity of the research matter calls for an interdisciplinary multimethod approach. The international community needs to increase its efforts to limit greenhouse gas emissions to minimize the potential of climate change to act as a multiplier of security risks. Further, the international community should increase its support for conflict sensitive climate change adaptation in developing countries. In countries where pastoralism is practiced it is important for the national governments to acknowledge pastoralism as a productive livelihood which is well-adopted to the harsh climatic conditions of arid and semi arid lands. This implies to respect traditional institutions, to integrate them into national policies, and to ensure safe and free pastoral mobility. ; Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht die komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimawandel, Verwundbarkeit (Vulnerabilität), Anpassung (Adaption) und gewalttätigen Konflikten im nördlichen Afrika und Kenia. Um der Gesamtkomplexität gerecht zu werden, verbindet die Untersuchung sieben Studien, in denen eine Vielzahl von Methoden auf verschiedenen geographischen Ebenen und über disziplinäre und kulturelle Grenzen hinweg zum Einsatz kommt. Die erste Studie gibt einen Überblick über die Klimawandel- und Konfliktliteratur um daraufhin zentrale Herausforderungen und Forschungsfragen zu identifizieren. Die Forschung befindet sich noch in einem frühen Stadium. Einige Studien haben einen Zusammenhang zwischen klimatischen Bedingungen und Konflikten gefunden während andere Studien dies nicht konnten. Die wesentliche Herausforderung der Forschung besteht darin, Datenquellen zu erschließen, die in der Lage sind lokale, nichtstaatliche Konfliktdynamiken raumzeitlich zu erfassen und diese in die Gesamtkomplexität der Thematik einzubetten. Dies wird in der vorliegenden Doktorarbeit versucht indem die Analyse von substaatlichen Konflikt- und Klimadaten unter Verwendung von akteurszentrierten Ansätzen mit qualitativer Feldforschung verbunden wird. Hierzu werden in der zweiten Studie zunächst die Theorien, Konzepte und Modelle eingeführt, die nötig sind um Beziehungen zwischen Klima und Sicherheit zu verstehen. Ein konzeptioneller Rahmen wird entwickelt als Grundlage für ein agentenbasiertes Modell, mit dessen Hilfe dann potentielle Konfliktkonstellation zwischen Anrainerstaaten des Nilbeckens diskutiert werden. Die dritte Studie untersucht klimatische Veränderungen, Vulnerabilität, Adaption und Konflikte in Nordafrika mit Fokus auf Marokko. Es zeigt sich, dass Nordafrika dem Klimawandel gegenüber sehr verwundbar ist. Wasserknappheit, Abhängigkeit von niederschlagsbasierter Landwirtschaft, Bevölkerungswachstum und Korruption stellen generelle Herausforderungen für die Anpassung an ein trockener werdendes Klima dar. In Marokko zeigen Klimasimulationen und ein bio-ökonomisches Modell, dass es empfehlenswert ist, die Primärproduktion der Landwirtschaft von Ertragsmaximierung hin zu Ertragsstabilisierung neu auszurichten. Die darauffolgende Studie zeigt, dass der Klimawandel in Konflikten zwischen Bauern und nomadischen Viehhaltern (Pastoralisten) in Mali eine begrenzt konfliktverstärkende Rolle spielt. Aufbauend auf dieser Feststellung und den zuvor eingeführten Modellen entwickelt die Studie einen Konzeptrahmen. Die letzten drei Studien beschäftigen sich mit Klimawandel und Konflikten zwischen Pastoralisten in Kenia. Über einen Zeitraum von fünf Monaten hat der Autor im ariden Nordwesten Kenias mit zwei Gruppen von Pastoralisten, den Turkana und den Pokot gelebt, um die gewalttätigen Konflikte der Gruppen um Wasser, Land und Vieh zu untersuchen. Die Konflikte stehen in engem Zusammenhang mit gewalttätigen Viehdiebstählen, dem so genannten "raiding". Die Motive des raidings reichen von Dürre und Armut über Zahlung von Brautsteuer bis hin zu territorialer Erweiterung. Weitere Konfliktfaktoren sind politische und sozioökonomische Marginalisierung, Kommerzialisierung des raidings und die weite Verfügbarkeit von automatischen Handfeuerwaffen. Gestützt auf Klima- und Konfliktdaten wird eine Hypothese entwickelt, die den Zusammenhang zwischen raiding während Trockenphasen und während Regenzeiten erklären könnte. Klimaprojektionen deuten auf ein wärmeres, insgesamt regenreicheres aber weniger zuverlässiges und vorhersehbares Klima in Kenia hin. Dies wird es Pastoralisten wahrscheinlich erschweren Wasser- und Weideressourcen zu nutzen. Zudem gerät die Lebensgrundlage der Pastoralisten durch die Auswirkungen der bewaffneten Konflikte unter Druck. Die Konfliktauswirkungen werden genauer diskutiert, zusammen mit der Frage was getan werden kann, um die Gewalt zu verringern und eine konfliktsensitive Klimaanpassung zu fördern. Einige Punkte von genereller Bedeutung gehen aus der Doktorarbeit hervor. Die komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimawandel und Konflikt können nur verstanden werden, wenn zuvor Fragen der Vulnerabilität und Adaption beantwortet werden. Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss ihre Bemühungen verstärken, den Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen zu begrenzen, um das Potential des Klimawandels zu reduzieren als Multiplikator von Sicherheitsrisiken zu wirken. Weiter sollte die internationale Gemeinschaft konfliktsensitive Klimaanpassung in Entwicklungsländern unterstützen. In Ländern, in denen Wanderviehwirtschaft betrieben wird, ist es für die nationalen Regierungen wichtig, Pastoralismus als produktive Lebensgrundlage anzuerkennen. Dies bedeutet vor allem traditionelle und lokale Institutionen zu respektieren, sie in nationale Politiken zu integrieren und den Pastoralisten und ihren Viehherden sichere Bewegungsfreiheit zu ermöglichen.

Since the 60s, Latin America has been hearing the suggestions of International Economic Organizations (IEOs) on how to reach development. In the 70s, the United Nations suggested the politics of development, where the countries could define independently their own national and international politics to reach development and be equally rich. This did not work due to the increasing interdependence; therefore, in the second half of the 80s, the Washington Consensus replaced this policy. The Washington Consensus claims that globalization promotes multilateralism and does not allow countries to take unilateral decisions because they affect others and are being affected by other countries' decisions as well. Although this made a lot of sense, it would mean that the free market prevailed over the actions of the government, eliminating all barriers to trade and to foreign investments. According to the United Nations Commission for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), "International production has become the central structural characteristic of the world economy". A greater freedom to trade, plus the opening of capital flows, could lead the underdeveloped nations to economic growth showing as a sample the rich countries. Therefore, many Latin American countries joined the neoliberalism that was proposed by the Washington Consensus in 1989, reduced trade barriers, opened up their markets to foreign capitals and followed many of the indications of the IEOs in order to find development through internationalization. National economies are linked together by a network of trade, investment and credit and this link is supposed to bring development. The IEOs said that the national market size does not matter anymore if a country focuses on larger international markets. Internalizing the Washington Consensus norms was difficult for Small Size Economies (SSE) because the rules of this Consensus took all the countries as a group of a unique size and established on common and non discriminatory rules to approach multilateralization. However, the SSE had no part of the cake and no power to influence the regulations of free trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization. The same, they do not have the capacity or power to change the norm structure inside the IEOs (where policies and international laws are suggested) that could take them into account with particular privileges according to their specific needs. This marginalization in the international arena is believed to have accentuated economic and social problems that now keep them in constant social turmoil and put in risk their government's stability. Several researches and governments do not perceive this problem and cannot foresee adequate reactions in international negotiations. Worst, SSE do not know themselves what are their weakness and how to asses them. With this thesis, we want to explore the power of SSE on international insertion. For this, the thesis is divided in two parts. The problem that we want to analyze in the first part is why after several years of multilateralism proposed by the IEOs, internationalization and development did not improve for some of the South American countries increasing poverty. It seem that the reason lies in the fact that the international arena was only ruled by the largest economies leaving aside to the majority of the developing countries and their needs. This is why we wanted to explore (main goal) under what circumstances multilateralism and the Washington Consensus was applied, which were the options to improve the situation within multilateralism and what was the impact of multilateralism as proposed by the IEOs in terms of internationalization and development. ; Depuis les années 60, l'Amérique Latine avait accueilli les suggestions des organismes économiques internationaux (OEIs) sur la façon de réussir le développement. Dans les années 70, les Nations Unies ont suggéré la politique où les pays pourraient définir indépendamment leur propre politique nationale et internationale pour atteindre leur développement. Cela n'a pas fonctionné en raison de l'interdépendance croissante (de quoi ?); donc, dans la deuxième moitié des années 80, le Consensus de Washington a remplacé cette politique. Le Consensus de Washington disait que, la globalisation favorise le multilatéralisme dans la mesure où un pays ne peut pas prendre unilatéralement des décisions qui affecteront d'autres pays. Et même que cela paraît-t il vraisemblable, il signifierait que le libre-échange doit régner en maître et au-dessus des actions des Etats, éliminant tout entrave aux échanges et aux investissements à l'étranger. Selon la Commission des Nations Unies pour le Commerce et le Développement (CNUCED), « la production internationale est devenue la caractéristique structurale centrale de l'économie mondiale ». Une plus grande liberté de commerce et une large ouverture aux mouvements de capitaux, pourrai mener les nations sous-développés à la croissance économique comparable à celle des pays riches. En conséquence, beaucoup de pays latino-américains qui avaient rejoint entretemps le néolibéralisme proposé par le Consensus de Washington en 1989, ont ainsi mise en place des mesures visant à réduire les entraves au commerce : ils ont ouvert leurs marchés aux capitaux étrangers et suivi plusieurs des indications des OEIs ; le but étant le développement par l'internationalisation. Des économies nationales rejoignent ainsi un réseau du commerce international, d'investissement et de crédit où le commerce devait apporter le développement. Les OEIs ont indiqué que la taille du marché national n'importe plus si un pays se focalise sur de plus grands marchés internationaux. L'internalisation des normes de Consensus de Washington était difficile pour les SSE parce que les règles de ce consensus les ont pris en tant que groupe « d'une taille unique, ouvert, juste, établie sur le terrain d'une régulation non discriminatoires » approchez pour la multilatéralisation du commerce et du développement. Cependant, les SSE n'ont pas tiré profit de ces mesures car ils ne faisaient pas le poids des puissances au point d'influencer les règlements du libre échange et de la libéralisation de l'investissement directe étrangère (ou IDE). Ils n´ont pas la capacité ni le pouvoir de changer la structure des normes à l'intérieur des OEIs, où les politiques et les lois internationales sont suggérées sans prendre en considération des privilèges particuliers ni les besoins propre à chacun. Cette marginalisation dans la scène internationale accentue les problèmes économiques et sociaux qui sont à l'origine de l'agitation sociale constante et mettent en péril la stabilité de leur gouvernement. Plusieurs chercheurs et gouvernements ne perçoivent pas ces vrais problèmes et ne peuvent pas ainsi prévoir des mesures proportionnées pendant les négociations internationales. Le pire est que, les EPT ne connaissent pas eux même leur faiblesses et comment les évaluez. Avec cette thèse, nous voulons explorer la capacité d'insertion des EPT sur la scène internationale. De ce fait, la thèse est divisée en deux parties : dans la première partie, nous analyserons pourquoi après plusieurs années de multilatéralisme proposé par les OEIs, aucune amélioration en termes de l'internationalisation et du développement de certains pays sud-américains n'a été constaté ; mais au contraire, il y a eu un accroissement de la pauvreté. Nous pensons que c'est le fait que la scène internationale a été ordonnée seulement par les plus grandes économies laissant de côte la majorité des pays en voie de développement et leurs besoins.

Trabajo de Fin de Máster del Máster en Estudios Latinoamericanos, curso 2010-2011. ; [ES] En los últimos cinco años muchos de los países de América Latina y el Caribe han mejorado sus índices económicos y de desarrollo. Sin embargo, los cambios no se vienen dando al ritmo que se necesita para alcanzar, antes del 2015, las metas de desarrollo definidas en los Objetivos del Milenio, pues en la mayoría de los países de la región existe todavía un gran número de ciudadanos que viven en una deplorable situación de pobreza y desigualdad, lo cual dificulta mucho más el logro de estos objetivos comunes. Así las cosas, urge que en Latinoamérica se establezcan y se implementen políticas públicas más justas, así como estrategias que generen procesos de participación ciudadana mucho más sólidos y democráticos, verdaderamente al alcance de todos. Es evidente que la región tiene que dar un gran salto en el acceso a la igualdad de oportunidades, en la calidad de la oferta educativa, en el sistema de salud y en la puesta en marcha de planes y programas que propicien las condiciones necesarias para el desarrollo y el cambio social. El presente trabajo es un estudio relacionado con la implementación de estrategias de comunicación específicas que hacen posible la transformación ciudadana y el desarrollo sostenible dentro de sociedades emergentes. Para ello, se tendrá como punto de referencia el estudio de dos casos específicos liderados en Colombia que a través de sus procesos propenden por el bienestar de la comunidad, el cuidado del entorno y la generación de una cultura ciudadana para una mejor convivencia. Es así como el Colectivo Línea 21 de los Montes de María (Costa Caribe colombiana) y la Escuela de Comunicación Minga del Sol (sur colombiano) serán las dos experiencias que se analizarán en este trabajo. El objetivo principal de esta investigación es estudiar la comunicación desde la cultura. Observar cómo las comunidades que desarrollan procesos comunicativos democráticos y participativos, pueden llegar a tener una mejor calidad de vida y establecer un vínculo más próximo con su entorno y sus vecinos. El estudio mostrará cómo una buena estrategia de comunicación dentro de una comunidad, construye paz y genera un mayor sentido de pertenencia, así como un desarrollo más justo y visible para todos. Con la investigación también se pretende demostrar que los individuos no son simples ciudadanos, sino personas con historia, identidad, arraigo, vidas y experiencias concretas que los hacen únicos y los sitúa en un espacio concreto y una realidad en la que no solo existen necesidades y expectativas, sino también imaginarios con los que pueden interactuar y construir algo nuevo para sus vidas en el presente y así tener un mejor futuro. También se analiza por qué pese a los avances alcanzados durante las últimas tres décadas, América Latina aún no logra resultados contundentes en el proceso de desarrollo y progreso social, como bien lo afirma el investigador social Alfonso Gumucio Dagrón en su ponencia "Tres retos de la comunicación para el cambio social" (Lima, agosto de 2006):"Somos como deportistas que entrenan sin descanso pero que no logran superar significativamente sus marcas. Ni siquiera logramos jugar en la cancha de los equipos de la liga de campeones". ; [EN] In the last five great years of the countries of Latin America and the Carib have improved his economic indexes and of development. Nevertheless, they do not come the changes giving to the pace that it is necessary to reach, before 2015, the goals of development defined in the Aims of the Millenium, since in the majority of the countries of the region there exists still a great number of citizens who live in a deplorable situation of poverty and inequality, which impedes much more the achievement of these common aims. This way the things, it urges that in Latin America are established and there are implemented more just public policies, as well as strategies that generate much more solid and democratic processes of civil participation, really within reach of all. It is evident that the region has to give a great jump in the access to the equality of opportunities, in the quality of the educational offer, in the system of health and in the putting in march of plans and programs that propitiate the conditions necessary for the development and the social change. The present work is a study related to the implementation of specific strategies of communication that make possible the civil transformation and the sustainable development inside emergent companies. For it, there will be had as point of reference the study of two specific cases led in Colombia that across his processes they tend for the well-being of the community, the care of the environment and the generation of a civil culture for a better conviviality. It is as well as the group of communication 'Línea 21' of Maria's Mounts' (Caribbean Colombian Coast) and the School of Communication 'Minga del Sol' (Colombian south) they will be both experiences that will be analyzed in this work. The principal aim of this investigation is to study the communication from the culture. To observe how the communities that develop communicative democratic and participative processes, can manage to have a better quality of life and establish a more near link with his environment and his neighbors. The study will show how a good strategy of communication inside a community, he constructs peace and generates a major sense of belonging, as well as a more just and visible development for all. With the investigation also one tries to demonstrate that the individuals are not simple civil, but you present with history, identity, rooting, lives and concrete experiences that do only ones and them it places in a concrete space and a reality in which not only needs and expectations exist, but also imaginary with that they can interact and construct something new for his lives in the present and like that to have a better future. Also it is analyzed why in spite of the advances reached during the last three decades, Latin America still does not achieve forceful results in the process of development and social progress, as well it affirms the investigator social Alfonso Gumucio Dagrón in his presentation "Three challenges of the communication for the social change " (Lima, august, 2006): " We Are like sportsmen who train without rest but who do not manage to overcome significantly his brands. We do not even manage to play in the field of the equipments of the league of champions".

Tesis para obtener el grado de Magíster Scientiae en Procesos Locales de Innovación y Desarrollo Rural (PLIDER), de la Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata, en noviembre de 2011 ; En el Departamento San Martin, la privatización de las empresas petroleras en el marco de las políticas de ajuste estructural propiciado durante el gobierno del Dr Menem, dejaron en evidencia la pobreza estructural existente acentuándose fundamentalmente en las áreas rurales. Ante este panorama los habitantes de estas áreas rurales se constituían en blanco importante para las instituciones que trabajan en desarrollo rural por lo que han sido beneficiados por la acción de los programas de intervención, tanto desde organismos del estado como la acción de ONGs y empresas privadas, a través de financiamiento para capacitación, asistencia técnica e inversión predial. Estas acciones en muchos casos se realizan sin la planificación necesaria para articularlas en función de una estrategia de desarrollo compartido. Objetivos del trabajo: Identificar las organizaciones gubernamentales, no gubernamentales y del ámbito privado relacionadas con la gestión del desarrollo rural en el territorio y como intervienen explicitando sus objetivos, población objetivo y actividades. Analizar discursos y prácticas de las instituciones con respecto a las estrategias fijadas para la intervención identificando la existencia de interfaces sociales institución/institución e institución/usuarios. Describir las prácticas productivas de los campesinos, y su relación con las propuestas de intervención. Metodología utilizada: El área seleccionada para el estudio en esta tesis son dos poblaciones rurales en donde el INTA ha realizado y realiza acciones de desarrollo. El periodo que se analiza son los últimos 10 años que es el periodo durante el cual empiezan arribar las instituciones relevadas en este trabajo. Como parte importante de la metodología de estudio se realizó la búsqueda y análisis de información secundaria existente producto de la intervención de las instituciones. La metodología utilizada toma elementos de las métodos cualitativos de investigación por lo que se hicieron entrevistas semiestructuradas en profundidad a técnicos y a productores de las áreas rurales de estudio para esta tesis y también observación participante. Principales resultados o conclusiones: Se pudo verificar la intervención de una multiplicidad de programas de desarrollo rural actuando simultáneamente en la poblaciones de Zanja Honda- Virgen de la Peña y Acambuco, centralizando sus acciones principalmente en algunos aspectos productivos predial y socio-organizativos para la producción acciones todas ellas estrechamente vinculadas con las visiones, metas y objetivos de las propias organizaciones e instituciones actuantes así como con las competencias de sus técnicos y extensionistas. Se comprobó que en algunos casos las herramientas programáticas originan conflictos entre los miembros de las comunidades poniendo en debate estructuras de organización ancestrales como el cacicazgo en comunidades de pueblos originarios ante la presencia de nuevas organizaciones como las comunidades formales. Existe una incipiente articulación producto de la voluntad de quienes ejecutan las políticas en el territorio pero sin establecer normas y procedimientos explícitos que la aseguraran. En el primer lugar la articulación fue precaria, lo que se puede definir como interacción sin reciprocidad, mientras que en el Valle de Acambuco se logró una complementación recíproca y enriquecimiento mutuo. En el primer caso analizado los factores que limitan esta articulación son las lógicas contrapuestas lo que acarrea incoherencias entre estrategias y prácticas para la intervención. En el segundo, la discontinuidad del financiamiento provocó la desintegración del equipo constituido en el Valle. El análisis de la información nos permite aseverar que existen elementos para concluir que la articulación en el nivel local solo se refleja en coordinación y complementación circunstancial de actividades, coincidente con la hipótesis propuesta. ; In the San Martin Department, privatization of oil companies in the context of structural adjustment policies promoted during the government of Dr Menem, left evidence accentuating existing structural poverty mainly in rural areas. Against this background the inhabitants of these rural areas in white were important for institutions involved in rural development that have benefited by the action of the intervention programs, both state agencies as the action of NGOs and private companies through funding for training, technical assistance and investment property taxes. These actions are often carried out without the necessary planning to articulate a strategy based on shared development. Objectives of work: Identify governmental, nongovernmental and private sector related to the management of rural development in the territory and as involved explaining its objectives, target population and activities. Analyzing discourses and practices of the institutions with regard to intervention strategies established for identifying the existence of social interfaces institution / organization and institution / users. Describe the production practices of farmers, and their relation to the proposed intervention. Methodology: The area selected for study in this thesis are two rural communities where the INTA has done and development activities. The period under review are the last 10 years which is the period during which begin arriving in the institutions surveyed in this paper. An important part of the study methodology was searched and analysis of existing secondary result of the intervention of institutions. The methodology takes elements of the qualitative methods of investigation in semi-structured interviews were conducted in-depth technical and producers in rural areas of study for this thesis and participant observation. Main results and conclusions He was able to verify the involvement of a multiplicity of rural development programs acting simultaneously on the Honda-Ditch populations Virgen de la Peña and Acambuco, centralizing its main actions in some productive aspects and socio-organizational farm to produce all closely related actions with the visions, goals and objectives of the organizations and institutions as well as acting skills of its technicians and extension workers. It was found that in some cases originate programming tools conflicts between community members debated putting ancestral organizational structures as the chiefdom communities of native peoples in the presence of new formal organizations and communities. An incipient articulation of the will of those who carry out the policies in the territory but without establishing explicit rules and procedures that ensure. In the first articulation was poor, which can be defined as non-reciprocal interaction, while in the Valley of Acambuco complementation was achieved reciprocal and mutual enrichment. In the first case analyzed the factors that limit this joint are the logics thus causing inconsistencies between strategies and practices for intervention. In the second, the discontinuity of funding caused the disintegration of the team formed in the Valley. The data analysis allows us to assert that there is evidence to conclude that the joint at the local level reflects only circumstantial coordination and complementarity of activities, consistent with the hypothesis. ; EEA Yuto ; Fil: Quintana, Aldo Omar. Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA). Estación Experimental Agropecuaria Yuto. Agencia de Extensión Rural Tartagal; Argentina

I believe sometimes it is useful to begin by stating the obvious: Unlike in the case of the international financial system which has belatedly engaged in an exercise to develop a global architecture of rules, a structure of global governance already exists for international trade. The WTO is regarded as a fairly muscular repository of the rules and regulations governing international trade. While the WTO has played a useful and deterrent role through the TPR mechanism in tracking protectionist trends during the crisis, the more effective deterrence has been through the corpus of binding commitments that members have entered into in successive Rounds of negotiations.2. Any discussion regarding the further development of the WTO system has to begin with a shared understanding of the reasons for its present stasis. In my view. the underlying issue is the remarkable changes that have taken place in global competitiveness as a result of which a number of developing countries have begun to enjoy rapid growth while the traditional leaders in developed countries are experiencing sluggishness. The present crisis has only served to highlight this dichotomy. Major economies like the U.S. are going through a protectionist phase, with the latest manifestation being the Border Security Bill approved last month which strangely, seeks to transfer, at least partly, the cost of restricting illegal immigration from across the border to skilled professionals through imposition of higher visa charges. On the other hand, the emerging economies are preoccupied with restructuring their economies to maintain their high growth trajectories. As a result, in Asia at least, domestic consumption is emerging as a key driver of growth. Regional integration has received greater impetus and autonomous liberalization has become a prerequisite to linking with international supply chains. Intra-Asian trade for instance, has become the most dynamic factor in increasing global trade.3. The short point is that the traditional leaders of the multilateral process are preoccupied with economic recovery, while the emerging economies are preoccupied with adjusting to rapid growth. We are therefore witnessing a leadership vacuum in the MTS. I would not like to speculate on how and when this problem will be fixed. But it certainly will be fixed as all stakeholders in the MTS recognize the implications of a WTO weakened by failure of the Doha Round.4. Given this situation, one cannot expect easy consensus on initiatives for further development of the MTS. It also has to be recognized that the WTO of today is a significantly different entity than it was a decade ago and a top down work plan, which is perceived to have been drawn up in some backrooms, will not sell with the membership. Such a work plan can only emerge through an inclusive and consensual exercise over a period. In my view, such an exercise needs to be taken up in 2 phases:5. In the short term, concurrent with the Doha Round negotiations, it is possible to obtain consensus on a number of initiatives to strengthen the deliberative processes in the WTO and enhance the usefulness of the WTO for all stakeholders, public and private. These initiatives can be taken without a fresh Ministerial mandate. Such initiatives could include:Changes in Committee procedures to make the deliberations more effective and relevant to current market situations;A facilitative mechanism to resolve low threshold disputes.A bolder programme on RTA's with the ultimate objective of devising principles for best practices;An integrated data base for NTM's with access to all stakeholders; At the same time, an informal process needs to be launched to explore ideas for a post- Doha work programme.6. As far as the medium term is concerned, the launch of a new work programme has to be linked to the conclusion of the Doha Round. For the reasons I have mentioned, it is essential that such a work programme evolves in a fully transparent and inclusive manner and reflects a balance of interests of all members. It is too early in the day to discuss what such a balanced programme should look like, but nevertheless, some considerations would be valid in drawing up such a programme. Some issues like further liberalization in the market access areas of Agriculture, NAMA and Services would continue to be the major anchor of future negotiations, along with work on the unfinished business in agricultural subsidies. However, in order to reflect the significant changes that have taken place in the global economy as well as the global trading system, the work programme would need to focus on some key issues:Firstly, the major impediments to market access are no longer tariffs but non tariff barriers. The work programme would therefore need to focus on regulatory issues which impinge on market access as distinct from tariff liberalization. This would include a more intensive horizontal engagement on improving the TBT-SPS disciplines to address the issue of Standards in particular and NTB's in general. Similarly, a comprehensive work programme on RTA's with the objective of mainstreaming them into the WTO disciplines, is essential.Thirdly, the remarkable growth being witnessed in several parts of the developing world is being accompanied by a spurt in innovation in these countries. The $2,500 car, the $25 mobile phone, the $10 water purifier, the low cost mobile X-Ray machine are only some examples of this. Much more is to come. These innovations have the potential for revolutionizing global manufacturing. The global IPR disciplines must facilitate, not hinder the process. The new work programme should reflect this new reality.Fourthly, the issue of equity in the global trading system has to be addressed. This would involve dealing with asymmetries in value creation across the world. Trade can only contribute to poverty reduction if it helps in spreading value creation all along the value chain. Africa cannot indefinitely remain only the commodities supplier to the world. Value creation in poor countries has to be a central preoccupation of the new engagement. 7. There would be demands for inclusion of other issues which may not command multilateral consensus but are important for some members. These would include the remaining Singapore issues as well as other issues such as an expanded agreement on global electronic commerce. On these issues, the onus is on the proponents to build consensus by demonstrating that the outcomes will be beneficial for the global trading system.8. The experience with the UR plurilaterals provides a good basis for designing the format for negotiations on those issues which require the participation of a subset of members. In my view, variable geometry means both, variable in terms of participation and/ or variable in terms of the nature of commitments.9. As far as climate change issues are concerned, it is important not to allow the tail to wag the dog. If political differences impede an international agreement in the Climate Change negotiations, they will do the same if the WTO takes up work on the issue. Once there is multilateral consensus in the Climate Change negotiations, the modifications in the WTO rules should involve a fairly straightforward negotiation. My impression is that our experience with the MEAs in force today has been pretty good and there has been little, if any, dispute on their trade implications.

The Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Sanctuary is a multiple-use lowland tropical rainforest in South West of Cameroon. This area was designated by the government of Cameroon with a focus of protecting 11 species including the most endangered primates in Central and West Africa, the Drill (Mandrillus leucophaeus) and Chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes). Local communities maintain user-rights of the forest and its natural resources as long as the conservation goals of the protected areas are not compromised. With many villages in and around the sanctuary and an ever-increasing population, most villagers rely on bushmeat to meet both dietary requirements and as a source of income. The purpose of the six-month study was to assess the current impact of hunting pressure on wildlife biodiversity loss with hope to recommend managed sustainable hunting system to the Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife. Carcasses of animals brought in daily by the eighty-four hunters who participated in the study were weighed, sexed and aged and socio-economic data collected by recording weapon type, use, price of each animal killed and its destination by 14 research assistants in 14 study villages. Hunters were interviewed in an attempt to understand hunters' perception of hunted game and their capacity to implement a managed hunting system. Study results indicated that 44 animal species were harvested with a total of 3,176 individual animals killed, giving an estimated total biomass of 22,397 kg in both the Banyang and Mbo areas. The Banyang ethnic group registered more harvest in terms of both off-take 1,888 animals and biomass 13,476 kg (13.5 tons) while the Mbo ethnic group extracted 1,288 animals with a biomass of 8,921.02 kg (9.00 tons) over the six-month study period. When placed into taxonomic groups, duikers constituting (34%), rodents (22%), other protected species (15%) and monkeys (11%) of the total animals extracted were most affected by hunting within the whole of BMWS. Larger-bodied animals like primates and duikers were most vulnerable to gun hunting while smaller carnivores and rodents were more vulnerable to wire snaring and trapping. Poisoned baits were used in some villages to trap Cane rats and Monkeys. Hunting peaks were attained during the raining season especially during the months of July and August. However, some small peaks occurred during the dry season especially in the months of November and January. More males (47%) were killed than females (43%) for all species over the six-month study period. Unknown sex constituted (10%) of the total extracted animals registered. Adults comprised (69%) of the total catch for all species registered, juveniles and infants constituted (23%) and (8%) respectively. Generally the Banyang ethnic group either consumed or sold locally (83%) of their total harvested bushmeat and sold only (11%) to outside traders. The Mbo ethnic group consumed or sold locally (47%) of the total bushmeat killed and sold (39%) to outside bushmeat dealers. Economic gains in terms of financial income from sale of bushmeat at the Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Sanctuary do not seem to be profitable as one hunter earned on average 22.629F CFA (US $47) per month over the study period compared to 125.000F CFA (US $258) earned by an average civil servant in Cameroon. One kilogramme of the most expensive bushmeat such as Pangolin (Manis gigantea) and Brush-tailed porcupine (Atherurus africanus) was on the average about 4.7 times less expensive than the price of one kg of domesticated animals such as fresh cow beef or goat meat. The Drill (Mandrillus leucophaeus) and the Chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) are at high risk of local extinction in this area. Meanwhile species like the Leopard (Panthera pardus), Buffalo (Syncerus nanus), the African Elephant (Loxodonta africana) and the Giant pangolin (Manis gigantea) were not recorded killed in any of the 14 study villages and are feared to be locally extinct. There was a steady decline in off-take and biomass of large-bodied species like duikers and primates in the total harvest of both ethnic groups over time during the study period. This suggests that hunting of larger-bodied animals may not be sustainable within the Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Sanctuary. The future of Blue duikers seems bleak if hunting continues unchecked. Poverty, population increase, unemployment and the weak enforcement of existing wildlife laws are the driving forces behind the unsustainable harvest of wildlife resources at the Banyang-Mbo wildlife Sanctuary. ; Das Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Schutzgebiet ist ein unter vielfältigen Nutzungen stehender tropischer Regenwald im südwestlichen Flachlandbereich des westafrikanischen Landes Kamerun. Dieser Bereich wurde durch die Regierung Kameruns unter Schutz gestellt, um insgesamt 11 Arten zu schützen, u.a. die in Zentral-und Westafrika gefährdeten Primatennarten (Mandrillus leucophaeus) und (Pan troglodytes). Der lokalen Bevölkerung wurden gewisse Nutzungsrechte eingeräumt, soweit die ausdrücklich formulierten Schutzziele des Schutzgebietes nicht berührt sind. Um das Schutzgebiet herum liegen viele Dörfer mit einer stetig steigenden Bevölkerungszahl, und die meisten Dorfbewohner nutzen das Wild einerseits für ihre eigene Ernährung und anderseits als Einkommensquelle. Ziel der sechsmonatigen Untersuchungen war es, den gegenwärtigen Einfluß der Jagd auf den Rückgang der Biodiversität zu analysieren und Vorschläge für ein nachhaltiges Wildmanagement zu entwickeln. Die täglich von den 84 an der Studie teilnehmenden Jägern getöteten Tiere wurden gewogen, Geschlecht und Alter bestimmt; weitere sozio-ökonomische Daten wie Waffentyp, Anwendung, Preise für die getöteten Tiere und deren Verwendung wurden von 14 Mitarbeitern in den 14 in die Untersuchungen einbezogenen Dörfern erhoben. Die Jäger wurden bezüglich ihrer Meinung zur Jagd, zu den gejagten Tieren und zu den Möglichkeiten der Implementation eines geordneten Jagdsystems befragt. Die Untersuchungsergebnisse zeigen, dass 44 Tierarten gejagt wurden, wobei insgesamt 3.176 Individuen getötet wurden. Dies entspricht einer Biomasse von 22.400 kg in den Gebieten von Banyang und Mbo. Im Untersuchungszeitraum von sechs Monaten entnahmen die Banyang insgesamt 1.888 Tiere mit einer Biomasse von 13.479 kg, während die Mbo 1.288 Tiere mit einer Biomasse von 8.921 kg erlegten. Dabei entfällt ein Anteil von (34%) auf Ducker, auf Nager (22%), auf andere geschützte Arten (15%) und auf Primaten (11%) aller gejagten Tiere innerhalb des gesamten Schutzgebietes. Großtiere wie Primaten und größere Antilopen sind gefährdeter durch die Jagd mit Gewehren, während kleinere, räuberisch lebende Tiere öfter durch Schlingfallen gefangen werden. Köderfallen wurden gelegentlich zum Fang von Rohrratten und Affen eingesetzt. Die meisten Tiere wurden während der Regenzeit, besonders im Juli und August erlegt, allerings wurden auch viele Tiere in der Trockenzeit, besonders im November und im Januar erlegt. Männchen wurden öfter getötet als Weibchen (47% zu 43% für alle Arten in sechs Monaten, (10%) konnten nicht zugeordnet werden). Erwachsene Tiere machten einen Anteil von (69%) aus. Im Allgemeinen verzehrten die Banyang (83%) des erjagten Buschfleisches und verkauften nur (11%), die Mbo verzehrten (47%) und verkauften (39%) an Händler. Ökonomischer Gewinn in Form von Einkommen aus dem Handel mit Buschfleisch im Bereich des Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Schutzgebietes ist offenbar nicht hoch, ein Jäger verdient im Mittel 22.629F CFA (47 US $) pro Monat über den Untersuchungszeitraum, während ein öffentlich Bediensteter in Kamerun pro Monat 125.000F CFA (258 US $) verdient. Ein Kilogramm des teuersten Buschfleisches wie das des Pangolin (Manis gigantea) und das des Stachelschweines Atherurus africana war etwa 2,7 mal teurer als das Fleisch domestizierter Tiere wie etwa Rinder oder Ziegen. Der Drill (Mandrillus leucophaeus) und der Schimpanse (Pan troglodytes) sind in den untersuchten Bereichen stark vom Aussterben bedroht. Andererseits wurden Arten wie der Leopard (Panthera pardus), Büffel (Sycerus nanus), Elefant (Loxodonta africana) und Riesenschuppentier (Manis gigantea) im Bereich der 14 untersuchten Dörfer nicht gejagt und getötet, eventuell sind diese Arten bereits lokal ausgestorben. Es wurde eine stetige Abnahme der Entnahme von Biomasse größerer Tiere durch Jagd durch beide ethnischen Gruppen während des Untersuchungszeitraumes festgestellt. Dies legt die Vermutung nahe, daß die Jagd auf Großtiere keine nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung des Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Schutzgebietes darstellt. Armut, hohes Bevölkerungswachstum, Arbeitslosigkeit und die unzureichende Umsetzung der gesetzlichen Regelungen bilden die wichtigsten Gründe für die nichtnachhaltige Bewirtschaftung der Ressourcen im "Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Sanctuary".

International audience ; In an attempt to tackle not just youth crime itself, but also the causes of youth crime, the New Labour administration sought to combat social exclusion. It consequently set up a number of social intervention projects such as Sure Start in the most deprived areas of Britain, promised to abolish child poverty before 2010, invested heavily in education, and attempted to reduce the number of unemployed young people via its New Deal for Young People. For the first time, the Youth Justice Board, a special committee charged with overseeing the youth justice system and coordinating social and criminal justice services, was established. A social work approach was to be combined with punishment. Yet, despite these attempt to promote the social inclusion of British youths, in practice they have been 'demonised'. According to the British press, young people are out-of-control, antisocial and violent. The recent 'moral panic' (Cohen, 2001) concerning knife crime seemed to confirm the idea that young people are a threat to society. Even the former justice minister, Jack Straw, declared that most young people who find themselves in prison are not children but 'large, unpleasant thugs' who frighten the general public. Whilst young people have often been the focus of moral panics (Pearson, 1983), it is only recently that panic has been met with such a punitive response which has led to an 800% increase in the number of young people incarcerated since 1992. Despite attempts to adapt the system of juvenile justice to young people, they are increasingly treated like adults. Indeed, the New Labour government's first White Paper on the subject was entitled No More Excuses and the government pledged to eliminate the 'excuse culture' which supposedly dominated the youth justice system. Consequently, there has been a 'dejeuvenalisation' of youth justice policy (Pitts, 2001), marking a rupture with the policy of diversion of youths from the adult justice system which had dominated the criminal justice system since at least the middle of the 19th Century. Similar trends are identifiable in France where there has recently been an erosion of the ordonnance 1945 principle that young people cannot be help fully responsible for their criminal actions. A 2002 law (la loi d'orientation et de programmation pour la justice du 9 septembre) fixes the age of criminal responsibility at 13, leading some experts to speak of the notions of 'premajority'. As in the UK, the rhetoric of responsibilisation has been adopted by Nicolas Sarkozy who has described young people in the criminal justice system as 'black giants from the inner cities'. This paper seeks to determine if the hardening of attitudes to young offenders in France and England can be explained by the same factors. It is a knee-jerk response to moral panic of can it be explained by other socio-economic factors common to the two cultures? ; Dès son arrivée au pouvoir, l'administration néo-travailliste a reconnu que toute tentative pour s'attaquer à la criminalité des jeunes doit se concentrer sur le problème de l'exclusion sociale. Par conséquent, elle a mis en place de nombreux projets Sure Start dans les quartiers les plus défavorisés du Royaume-Uni, elle s'est engagée à éliminer la pauvreté des enfants avant 2020, elle a investi davantage d'argent dans l'éducation, et elle a cherché à réduire le nombre de jeunes au chômage par le biais du New Deal for Young People. Pour les jeunes considérés comme étant les plus susceptibles de sombrer dans la criminalité, le premier gouvernement Blair a créé des Youth Inclusion Programmes qui offrent aux enfants en difficulté un lieu de sociabilité où ils peuvent en outre bénéficier d'une aide scolaire. Pour la première fois, un comité spécial chargé de la justice juvénile, le Youth Justice Board, a été créé afin de coordonner le travail des services sociaux et des services judiciaires ; il a également pour mission de développer une stratégie commune capable de prévenir la criminalité et d'éviter ainsi aux jeunes d'être exposés au système de justice formelle. L'accent est mis tant sur le travail social que sur le châtiment des jeunes délinquants. Or, en dépit de ces tentatives pour favoriser l'inclusion sociale des jeunes britanniques, ces derniers ont souvent été « diabolisés », pour emprunter le terme du Comité des droits de l'enfant de l'ONU. D'après la presse britannique, les jeunes sont de plus en plus difficiles à contrôler, antisociaux et violents. La récente « panique morale » concernant l'apparente montée du nombre d'agressions à l'arme blanche perpétrées par des jeunes semble confirmer l'idée que ces derniers représentent un danger pour la société. Même le ministre de la Justice, Jack Straw, a déclaré que la plupart des enfants qui sont actuellement incarcérés ne sont pas des enfants mais des « gros voyous antipathiques » qui font peur au grand public. Il semblerait bien que la majorité des Britanniques ont peur de la jeunesse, constat confirmé par un rapport récent publié par l'Institute for Public Policy Research. Alors que la jeunesse a souvent fait l'objet de paniques morales dans le passé (Geoffrey Pearson), ce n'est que récemment qu'une telle panique a entraîné une réponse judiciaire aussi punitive, qui se traduit par une augmentation de 800 % du nombre de jeunes âgés de moins de 15 ans incarcérés depuis 1992. Malgré les tentatives d'adapter le système de justice pénale aux jeunes, leur traitement judiciaire est actuellement de plus en plus semblable à celui qu'on réservait autrefois aux adultes. En effet, dès ses premiers jours au pouvoir, le gouvernement de Tony Blair s'est engagé à éliminer la « culture d'absolution » en faveur d'un système judiciaire qui met l'accent sur la responsabilité individuelle des jeunes et de leurs parents. Par conséquent, on assiste actuellement à une « déjuvénilisation » de la politique pénale, se traduisant par une rupture nette avec l'orthodoxie pénale en vigueur depuis le milieu du XIXe siècle, d'après laquelle les jeunes délinquants doivent être soumis à un régime spécial, si possible en dehors du système pénal. Les mêmes tendances sont identifiables en France, où l'on a récemment constaté un durcissement de la loi à l'égard des mineurs et l'érosion de l'excuse de minorité instaurée par l'ordonnance de 1945. Tout particulièrement, la loi d'orientation et de programmation pour la justice du 9 septembre 2002 affirme la responsabilité pénale des mineurs à partir de l'âge de 13 ans, ce qui incite certains commentateurs à parler de l'invention de la notion de « prémajorité ». La rhétorique de responsabilisation est adoptée par Nicolas Sarkozy, à l'instar de ses homologues britanniques (sur le même ton que Jack Straw, il a déclaré qu'on n'a pas affaire ici à des mineurs mais à des « géants noirs des banlieues »). Cet article s'attache à déterminer si le durcissement à l'égard des jeunes délinquants en France et en Angleterre peut s'expliquer par les mêmes facteurs. Est-ce qu'il s'agit d'une réponse à la panique publique ou peut-il s'expliquer par la présence d'autres facteurs socio-politiques communs aux deux cultures ?

International audience ; In an attempt to tackle not just youth crime itself, but also the causes of youth crime, the New Labour administration sought to combat social exclusion. It consequently set up a number of social intervention projects such as Sure Start in the most deprived areas of Britain, promised to abolish child poverty before 2010, invested heavily in education, and attempted to reduce the number of unemployed young people via its New Deal for Young People. For the first time, the Youth Justice Board, a special committee charged with overseeing the youth justice system and coordinating social and criminal justice services, was established. A social work approach was to be combined with punishment. Yet, despite these attempt to promote the social inclusion of British youths, in practice they have been 'demonised'. According to the British press, young people are out-of-control, antisocial and violent. The recent 'moral panic' (Cohen, 2001) concerning knife crime seemed to confirm the idea that young people are a threat to society. Even the former justice minister, Jack Straw, declared that most young people who find themselves in prison are not children but 'large, unpleasant thugs' who frighten the general public. Whilst young people have often been the focus of moral panics (Pearson, 1983), it is only recently that panic has been met with such a punitive response which has led to an 800% increase in the number of young people incarcerated since 1992. Despite attempts to adapt the system of juvenile justice to young people, they are increasingly treated like adults. Indeed, the New Labour government's first White Paper on the subject was entitled No More Excuses and the government pledged to eliminate the 'excuse culture' which supposedly dominated the youth justice system. Consequently, there has been a 'dejeuvenalisation' of youth justice policy (Pitts, 2001), marking a rupture with the policy of diversion of youths from the adult justice system which had dominated the criminal justice system since at least the middle of the 19th Century. Similar trends are identifiable in France where there has recently been an erosion of the ordonnance 1945 principle that young people cannot be help fully responsible for their criminal actions. A 2002 law (la loi d'orientation et de programmation pour la justice du 9 septembre) fixes the age of criminal responsibility at 13, leading some experts to speak of the notions of 'premajority'. As in the UK, the rhetoric of responsibilisation has been adopted by Nicolas Sarkozy who has described young people in the criminal justice system as 'black giants from the inner cities'. This paper seeks to determine if the hardening of attitudes to young offenders in France and England can be explained by the same factors. It is a knee-jerk response to moral panic of can it be explained by other socio-economic factors common to the two cultures? ; Dès son arrivée au pouvoir, l'administration néo-travailliste a reconnu que toute tentative pour s'attaquer à la criminalité des jeunes doit se concentrer sur le problème de l'exclusion sociale. Par conséquent, elle a mis en place de nombreux projets Sure Start dans les quartiers les plus défavorisés du Royaume-Uni, elle s'est engagée à éliminer la pauvreté des enfants avant 2020, elle a investi davantage d'argent dans l'éducation, et elle a cherché à réduire le nombre de jeunes au chômage par le biais du New Deal for Young People. Pour les jeunes considérés comme étant les plus susceptibles de sombrer dans la criminalité, le premier gouvernement Blair a créé des Youth Inclusion Programmes qui offrent aux enfants en difficulté un lieu de sociabilité où ils peuvent en outre bénéficier d'une aide scolaire. Pour la première fois, un comité spécial chargé de la justice juvénile, le Youth Justice Board, a été créé afin de coordonner le travail des services sociaux et des services judiciaires ; il a également pour mission de développer une stratégie commune capable de prévenir la criminalité et d'éviter ainsi aux jeunes d'être exposés au système de justice formelle. L'accent est mis tant sur le travail social que sur le châtiment des jeunes délinquants. Or, en dépit de ces tentatives pour favoriser l'inclusion sociale des jeunes britanniques, ces derniers ont souvent été « diabolisés », pour emprunter le terme du Comité des droits de l'enfant de l'ONU. D'après la presse britannique, les jeunes sont de plus en plus difficiles à contrôler, antisociaux et violents. La récente « panique morale » concernant l'apparente montée du nombre d'agressions à l'arme blanche perpétrées par des jeunes semble confirmer l'idée que ces derniers représentent un danger pour la société. Même le ministre de la Justice, Jack Straw, a déclaré que la plupart des enfants qui sont actuellement incarcérés ne sont pas des enfants mais des « gros voyous antipathiques » qui font peur au grand public. Il semblerait bien que la majorité des Britanniques ont peur de la jeunesse, constat confirmé par un rapport récent publié par l'Institute for Public Policy Research. Alors que la jeunesse a souvent fait l'objet de paniques morales dans le passé (Geoffrey Pearson), ce n'est que récemment qu'une telle panique a entraîné une réponse judiciaire aussi punitive, qui se traduit par une augmentation de 800 % du nombre de jeunes âgés de moins de 15 ans incarcérés depuis 1992. Malgré les tentatives d'adapter le système de justice pénale aux jeunes, leur traitement judiciaire est actuellement de plus en plus semblable à celui qu'on réservait autrefois aux adultes. En effet, dès ses premiers jours au pouvoir, le gouvernement de Tony Blair s'est engagé à éliminer la « culture d'absolution » en faveur d'un système judiciaire qui met l'accent sur la responsabilité individuelle des jeunes et de leurs parents. Par conséquent, on assiste actuellement à une « déjuvénilisation » de la politique pénale, se traduisant par une rupture nette avec l'orthodoxie pénale en vigueur depuis le milieu du XIXe siècle, d'après laquelle les jeunes délinquants doivent être soumis à un régime spécial, si possible en dehors du système pénal. Les mêmes tendances sont identifiables en France, où l'on a récemment constaté un durcissement de la loi à l'égard des mineurs et l'érosion de l'excuse de minorité instaurée par l'ordonnance de 1945. Tout particulièrement, la loi d'orientation et de programmation pour la justice du 9 septembre 2002 affirme la responsabilité pénale des mineurs à partir de l'âge de 13 ans, ce qui incite certains commentateurs à parler de l'invention de la notion de « prémajorité ». La rhétorique de responsabilisation est adoptée par Nicolas Sarkozy, à l'instar de ses homologues britanniques (sur le même ton que Jack Straw, il a déclaré qu'on n'a pas affaire ici à des mineurs mais à des « géants noirs des banlieues »). Cet article s'attache à déterminer si le durcissement à l'égard des jeunes délinquants en France et en Angleterre peut s'expliquer par les mêmes facteurs. Est-ce qu'il s'agit d'une réponse à la panique publique ou peut-il s'expliquer par la présence d'autres facteurs socio-politiques communs aux deux cultures ?

El concepto de redes sociales de comunicación rural, como una estructura relacional hecha por nodos que están vinculados por medio de actores tales como pequeños productores rurales, proyectos de desarrollo rural, organizaciones no-gubernamentales, instituciones públicas, universidades entre otros, es una noción que puede ser muy útil para estudiar las relaciones de comunicación y soporte social entre diferentes actores in territorios tan amplios y diversos como lo es Latinoamérica. Es conocido que muchos actores y redes sociales se están enfrentando ante situaciones como las siguientes: ¿Cómo encontrar las mejores estrategias que permitan desarrollar y generar procesos de sinergia social que no solo permitan el intercambio de información, sino de información y conocimiento estratégico que les habilite y refuerce las capacidades innovativas, creativas y productivas de muchas comunidades rurales que tratan, a su vez, de solucionar los siguientes problemas centrales. Lo primero son las estrategias para poder salir del estado de pobreza (y sobrevivencia) en que se encuentran, el segundo es como obtener la suficiente información (en calidad y en cantidad) que les permita entender la dinámica de los actuales cambios que se están sucediendo a nivel global: climáticos, socales, económicos, etc. y que no solo afectarán a los grupos humanos en los centros urbanos e industriales, sino a todo el mundo, en especial a los países más pobres y los sectores más frágiles, en términos sociales, es decir, las comunidades rurales. El estudio de las redes sociales rurales, como sistemas comunicaciones funcionales, proporciona un punto de vista nodal en esta dirección. El autor estudia dos redes sociales de comunicación para el desarrollo rural en América Latina que trabajan a nivel de las comunidades rurales, con organizaciones No-gubernamentales, pequeños campesinos y proyectos de desarrollo rural. La primera de las redes es una red a nivel México llamada Red Nacional de Desarrollo Rural Sustentable (RENDRUS), la cual está recibiendo soporte financiero de diferentes niveles del gobierno. La segunda es una red que involucra varios países latinoamericanos (incluyendo México). Esta última es llamada Red de Iniciativa de Nutrición Humana y ha recibido financiamiento internacional. Aunque las dos redes sociales surgen y trabajan a diferentes escalas, las dos redes persiguen objetivos similares, usan estrategias similares, y están conformadas por actores similares: pequeños productores rurales, comunidades rurales, proyectos de desarrollo, universidades y organizaciones No-gubernamentales. El punto más importante del trabajo de estas dos redes es que las dos permitieron el intercambio de información y conocimiento entre actores que no solo son diferentes en términos culturales sino que están localizados en diferentes regiones geográficas. El tópico de las redes sociales de comunicación rural para el desarrollo no es un tópico nuevo, pero es necesario continuar su estudio a fin de poder conocer más acerca de la complejidad social en la cual este fenómeno se está desarrollando. Las comunidades rurales han sido estudiadas por mucho tiempo, pero aún no somos capaces de entender muchas de sus dinámicas sociales, especialmente aquellos hechos que se refieren a la similitud de los procesos de intercambio y mejoramiento del conocimiento, tecnología y equipos desarrollados localmente por comunidades rurales que pertenecen a diferentes países y regiones latinoamericanas. Este tipo de estudios sobre redes sociales de comunicación rural, son valiosos para proponer y conformar proyectos de desarrollo basados en procesos de intercambio reticular, entre productores rurales, para el mejoramiento de sus sistemas de producción agropecuarios con el objetivo de obtener menores ingresos, y alimentos y mejorar sus condiciones de vida, especialmente ahora que la urgencia climática agrava las condiciones de pobreza en el mundo. ; The concept of rural social networks, as a social relational structure made of nodes that are tied by actors such as small farmers, rural development projects, non-governmental organizations, public institutions, universities and other participants, can be very useful to study the communicational relationship between different actors in a wide and diverse territory like Latin America. It is known that many social networks are faced with challenges like the following one: how to find the best strategies in order to develop and generate synergies that do not only permit the exchange of general information, but also of strategic knowledge which permits the reinforcement of innovative, creative and productive capabilities of many poor rural communities that are trying to resolve two essential problems. The first one is how to get out of the stage of poverty (or, at least, manage to survive), and the second one is how to get enough information in order to understand changes (climatic, economic, social, etc) that are occurring in the world and that are not only affecting the urban and industrialized societies, but the whole world, especially the poorest countries and their most sensitive and fragile populations like the rural communities. The study of rural social networks, as a functional communicational system, provides an interesting point of view towards that direction. The author studied two social networks that were working with rural communities, non-governmental organizations, small farmers and rural development projects. The first one is a network named National Network of Sustainable Rural Development (RENDRUS), which is receiving financial support from different governmental levels in Mexico. The second one is a network which involves several Latin American countries including Mexico. It is called Initiative of Human Nutrition and it was financed by international sponsoring. Although the two social networks emerged and worked on different scales, they followed similar objectives, they used similar strategies, and they consisted of similar actors: small poor farmers, rural communities, rural development projects, universities and non-governmental organizations. The most important point is that they allowed the exchange of information and knowledge between actors that are not only different in cultural terms, but they are located in distant geographical regions as well. The topic of social rural networks is not a new one, but it is necessary to continue its study in order to know more about the social complexity in which this phenomenon is developing and occurring. The rural communities have been studied for a long time, but we are not able to understand its social dynamics yet, especially the facts of exchange and improvement of knowledge, technology, and equipment developed locally by rural communities that do not only belong to a specific country, but to several Latin American countries and regions. These types of studies are valuable for the creation of communication and development models of rural communities in order to confirm the effectiveness of rural social networks as a mechanism to exchange information between rural people, about how to improve their local agricultural systems in order to have a higher income and better food to improve their social conditions, especially in those days that the climatic changes have made social life conditions worse. ; Postprint (published version)

El concepto de redes sociales de comunicación rural, como una estructura relacional hecha por nodos que están vinculados por medio de actores tales como pequeños productores rurales, proyectos de desarrollo rural, organizaciones no-gubernamentales, instituciones públicas, universidades entre otros, es una noción que puede ser muy útil para estudiar las relaciones de comunicación y soporte social entre diferentes actores in territorios tan amplios y diversos como lo es Latinoamérica. Es conocido que muchos actores y redes sociales se están enfrentando ante situaciones como las siguientes: ¿Cómo encontrar las mejores estrategias que permitan desarrollar y generar procesos de sinergia social que no solo permitan el intercambio de información, sino de información y conocimiento estratégico que les habilite y refuerce las capacidades innovativas, creativas y productivas de muchas comunidades rurales que tratan, a su vez, de solucionar los siguientes problemas centrales. Lo primero son las estrategias para poder salir del estado de pobreza (y sobrevivencia) en que se encuentran, el segundo es como obtener la suficiente información (en calidad y en cantidad) que les permita entender la dinámica de los actuales cambios que se están sucediendo a nivel global: climáticos, socales, económicos, etc. y que no solo afectarán a los grupos humanos en los centros urbanos e industriales, sino a todo el mundo, en especial a los países más pobres y los sectores más frágiles, en términos sociales, es decir, las comunidades rurales. El estudio de las redes sociales rurales, como sistemas comunicaciones funcionales, proporciona un punto de vista nodal en esta dirección. El autor estudia dos redes sociales de comunicación para el desarrollo rural en América Latina que trabajan a nivel de las comunidades rurales, con organizaciones No-gubernamentales, pequeños campesinos y proyectos de desarrollo rural. La primera de las redes es una red a nivel México llamada Red Nacional de Desarrollo Rural Sustentable (RENDRUS), la cual está recibiendo soporte financiero de diferentes niveles del gobierno. La segunda es una red que involucra varios países latinoamericanos (incluyendo México). Esta última es llamada Red de Iniciativa de Nutrición Humana y ha recibido financiamiento internacional. Aunque las dos redes sociales surgen y trabajan a diferentes escalas, las dos redes persiguen objetivos similares, usan estrategias similares, y están conformadas por actores similares: pequeños productores rurales, comunidades rurales, proyectos de desarrollo, universidades y organizaciones No-gubernamentales. El punto más importante del trabajo de estas dos redes es que las dos permitieron el intercambio de información y conocimiento entre actores que no solo son diferentes en términos culturales sino que están localizados en diferentes regiones geográficas. El tópico de las redes sociales de comunicación rural para el desarrollo no es un tópico nuevo, pero es necesario continuar su estudio a fin de poder conocer más acerca de la complejidad social en la cual este fenómeno se está desarrollando. Las comunidades rurales han sido estudiadas por mucho tiempo, pero aún no somos capaces de entender muchas de sus dinámicas sociales, especialmente aquellos hechos que se refieren a la similitud de los procesos de intercambio y mejoramiento del conocimiento, tecnología y equipos desarrollados localmente por comunidades rurales que pertenecen a diferentes países y regiones latinoamericanas. Este tipo de estudios sobre redes sociales de comunicación rural, son valiosos para proponer y conformar proyectos de desarrollo basados en procesos de intercambio reticular, entre productores rurales, para el mejoramiento de sus sistemas de producción agropecuarios con el objetivo de obtener menores ingresos, y alimentos y mejorar sus condiciones de vida, especialmente ahora que la urgencia climática agrava las condiciones de pobreza en el mundo. ; The concept of rural social networks, as a social relational structure made of nodes that are tied by actors such as small farmers, rural development projects, non-governmental organizations, public institutions, universities and other participants, can be very useful to study the communicational relationship between different actors in a wide and diverse territory like Latin America. It is known that many social networks are faced with challenges like the following one: how to find the best strategies in order to develop and generate synergies that do not only permit the exchange of general information, but also of strategic knowledge which permits the reinforcement of innovative, creative and productive capabilities of many poor rural communities that are trying to resolve two essential problems. The first one is how to get out of the stage of poverty (or, at least, manage to survive), and the second one is how to get enough information in order to understand changes (climatic, economic, social, etc) that are occurring in the world and that are not only affecting the urban and industrialized societies, but the whole world, especially the poorest countries and their most sensitive and fragile populations like the rural communities. The study of rural social networks, as a functional communicational system, provides an interesting point of view towards that direction. The author studied two social networks that were working with rural communities, non-governmental organizations, small farmers and rural development projects. The first one is a network named National Network of Sustainable Rural Development (RENDRUS), which is receiving financial support from different governmental levels in Mexico. The second one is a network which involves several Latin American countries including Mexico. It is called Initiative of Human Nutrition and it was financed by international sponsoring. Although the two social networks emerged and worked on different scales, they followed similar objectives, they used similar strategies, and they consisted of similar actors: small poor farmers, rural communities, rural development projects, universities and non-governmental organizations. The most important point is that they allowed the exchange of information and knowledge between actors that are not only different in cultural terms, but they are located in distant geographical regions as well. The topic of social rural networks is not a new one, but it is necessary to continue its study in order to know more about the social complexity in which this phenomenon is developing and occurring. The rural communities have been studied for a long time, but we are not able to understand its social dynamics yet, especially the facts of exchange and improvement of knowledge, technology, and equipment developed locally by rural communities that do not only belong to a specific country, but to several Latin American countries and regions. These types of studies are valuable for the creation of communication and development models of rural communities in order to confirm the effectiveness of rural social networks as a mechanism to exchange information between rural people, about how to improve their local agricultural systems in order to have a higher income and better food to improve their social conditions, especially in those days that the climatic changes have made social life conditions worse. ; Postprint (published version)

The main hypotheses underlying this work are that current Chilean housing policy has contributed to processes of social and spatial exclusion, and that the already known phenomenon of "exclusion through housing" can also take place in Chile. Current Chilean housing policy is widely known for its success in providing affordable dwellings for most of the population, and therefore even promoted by international agencies such as the World Bank, as a system to be copied by other countries in the "south". Nevertheless, its quantitative approach has disregard its role in shaping social outcomes such as health problems, low education attainment, and delinquency, as well as other "intangibles" such as deprecate identity, low-self-esteem and lack of sense of belonging, among others. The principal assumption is that urban inequalities hamper social integration because prevent the equal access to urban opportunities for all citizens. In other words, part of the population is "excluded" from having equal access to economic, cultural or institutional privileges and benefits, goods and rights that are supposed to be recognised as "universal" in this society. This exclusion, on the other hand, is represented in the housing arena by the concept of "exclusion through housing". Yet, The main aim of this work is to explore the extent to which current Chilean housing policy affects urban spatial and social inequalities and, in particular, to find out whether the phenomenon of exclusion through housing is also taken place in the Chilean case. The main problems addressed by this study are the early physical and social decay of complete neighbourhoods, as well as the lack of policies aiming to upgrade these areas; with particular emphasis on neighbourhoods with three to four-storey estates that have been a result of the "Programa de Vivienda Básica" in the city of Santiago. To tackle these problems interpretative and analytical approaches are used. While the interpretative approach aims to understand which factors have determined the structure of the Chilean housing model, the analytical approach pursues to closely observe its impacts, results and its prospects of improvement. Therefore, besides of the revision of relevant literature and the development of a conceptual framework, this work confers special attention to both the interpretation of historical policies and the analysis of a concrete case study carried out in the city of Santiago, in three compounds of estates. The theoretical framework aims at developing parameters to interpret and analyse social and spatial exclusion in Chile, which can be applied methodologically through combined approaches. A first approach aims at reviewing the historical patterns of public interventions through housing policies in the city of Santiago, in order to interpret the shifts in paradigms, and the roots of social and spatial exclusion. A second approach is to analyse current housing policy and its implementation in the city of Santiago through the development and use of diverse indicators such access to infrastructure, distribution of poverty and physical aspects, among others. The third and final approach aims at closely observing and comparing three cases studies located in districts that should present different both differences and similarities. The analysis of these cases studies aims at evaluating both the factors that creates social and spatial exclusion as well as the possible main outcomes. As a result of this discussion and analysis the main conclusions are presented, as well as some interpretations and new insights. ; Resumen La principal hipótesis que subyace en este trabajo es que la actual política habitacional chilena ha contribuido a procesos de exclusión social y espacial y que el fenómeno ya conocido en Europa como "exclusión por medio de la vivienda" también puede encontrarse en países como Chile. La política de vivienda chilena vigente es mundialmente conocida por su éxito cuantitativo en la provisión masiva de viviendas baratas para la mayoría de la población, y por consiguiente incluso promovida por instituciones globales como el Banco Mundial como un modelo a ser copiado en otros países del "Sur". No obstante, el enfoque cuantitativo de dicha política ha ignorado su rol en la configuración también de impactos sociales negativos tales como problemas de salud, bajo rendimiento escolar y delincuencia tanto como otros intangibles como las identidades devaluadas, la baja autoestima y la falta de un sentido de pertenencia entre otros. El supuesto principal es que las inequidades urbanas amenazan la integración social porque impiden el acceso equitativo a las oportunidades urbanas para todos los ciudadanos. En otras palabras, parte de la población esta excluida de tener acceso a los privilegios y beneficios económicos, culturales e institucionales que se supone son reconocidos com,o universales en esa sociedad. Esa exclusión, por otra parte, se representa en la arena de la vivienda por el concepto de "exclusión por medio de la vivienda". Así, este trabajo busca explorar hasta que medida la política de vivienda chilena vigente afecta las inequidades espaciales y sociales y, en particular, verificar si el fenómeno de exclusión por medio de la vivienda está presente. Los principales problemas que abarca este estudio son la temprana decadencia de los barrios y conjuntos de vivienda social, así como la falta de políticas integrales que permitan mejorar esas áreas, en particular aquellos barrios de vivienda en media altura que han sido implementados a través del "Programa de Vivienda Básica" en la ciudad de Santiago. Para enfrentar esos problemas se usaron enfoques analíticos e interpretativos. Mientras el enfoque interpretativo busca entender que factores han determinado la estructura del modelo de vivienda chileno, el enfoque analítico persigue observar de cerca sus impactos, resultados y posibilidades de mejoramiento. Por ello, además de la revisión de literatura relevante y el desarrollo de un marco conceptual especifico, este trabajo pone especial atención en la interpretación de las políticas históricas y el análisis de tres casos de estudio concretos en la ciudad de Santiago. El marco conceptual apunta a desarrollar parámetros que permitan interpretar y analizar la exclusión espacial y social en Chile y que puedan ser aplicados metodológicamente a través de enfoques combinados. Un primer enfoque se orienta a la revisión de patrones históricos de la intervención pública en vivienda en la ciudad a fin de interpretar los principales hitos, los cambios de paradigma y los orígenes de la exclusión social y espacial. El segundo enfoque se centra en el análisis de la implementación de la política actual por medio de una serie de indicadores tales como la relación entre vivienda y la distribución de la pobreza, la infraestructura y el equipamiento en la ciudad. El tercer enfoque a combinar por su parte se focaliza en tres casos particulares que permitan una comparación a partir de sus diferencias y similitudes. Para terminar, este trabajo presenta algunas conclusiones finales así como algunas sugerencias y propuestas de interpretación

El presente trabajo constituyó la realización de una propuesta de comercialización para el desarrollado de la comunidad Wayuu, a partir de su artesanía, en las ciudades colombianas de Bogotá, Medellín, Cartagena, Barranquilla y Santa Marta. Nació como producto de un vacío planteado por algunos representantes de la comunidad Wayuu a uno de los integrantes del grupo de investigación, donde se planteó la paulatina disminución en las ventas y producción de los productos artesanales de los indígenas Wayuu, en especial en el municipio de Uríbia. De esta forma se formalizó el trabajo investigativo para conocer detalles de la producción artesanal Wayuu y su proceso de la distribución, en cada una de las fuentes, para así compilar datos que permitieran establecer las estrategias de mejoramiento para ambos frentes. En lo relativo al frente de producción, se identificaron los componentes principales de los sistemas de producción existentes en el municipio de Uríbia, sus alrededores (rancherías), hasta Manáure, para incorporarlos al análisis de una matriz DOFA de Producción, que permitiera establecer las estrategias apropiadas para optimizar dicho proceso. De igual manera, en el frente de distribución se identificaron los componentes de este proceso, en las cinco ciudades seleccionadas, incorporándolos a una matriz DOFA de Distribución, que permitió formular estrategias de mejoramiento para la comercialización de cara a los distribuidores de artesanías Wayuu en las ciudades de estudio. Dentro de los resultados encontrados en la Producción de la artesanía Wayuu, podemos resaltar los siguientes: Elaboración de productos 100% manuales, con diseños exclusivos y una alta calidad y colorido, que transmite el conocimiento ancestral del arte de tejeduría Wayuu; palpable falencia de una organización productiva integral; márgenes de utilidad escasos, sumados a una baja rotación de los productos, con consecuencias evidentes en una nula seguridad social, deserción artesanal, y aumento de los niveles de pobreza indígena. Sin embargo, existen claras oportunidades de mejoramiento ante el interés estatal del gobierno Uribe, para un mejor nivel de vida de los pueblos indígenas. Para el proceso de comercialización de la artesanía Wayuu, se encontró como resultado relevante el reconocimiento del producto Wayuu por su diseño, colorido y calidad; amenazado por la creciente presencia de artesanías de otras regiones y países. De acuerdo al estudio realizado, se concluye que una apropiada organización de los artesanos Wayuu, apoyada en el existente Centro de Acopio, en el municipio de Uríbia, con una sólida estructura organizacional, permitirá proyectar de una mejor forma la comercialización de las artesanías Wayuu, liderada por productos como mochila, chinchorros, mantas, waireñas y pulseras, en su orden, podrá llevar a los artesanos adscritos a éste proyecto a niveles de sostenibilidad económica y estabilidad laboral. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) ; RESUMEN 14 INTRODUCCION 16 1. MARCO TEORICO 24 1.1. MARCO HISTÓRICO CULTURAL 24 1.2. MARCO DE REFERENCIA 32 1.3. PLAN DE COMERCIALIZACION 39 1.4. PLAN ESTRATEGICO DE MERCADO 41 2. METODOLOGIA DE LA INVESTIGACION 44 2.1. TIPO DE ESTUDIO 44 2.2. METODO DE INVESTIGACIÓN 44 2.3. DELIMITACION DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN 45 2.3.1 Delimitación Espacial 45 2.3.2. Delimitación Temporal 45 2.4. OPERACIONALIZACION DE VARIABLES 45 2.5. POBLACIÓN Y MUESTRA 46 2.5.1. Población 46 2.5.2. Muestra 47 2.6. FUENTES Y TECNICAS DE RECOLECCION DE LA INFORMACIÓN 49 2.6.1. Fuentes Primarias 49 2.6.2. Fuentes Secundarias 50 2.7. DESARROLLO DE ENCUESTAS Y ENTREVISTAS 50 3. RESULTADOS DE LA INVESTIGACION 53 3.1 ASPECTOS GENERALES DEL SECTOR ARTESANAL EN COLOMBIA 53 3.1.1. Ferias Artesanales 57 3.2. ANALISIS DE LA SITUACIÓN ACTUAL DEL SECTOR ARTESANAL WAYUU 64 3.2.1. Factores Sociales 64 3.2.2 Factores Económicos 67 3.3. COMERCIALIZACION 73 4. ANALISIS D.O.F.A. 76 4.1. ANALISIS D.O.F.A. DE LA PRODUCCIÓN ARTESANAL WAYUU 76 4.2. ANALISIS D.O.F.A. DE LA COMERCIALIZACION DE LAS ARTESANIAS WAYUU 78 5. PLAN ESTRATEGICO DE MARKETING 80 5.1. SEGMENTACIÓN DE MERCADO 80 5.2. MISION 80 5.3. OBJETIVO GENERAL 80 5.4. OBJETIVOS ESPECIFICOS 80 5.5. ESTRATEGIAS 81 5.6. MEZCLA DE MARKETING 81 5.6.1. Producto 81 5.6.2. Precio 85 5.6.3. Distribución 89 5.6.4. Promoción Y Publicidad 95 5.7. FACTORES CLAVES DEL ÉXITO 99 5.7.1. Costos de Centro de Acopio 101 6. ANALISIS FINANCIERO 105 6.1. COMPORTAMIENTO DE LA DEMANDA 105 7. RECOMENDACIONES 108 8. CONCLUSIONES 111 9. RECOMENDACIONES PARA TRABAJOS FUTUROS 119 BIBLIOGRAFIA 120 ANEXOS 122 ; Maestría ; The present work constituted the realization of a commercialization proposal for the development of the Wayuu community, based on their crafts, in the Colombian cities of Bogotá, Medellín, Cartagena, Barranquilla and Santa Marta. It was born as a product of a void raised by some representatives of the Wayuu community to one of the members of the research group, where the gradual decrease in sales and production of artisanal products of the Wayuu indigenous people was raised, especially in the municipality of Uríbia. In this way, the investigative work was formalized to know details of the Wayuu artisan production and its distribution process, in each of the sources, in order to compile data that would allow to establish improvement strategies for both fronts. Regarding the production front, the main components of the existing production systems in the municipality of Uríbia, its surroundings (ranches), up to Manáure, were identified to incorporate them into the analysis of a SWOT Production matrix, which would allow establishing the strategies appropriate to optimize this process. Similarly, on the distribution front, the components of this process were identified in the five selected cities, incorporating them into a SWOT Distribution matrix, which made it possible to formulate improvement strategies for the marketing of Wayuu handicraft distributors in the study cities. Among the results found in the Production of Wayuu handicrafts, we can highlight the following: Elaboration of 100% manual products, with exclusive designs and high quality and color, which transmits the ancestral knowledge of the Wayuu weaving art; palpable failure of an integral productive organization; scarce profit margins, added to a low turnover of products, with evident consequences in a null social security, artisanal desertion, and an increase in indigenous poverty levels. However, there are clear opportunities for improvement in the state interest of the Uribe government, for a better standard of living for indigenous peoples. For the marketing process of Wayuu handicrafts, the recognition of the Wayuu product for its design, color and quality was found as a relevant result; threatened by the growing presence of handicrafts from other regions and countries. According to the study carried out, it is concluded that an appropriate organization of Wayuu artisans, supported by the existing Collection Center, in the municipality of Uríbia, with a solid organizational structure, will allow the marketing of Wayuu crafts to be better planned, led by products such as backpack, hammocks, blankets, waireñas and bracelets, in your order, you can take the artisans attached to this project to levels of economic sustainability and job security.

Recent development in agricultural und industrial production leads to increasing pollution of the water sources in the Mekong Delta of Vietnam. According to the "Vietnam Environment Monitor 2003 - Water", no safe drinking water is provided to approximately 40 % of the total population. Thus, environmental institutions and governments became aware of the looming fresh water crisis. As a result, the "National Rural Clean Water Supply and Sanitation Strategy" (NRWSS) was elaborated as part of the national "Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper" to take responsibility for the Millennium Development Goals. The reuse of waste/wastewater for agriculture may be a low cost solution in water treatment and at the same time a significant contribution to food production. The presented socio-economic study was conducted during the course of the interdisciplinary SANSED-Project in 2003/04, aiming to identify criteria for a sustainable wastewater treatment system. Therefore, User- and Non-User-operating farm households' (OFH) attitudes towards and acceptance behavior of biogas plants (BGP), modern latrines (ML) and biogas sludge (BGS) as principal components of an ecological wastewater management system were analyzed and evaluated. Referring to the latter, the use of human feces in the biogas technology was a major point of interest. By means of a detailed questionnaire, the survey aimed to achieve information about the OFHs' environment and interactions. LANGENHEDER'S decision-making-theory together with KOLLMANN'S use-acceptance-model on the OFH defined by DOPPLER as socio-economic system constitutes the basis of this research approach. Within the sample 218 OFHs in three selected communities of the Mekong Delta as well as representatives of the local government, universities and other institutions were interviewed. The study leads to the following results and recommendations: 80 % of the surveyed OFHs have no ML, 10 % have no latrine at all. Generally, the population is aware of the hygienic and environmental threats, but real commitments to solve the problem are still missing. The User OFHs dispose of a higher living standard and educational level. Apart from their farming activity, they hold down a non-farm job and thus, dispose of more steady income and have easier creditworthiness. The principal OFHs' problems are lack of capital and professional knowledge as well as shortcomings in the access to further training. Most of the households know about the governmental intentions to substitute fishpond-latrines and to promote the use of organic fertilizer instead of untreated feces. In general the OFHs perceive BGP, ML and BGS-use as progressive, but restraining factors for their investment and sustainable utilization do exist. The principal restricting determinants are: BGP : Lack of capital and therefore of a customized microfinance system, the dependency on piggery as substrate input source and its market instability as well as the lack of monitored construction quality standards and difficult emptying procedure of the system. ML : Lack of economic inducement, ML-inappropriateness i.e. luxury good that doesn't fit to the living standard (average dwelling) on the countryside. BGS : Lack of information, specifically nescience about BGS-use and earthworm breeding, difficult, space intensive and time-consuming handling, small produced quantity, relatively low market value. The acceptance of these components suffer shortcomings in communication including reliable technical assistance and professional training using demonstration units for capacity building as well as choices of models for adaptability. The Health Care Centre, the Agricultural Extension Service and research institutions should work closer together on the standardization and general widespread introduction of BGP with connected ML as it would provide an efficient solution with synergy effects reducing the installation and fix costs, superseding the emptying procedure, enabling the safe reuse of night soil and alleviating the strong dependency of BGP-utilization on piggery. The Agricultural Extension Service already tries to offer and transmit information accordingly, but the institutional structure and efficiency referring on its internal organization, available quantity of field service staff and its capacity are insufficient. Further recommendations to improve the acceptance and dissemination rates include the establishment of user-societies/groups, demand-oriented offers of custom-to-fit-system, economic inducement and service network for microfinance at the grassroots level. The second phase of SANSED-Project offers the opportunity to consider the recommendations and to tackle the need for acceptance and dissemination research. ; Akzeptanzanalyse Neuer Technologien für ein Nachhaltiges Wasser- und Sanitärmanagement - Eine Fallstudie Landwirtschaftlicher Betriebshaushalte im Mekong Delta, Vietnam Die Entwicklung im landwirtschaftlichen und industriellen Produktionssektor führt zu zunehmender Verunreinigung der Wasserressourcen im Mekong Delta Vietnams. Dem "Vietnam Umwelt Monitor 2003 - Wasser" zur Folge verfügt etwa 40 % der Gesamtbevölkerung über kein sauberes Trinkwasser. Regierung und Umweltorganisationen wurden sich dieser zunehmenden Süßwasserkrise bewusst. Um den Millenium-Entwicklungszielen gerecht zu werden, wurde die "Nationale Strategie für ländliche Wasserversorgung und Sanitärwesen" (NRWSS) als Teil der nationalen "Strategie zur Armutsbekämpfung" erarbeitet. Die Wiederverwendung von Abfall/Abwasser in der Landwirtschaft kann eine effiziente Form der Wasserbehandlung und gleichzeitig ein bedeutender Beitrag zur Steigerung der Nahrungsmittelproduktion sein. Die vorliegende sozioökonomische Studie wurde im Rahmen des interdisziplinären SANSED-Projektes in den Jahren 2003/04 mit dem Ziel durchgeführt, Kriterien für ein nachhaltiges Abwasserbehandlungssystem zu definieren. Es sollte die Einstellung und das Akzeptanzverhalten von landwirtschaftlichen Betriebshaushalten (LBH, Nichtbenutzer und Benutzer) bezüglich der Nutzung von Biogasanlagen (BGA), modernen Latrinen (ML) und Biogasschlamm (BGS) als Hauptbestandteile eines ökologischen Abwassermanagementsystems analysiert und bewertet werden. Dabei war die Wiederverwertung von menschlichen Exkrementen mittels der Biogas-Technologie von besonderem Interesse. Anhand eines detaillierten Fragebogens zielte die Erhebung darauf ab, Informationen über die Rahmenbedingungen der LBH und deren Interaktionen zu erhalten. LANGENHEDER'S Theorie zur Entscheidungshandlung, KOLLMANN'S Akzeptanzmodell und DOPPLER'S Definition des landwirtschaftlichen Betriebshaushaltes bildeten die Grundlage für den Forschungsansatz. Insgesamt wurden 218 LBHs in drei ausgewählten Dorfgemeinschaften des Mekong Deltas sowie Repräsentanten der lokalen Regierung, von Universitäten und anderen Institutionen befragt. Die Studie führt zu die folgenden Ergebnissen und Empfehlungen: 80 % der LBHs haben keine moderne Latrine, 10 % besitzen überhaupt keine Latrine. Im Allgemeinen ist sich die Bevölkerung der hygienischen und ökologischen Probleme bewusst, aber tatsächliche Ansätze zur Problemlösung sind unzureichend. Die Benutzer-LBHs verfügen generell über einen höheren Lebensstandard und ein höheres Bildungsniveau. Abgesehen von ihrer landwirtschaftlichen Tätigkeit gehen sie einer außerlandwirtschaftlichen Arbeit nach, haben folglich ein stetigeres Einkommen und sind eher kreditwürdig. Kernprobleme der LBHs sind Kapitalmangel, unzureichendes Fachwissen und begrenzte Möglichkeiten der Weiterbildung. Die meisten Haushalte kennen die Regierungsabsichten, "Fischteich-Latrinen" zu ersetzen und den Gebrauch des organischen Düngers anstelle von unbehandelten Exkrementen zu fördern. Grundsätzlich sehen die LBHs die Nutzung von BGA, ML und BGS als fortschrittlich an. Trotzdem bestehen Hindernisse für ihre nachhaltige Übernahme und Verbreitung. Die wesentlichen Determinanten sind: BGA : Kapitalmangel und kein ausreichend kundenorientiertes Kleinkreditsystem; singuläre Abhängigkeit von der Schweinehaltung als Stoffeintragsquelle und dessen Preisschwankungen sowie Mangel an überwachten Qualitätsstandards der Installationen, schwierige Entleerung der Anlage. ML : Kein ökonomischer Anreiz, ML-Unangemessenheit (Luxusgut, das nicht zum bisherigen Lebensstandard/ Hausqualität auf dem Lande passt). BGS : Informationsmangel, dies betrifft speziell die BGS-Anwendung und Regenwurmzucht; unkomfortable, raum- und zeitintensive Behandlung, geringe Produktionsmenge, verhältnismäßig niedriger ökonomischer Wert. Die Erhöhung der Akzeptanzrate der o.g. Komponenten des Abwassermanagementsystems benötigt eine bessere Kommunikationsstrategie, eine zuverlässige technische Unterstützung und professionelles Training anhand von Demonstrationseinheiten zur Entwicklung der Kapazitäten sowie eine Auswahl an adäquaten Modellen. Die Poliklinik, der landwirtschaftliche Beratungsservice und die Forschungsinstitutionen sollten gemeinsam Qualitätsstandards festlegen und eine weiträumige Einführung von BGA mit ML-Anschluss initiieren. Dies wäre ein effizienter Ansatz mit Synergieeffekten in den Anschaffungskosten, der Installation, der Entleerung der BGA, der sicheren Wiederverwertung menschlicher Exkremente sowie der Verringerung der Abhängigkeit der BGA-Nutzung von der Schweinehaltung. Der landwirtschaftliche Beratungsservice versucht bereits entsprechende Informationen anzubieten und zu vermitteln, aber die Organisationsstruktur und Leistungsfähigkeit sind unzulänglich, da es an Personal und Ausbildung fehlt. Weitere Empfehlungen zur Verbesserung der Annahme- und Diffusionsrate schließen die Einrichtung von Benutzergemeinschaften, nachfrageorientierte Angebote von Custom-to-fit-Systemen, ökonomische Stimuli und ein Basisnetzwerk für Kleinkredite mit ein. Das Folgeprojekt SANSED II bietet die Möglichkeit, die Empfehlungen umzusetzen und den weiteren Forschungsbedarf in den Bereichen Akzeptanz- und Diffusionsforschung anzugehen.

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people's mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents' responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients' opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives 'western' theoretical knowledge through 'eastern' empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.