Suchergebnisse

BackgroundIn 1996, Brazil became the first developing country to provide free, universal access to HAART, laboratory monitoring, and clinical care to any eligible patient. As of June 2014, approximately 400,000 patients were under treatment, making it the most comprehensive HIV treatment initiative implemented thus far in a middle-income country, worldwide. The Brazilian epidemic is highly concentrated among men who have sex with men (MSM).MethodsFour national information systems were combined and Cox regression was used to conduct retrospective cohort analysis of HAART availability/access on all-cause mortality among MSM diagnosed with AIDS reported to the information systems between 1998-2008, adjusting for demographic, clinical, and behavioral factors and controlling for spatially-correlated survival data by including a frailty effect. Multiple imputation by chained equations was used to handle missing data.ResultsAmong 50,683 patients, 10,326 died during the 10year of period. All-cause mortality rates declined following introduction of HAART, and were higher among non-white patients and those starting HAART with higher viral load and lower CD4 counts. In multivariable analysis adjusted for race, age at AIDS diagnosis, and baseline CD4 cell count, MSM diagnosed in latter periods had almost a 50% reduction in the risk of death, compared to those diagnosed between 1998-2001 (2002-2005 adjHR: 0.54, 95% CI:0.51-0.57; 2006-2008 adjHR: 0.51, 95% CI:0.48-0.55). After controlling for spatially correlated survival data, mortality remained higher among those diagnosed in the earliest diagnostic cohort and lower among non-white patients and those starting HAART with higher viral load and lower CD4 lymphocyte counts.ConclusionsUniversal and free access to HAART has helped achieve impressive declines in AIDS mortality in Brazil. However, after a 10-years follow-up, differential AIDS-related mortality continue to exist. Efforts are needed to identify and eliminate these health disparities, therefore improving the Brazilian response towards HIV/AIDS epidemic.

BackgroundIn 1996, Brazil became the first developing country to provide free, universal access to HAART, laboratory monitoring, and clinical care to any eligible patient. As of June 2014, approximately 400,000 patients were under treatment, making it the most comprehensive HIV treatment initiative implemented thus far in a middle-income country, worldwide. The Brazilian epidemic is highly concentrated among men who have sex with men (MSM).MethodsFour national information systems were combined and Cox regression was used to conduct retrospective cohort analysis of HAART availability/access on all-cause mortality among MSM diagnosed with AIDS reported to the information systems between 1998-2008, adjusting for demographic, clinical, and behavioral factors and controlling for spatially-correlated survival data by including a frailty effect. Multiple imputation by chained equations was used to handle missing data.ResultsAmong 50,683 patients, 10,326 died during the 10year of period. All-cause mortality rates declined following introduction of HAART, and were higher among non-white patients and those starting HAART with higher viral load and lower CD4 counts. In multivariable analysis adjusted for race, age at AIDS diagnosis, and baseline CD4 cell count, MSM diagnosed in latter periods had almost a 50% reduction in the risk of death, compared to those diagnosed between 1998-2001 (2002-2005 adjHR: 0.54, 95% CI:0.51-0.57; 2006-2008 adjHR: 0.51, 95% CI:0.48-0.55). After controlling for spatially correlated survival data, mortality remained higher among those diagnosed in the earliest diagnostic cohort and lower among non-white patients and those starting HAART with higher viral load and lower CD4 lymphocyte counts.ConclusionsUniversal and free access to HAART has helped achieve impressive declines in AIDS mortality in Brazil. However, after a 10-years follow-up, differential AIDS-related mortality continue to exist. Efforts are needed to identify and eliminate these health disparities, therefore improving the Brazilian ...

Part 1: New Orientations and Topical Integrations -- Framing chapter: Devin O. Pendas, 'Final Solution', Holocaust, Shoah, or Genocide? From Separate to Integrated Histories -- Cathie Carmichael, Raphael Lemkin and Genocide before the Holocaust: ethnic and religious minorities under attack -- Dan Stone, Ideologies of Race: the Construction and Suppression of Otherness in Nazi Germany -- William J. Spurlin, Queering Holocaust Studies: New Frameworks for Understanding Nazi Homophobia and the Politics of Sexuality under National Socialism -- Daniel Blatman, Holocaust as Genocide: Milestones in the Historiographical Discourse -- Part 2: Plunder, Extermination, and Prosecution -- Framing chapter: Edward B. Westermann, Old Nazis, Ordinary Men, and New Killers: Synthetic and Divergent Histories of Perpetrators -- Mark Spoerer, The Nazi War Economy, the Forced Labour System, and the Murder of Jewish and Non-Jewish Workers -- Waitman Wade Beorn, All the Other Neighbors: Communal Genocide in Eastern Europe -- Kim Christian Priemel, War Crimes Trials, the Holocaust and Historiography, 1943- -- Bianca Gaudenzi, Crimes against Culture: From Plunder to postwar Restitution Politics -- Part 3: Reframing Jewish Histories -- Framing chapter: Dan Michman, Characteristics of Holocaust Historiography and their Contexts since 1990: Emphases, Perceptions, Developments, Debates -- David Engel, A Sustained Civilian Struggle: Rethinking Jewish Responses to the Nazi regime -- Guy Miron, Ghettos and Ghettoization: History and Historiography -- Martin C. Dean, Survivors of the Holocaust within the Nazi Universe of Camps -- Natalia Aleksiun, Social Networks of Support: Trajectories of Escape, Rescue, and Survival -- Joanna B. Michlic, A Young Person's War: the Disrupted Lives of Children and Youth -- Elisabeth Gallas and Laura Jockusch, Anything But Silent: Jewish Responses to the Holocaust in the Aftermath of World War II -- Part 4: Local, mobile and transnational Holocausts -- Framing chapter: Tim Cole, Geographies of the Holocaust -- Gerhard L. Weinberg, The Global 'Final Solution' and Nazi Imperialism -- Susanne Heim, Refugees' Routes: Emigration, Resettlement, andTransmigration -- David A. Messenger, The Geo-politics of Neutrality: Diplomacy, Refuge and Rescue during the Holocaust -- Alejandro Baer and Pedro Correa, Spain and the Holocaust: Contested Past, Contested Present -- Esther Webman, Contesting the "Zionist" Narrative: Arab Responses to the Holocaust -- Aomar Boum, Re-drawing Holocaust Geographies: A Cartography of Vichy and Nazi Reach into North Africa -- Part 5: Witnessing in dialogue: testifiers, readers and viewers -- Framing chapter: Alan Rosen, The Holocaust Witness: Wartime and Postwar Voices -- Monika J. Flaschka, Sexual Violence: Recovering a Suppressed History -- Jonathan Druker, Ethical Grey Zones: On Coercion and Complicity in the Concentration Camp and Beyond -- Carol Zemel, Holocaust Photography and the Challenge of the Visual -- Nicholas Chare, Holocaust Memory in a Post-Survivor World: Bearing Lasting Witness -- Noah Shenker, Post Memory: Digital Testimony and the Future of Witnessing -- Part 6: Human rights and visual culture -- Framing chapter: Valerie Hébert, The Problem of Human Rights after the Holocaust -- David B. MacDonald, Indigenous Genocide and Perceptions of the Holocaust in Canada -- Avril Alba, Lessons from History? The Future of Holocaust Education -- Amanda F. Grzyb, The Changing Landscape of Holocaust Memorialization in Poland -- Meghan Lundrigan, #Holocaust #Auschwitz: Performing Holocaust Memory on Social Media -- Daniel H. Magilow, Contemporary Holocaust Film Beyond MimeticImperatives.

Introdução: Apesar da conquista ao acesso de saúde em nosso país através da Constituição Federal de 1988, onde ressalta que saúde é direito de todos e dever do estado, os homossexuais, na maioria das vezes, ainda são tratados de forma indevida nas instituições de públicas, também nos serviços de saúde. Materiais e Métodos: O presente estudo traz uma parte da dissertação de mestrado "Comportamentos vulneráveis para ist e hiv/aids, uso de drogas e violência no trabalho entre travestis profissionais do sexo", este trabalho abordará as construções de políticas publicas voltadas a comunidade LGBT e suas fragilidades de implementação. Resultados e Discussões: No que tange saúde, a comunidade LGBT hoje em dia têm diversas medidas protetoras relacionadas aos direitos humanos, às discriminações e ao estigma que esta comunidade têm por si só. Porém, mesmo assim podemos ressaltar que diversos são os influenciadores para a negligencia na prática desta proteção e inserção no que tange aos atendimentos à saúde desta minoria Conclusões: O fato de haver lacunas entre o Sistema Único de Saúde e a população LGBT, as quais poderiam ser minimizadas com o trabalho continuo em educação em saúde e com a inserção desta temática na formação dos futuros profissionais. Esse distanciamento necessita ser superado, com o intuito de eliminar entraves, quanto aos preconceitos e juízos de valores em relação ao segmento e reconhecer que assim como todo e qualquer cidadão brasileiro, a população LGBT têm necessidades de saúde variadas e devem receber cuidados humanizados e pautados na integralidade em todos os níveis da atenção.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Minorias Sexuais e de Gênero. Sexualidade. Comportamento. Política Pública.


ABSTRACT

Introduction: : In spite of the conquest of access to health in our country through the Federal Constitution of 1988, which emphasizes that health is the right of everyone and the duty of the state, homosexuals are, in most cases, still treated improperly in public institutions , also in health services. Materials and Methods: The present study features a part of the master dissertation "Vulnerable Behaviors for Ist and HIV / AIDS, Drug Use and Workplace Violence among Sex Transgendered Professionals," this paper will address the constructions of public policies aimed at the LGBT community and their weaknesses in implementation. Results and Discussion: With regard to health, the LGBT community today has several protective measures related to human rights, discrimination and the stigma that this community has on its own. However, we can still point out that several are the influencers for the negligence in the practice of this protection and insertion in the health care of this minority Conclusions: The fact that there are gaps between the Unified Health System and the LGBT population, which could be minimized with the continuous work in health education and with the insertion of this theme in the training of future professionals. This distancing needs to be overcome in order to eliminate barriers to prejudices and value judgments in relation to the segment and to recognize that, like all Brazilian citizens, the LGBT population has different health needs and should receive humanized and standardized care in all levels of attention.
KEYWORDS: Sexual and Gender Minorities. Sexuality. Behavior. Public Policy

In an increasingly diverse society, bias and discrimination are concomitants of different value systems colliding. Among the most mentioned bases of discrimination are racial and sexual prejudices. Bias in a dominant social group against minorities causes discriminatory behavior. Since school has an important overriding educational mission with regard to promoting equality and inclusion, Anti-Bias Education (ABE) plays a crucial role in raising bias awareness and, therefore, in reducing discrimination. This research delves into the practical application of ABE within a classroom setting. The study designed and implemented lesson plans, subsequently analyzing the students' reactions to them. The lessons were designed to stimulate student participation, facilitate direct discussions on bias, and encourage reflective thinking. Two key factors emerged as particularly influential in successful ABE: emotional involvement, which fostered empathy and understanding, and the provision of a platform for students to share personal experiences. Classroom participation did not decrease when students disagreed with the topic. The use of resources such as short films and interactive games proved effective in challenging preconceived notions and stereotypes. Further research is recommended to investigate quantifiable changes in students' bias awareness and long-term behavior.

Zusammenfassung
In einer zunehmend vielfältigen Gesellschaft sind Vorurteile und Diskriminierung Begleiterscheinungen des Aufeinandertreffens unterschiedlicher Wertesysteme. Zu den am häufigsten genannten Gründen gehören rassistische und sexuelle Vorurteile. Vorurteile einer dominanten sozialen Gruppe gegenüber anderen Minderheiten führen zu diskriminierendem Verhalten. Da die Schule im Hinblick auf die Förderung von Gleichheit und Integration einen wichtigen, übergeordneten Bildungsauftrag hat, spielt die Anti-Bias-Education (ABE) eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Sensibilisierung für Vorurteile und damit beim Abbau von Diskriminierung. Diese Studie befasst sich mit der praktischen Anwendung von ABE in einem Klassenzimmer. Im Rahmen der Studie werden Unterrichtseinheiten entworfen und umgesetzt und anschliessend die Reaktionen der Schüler:innen auf diese Pläne analysiert. Die Unterrichtsstunden wurden so gestaltet, dass sie die Beteiligung der SchülerInnen anregen, direkte Diskussionen über Vorurteile erleichtern und zum Nachdenken anregen. Zwei Schlüsselfaktoren erwiesen sich als besonders einflussreich für eine erfolgreiche ABE: emotionale Beteiligung, die Empathie und Verständnis förderte, und die Bereitstellung einer Plattform für die Schüler:innen, um persönliche Erfahrungen zu teilen. Die Beteiligung in der Klasse nahm nicht ab, wenn die Schüler:innen mit dem Thema nicht einverstanden waren. Der Einsatz von Ressourcen wie Kurzfilmen und interaktiven Spielen erwies sich als wirksam, um vorgefasste Meinungen und Stereotypen zu widerlegen. Weitere Studien werden empfohlen, um quantifizierbare Veränderungen im Bewusstsein der Schüler:innen für Vorurteile und im langfristigen Verhalten zu untersuchen.

Résumé
Dans une société de plus en plus diversifiée, les préjugés et la discrimination sont les conséquences malheureuses de l'affrontement de différents systèmes de valeurs. Les préjugés raciaux et sexuels figurent parmi les raisons les plus souvent citées. Les préjugés d'un groupe social dominant à l'égard d'autres minorités entraînent un comportement discriminatoire. L'école ayant une mission éducative primordiale dans la promotion de l'égalité et de l'inclusion, l'éducation anti-biais (EAB) joue un rôle crucial dans la sensibilisation aux préjugés et, par conséquent, dans la réduction de la discrimination. Cette recherche se penche sur l'application pratique de l'EAB dans une salle de classe. L'étude conçoit et met en œuvre des plans de cours, puis analyse les réactions des élèves. Les leçons ont été conçues pour stimuler la participation des élèves, faciliter les discussions directes sur les préjugés et encourager la réflexion. Deux facteurs clés se sont révélés particulièrement influents dans la réussite de l'EAB : l'implication émotionnelle, qui a favorisé l'empathie et la compréhension, et la mise à disposition d'une plateforme permettant aux élèves de partager leurs expériences personnelles. La participation en classe n'a pas diminué lorsque les élèves n'étaient pas d'accord avec le sujet. L'utilisation de ressources telles que des courts-métrages et des jeux interactifs s'est avérée efficace pour remettre en question les idées préconçues et les stéréotypes. Il est recommandé de poursuivre les recherches afin d'étudier les changements quantifiables dans la prise de conscience des préjugés par les élèves et dans leur comportement à long terme.

Schlagworte: Voreingenommenheit; Diskriminierung; Anti-Bias-Education; Unterrichtsplan; ethnische Minderheiten;sexuelle Minderheiten
Mots-clés: Préjugés; Discrimination; Éducation anti-préjugés; Plan de cours; Minorités raciales; Minorités sexuelles

The problems of the quality of democracy in the EU member states that joined during the recent enlargements of the union are studied. The main manifestations of the growth of democratic regress are revealed: the rise of left and right populism, illiberal government initiatives, government efforts to narrow the scope of civil society, oppression of minorities (ethnic, sexual, etc.), growing hate speech, political corruption, demonization of refugees and more. The EU's performance in the field of the quality of democracy has been described as unsatisfactory, resulting in an increase in illiberal democracy and other types of defective democracies in the member states. The current range of EU instruments (including Article 7 of the EU Treaty) is currently insufficient to effectively prevent and combat the deterioration of the quality of democracy in the member states. The need to develop and adopt new mechanisms for monitoring the observance of democratic standards in the member states was emphasized. The article focuses on the impact of information and communication technologies on liberal democracy (the impact of online trolls and other virtual "weapons"). It has been proven that the preconditions for the deterioration of the quality of democracy in the "young democracies" of Central and Eastern Europe were laid before the global financial crisis of 2008, but it was this crisis that triggered the mechanisms of democracy consolidation. The institutional, political and economic reasons for the democratic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European states that are members of the EU are highlighted. It was noted that the COVID-19 pandemic not only delayed the EU's implementation of a number of tasks to improve the quality of democracy, but also served as a basis for some member states to continue to expand the powers of governments and narrow the democratic civic space. The author of the article defines the COVID-19 pandemic as a stress test for the "young democracies" of Central and Eastern Europe, which are members of the EU. ; Досліджуються проблеми якості демократії в державах-учасницях ЄС, які приєдналися в процесі останніх розширень союзу. З'ясовуються основні прояви наростання демократичного регресу: підйом лівого та правого популізму, неліберальні урядові ініціативи, намагання влади звузити простір дії громадянського суспільства, утиски меншин (етнічних, сексуальних та ін.), наростання мови ненависті, політична корупція, демонізація біженців тощо. Діяльність ЄС у площині якості демократії охарактеризована як незадовільна, наслідком чого визначено наростання неліберальної демократії та інших видів дефектних демократій у державах-учасницях. Наявний спектр інструментів ЄС (зокрема й ст. 7 Договору про ЄС) визначено недостатнім для ефективного запобігання та протидії погіршенню якості демократії в країнах-учасницях. Підкреслено необхідність розробки та прийняття ЄС нових механізмів контролю за дотриманням демократичних стандартів у державах-учасницях. У статті приділено увагу питанню впливу інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій на ліберальну демократію (вплив онлайн-тролів та іншої віртуальної «зброї»). Доведено, що передумови для погіршення якості демократії в «молодих демократіях» Центральної та Східної Європи були закладені ще до глобальної фінансової кризи 2008 р., однак саме ця криза запустила механізми деконсолідації демократії. Виділено інституційні, політичні та економічні причини демократичного відставання держав Центральної та Східної Європи, які входять до ЄС. Зазначено, що пандемія COVID-19 не лише відклала реалізацію ЄС низки завдань щодо покращення якості демократії, а й слугувала підставою окремим державам-учас-ницям продовжити розширювати повноваження урядів і звужувати демократичний громадянський простір. Пандемію COVID-19 автор статті визначає як тест на стресостійкість для «молодих демократій» Центральної та Східної Європи, які входять до ЄС.

Anthropology and historyAlter, Joseph S. Gandhi's body: sex, diet, and the politics of nationalismBoone, Elizabeth Hill and Tom Cummins (eds). Native traditions in the post‐conquest worldGeary, Christraud M. and Virginia‐Lee Webb (eds). Delivering views: distant cultures in early postcardsJulien, Catherine. Reading Inca history.Mignolo, Walter D. Local histories/global designs: coloniality, subaltern knowledges, and border thinking.Ridington, Robin and Dennis Hastings. Blessing for a long time: the sacred pole of the Omaha tribe.Rodman, Margaret Critchlow. Houses far from home: British colonial space in the New Hebrides.Roth, Michael S. and Charles G. Salas (eds). Disturbing remains: memory, history, and crisis in the twentieth century.Van der Veer, Peter. Imperial encounters: religion and modernity in India and Britain.Applied anthropologyBarume, Albert Kwokwo. Heading towards extinction? Indigenous rights in Africa: the case of the Twa of the Kahuzi‐Biega National Park, Democratic Republic of Congo.Ellen, Roy, Peter Parkes and Alan Bicker (eds). Indigenous environmental knowledge and its transformations: critical anthropological perspectives.Goldman, Laurence R. (ed.). Social impact analysis: an applied anthropology manual.ArchaeologyBinford, Lewis R. Constructing frames of reference: an analytical method for archaeological theory building using ethnographic and environmental data sets.Ikram, Salima and Aidan Dodson. The mummy in ancient Egypt: equipping the dead for eternityPerry, Warren R. Landscape, transformations and the archaeology of impact: social disruption and state formation in southern AfricaBiological anthropologyCrawford, Michael H. The origins of Native Americans: evidence from anthropological geneticsMcMichael, Tony. Human frontiers, environments, and disease: past patterns, uncertain futuresGenderBourdieu, Pierre (transl. Richard Nice). Masculine domination.Cassell, Joan. The woman in the surgeon's body.Feinberg, Richard. Oral traditions of Anuta: a Polynesian outlier in the Solomon Islands.Gilmore, David D. Misogyny: the male malady.Hirsch, Susan F. Pronouncing and persevering: gender and discourses of disputing in an African Islamic court.Sobo, Elisa J. and Sandra Bell (eds). Celibacy, culture, and society: the anthropology of sexual abstinence.GeneralAuyero, Javier. Poor people's politics: Peronist survival networks and the legacy of Evita.Bender, Barbara and Margot Winer (eds). Contested landscapes: movement, exile and place.Blum, Susan D. Portraits of 'primitives': ordering human kinds in the Chinese nation.Chambers, Keith and Anne Chambers. Unity of heart: culture and change in a Polynesian atoll societyChaudenson, Robert with Salikoko S. Mufwene. Creolization of language and cultureHaviland, John B. and Roger Hart. Old Man Fog and the last Aborigines of Barrow PointMcVeigh, Brian J. Wearing ideology: state, schooling and self‐presentation in Japan.Michaud, Jean (ed.). Turbulent times and enduring peoples: mountain minorities in the South‐east Asian massifNelson, John K. Enduring identities: the guise of Shinto in contemporary JapanRosenberger, Nancy. Gambling with virtue: Japanese women and the search for self in a changing nationSusser, Ida and Thomas C. Patterson (eds). Cultural diversity in the United States: a critical readerYoust, Lionel. She's tricky like Coyote: Annie Miner Peterson, an Oregon Coast Indian womanMethod and theoryAllen, N.J. Categories and classifications: Maussian reflections on the socialBowker, Geoffrey C. and Susan Leigh Star. Sorting things out: classification and its consequencesHerzfeld, Michael. Anthropology: theoretical practice in culture and societyKurin, Richard. Reflections of a culture broker: a view from the SmithsonianLincoln, Bruce. Theorizing myth: narrative, ideology, and scholarship.Nelson, Robert S. (ed.). Visuality before and beyond the Renaissance.Watson, C.W. Multiculturalism.Social anthropologyBates, Crispin (ed.). Community, empire and migration: South Asians in diaspora.Eves, Richard. The magical body: power, fame and meaning in a Melanesian society.Gudeman, Stephen. The anthropology of economy: community, market and culture.Harris, Mark. Life on the Amazon: the anthropology of a Brazilian peasant village.Harris, Olivia. To make the earth bear fruit: fertility, work, gender in Highland Bolivia.Helleiner, Jane. Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture.Ramirez, Philippe. De la disparition des chefs: une anthropologie politique népalaise.Vincent, Jeanne‐Françoise. Femmes Beti entre deux mondes: entretiens dans la forêt du Cameroun

In this review we bet by projecting the idea of Olga Lucia Vélez (2003) in his book "reconfiguring the social work": Develop reflections which give display features of a comprehensive, renewed reading and the social work for its holistic discipline, a perspective complex, critical and constructivist; integrate inquiries within the framework of building discipline in social work, University research group of the Salle in Bogotá Colombia. We present contributions on ethical, epistemological and methodological reconfiguration of social services: Vélez (2003, 7-19) proposes think convergent and prospectively from outside and from the inside; strengthen the values and principles from which leads professional action; contribute to understanding and addressing fundamental problems of contemporary, societies with available to reflect on ourselves, challenges, options and possibilities that arduous and complex aspects of reality suggests (ethical dimension). Reorganize specific knowledge, promote open, relevant, relevant and significant knowledge with rigour and critically (new maps cognitive - epistemological dimension-), in which we can accommodate the error and illusion. Strategically display their effectiveness, efficiency and competitiveness, consider the deployment of action (methodological dimension) that conjuguemos global with the particular devices. In social work in Latin America, later the reconceptualization fruit polarizations of speeches and practices on the profession, discipline and professional training, dictatorships contexts; emergence of social sciences, establishment of the neoliberal model, has been to reflect on the vocational Intervencion propositivamente. "Contexts local, national, regional and global demand today resignificar social services; rebuild the exercise, of ético-política and teórico-metodológica, reflection allowing informed interventions, conjuguemos reflection, action and transformation, to influence strategically and relevant in the complexity of the social question, showing high levels of poverty, marginalization, labour flexibility, displacement, immigration, interculturalism, inequalities, inequities, institutions delegitimizing and exclusion of ethnic minorities or political, religious and sexual, among many other aspects of the complex social reality orientations demonstrations permanently" (University of Antioquia, 2008). Gustavo Parra (2005, 89) proposes to take the social work as a professional project with three dimensions: "ético-política, teóricometodológica, operativo-instrumental. inherent and insolvable, articulated together, separated for analytical purposes only". In this review we do emphasis in three dimensions that today charged vitally important for the professional projection: we provide arguments for ethical, epistemological and methodological, reconfiguration view to respond to changes and contextual paradoxes. This does not mean ignoring the importance of other dimensions as the ideological context, aesthetic, also necessary in understanding and complex consolidation of social services. ; En esta revisión apostamos por proyectar la idea de Olga Lucía Vélez (2003) en su libro Reconfigurando el Trabajo Social: desarrollamos reflexiones que aportan a visualizar las características de una lectura comprensiva, renovada y holística del Trabajo Social, para su consolidación disciplinar, desde una perspectiva compleja, crítica y constructivista; integramos indagaciones desarrolladas en el marco del grupo de investigación Construcción Disciplinar en Trabajo Social , en la Universidad de La Salle en Bogotá, Colombia. Presentamos aportes sobre reconfiguración ética, epistemológica y metodológica del Trabajo Social: Vélez (2003, 7-19) propone pensarlo convergente y prospectivamente desde afuera y desde adentro; afianzar los valores y principios desde los que se direcciona la acción profesional; aportar a comprender y abordar problemas fundamentales de las sociedades contemporáneas, con disposición de reflexionar sobre nosotros mismos, los desafíos, opciones y posibilidades que aspectos duros y complejos de la realidad sugieren (dimensión ética). Reorganizar el saber específico, promover conocimientos abiertos, pertinentes, relevantes y significativos con rigor y espíritu crítico (nuevos mapas cognitivos –dimensión epistemológica-), en los cuales podemos albergar el error y la ilusión. Visualizar estratégicamente su eficacia, eficiencia y competitividad, considerar el despliegue de dispositivos de actuación (dimensión metodológica) en que conjuguemos lo global con lo particular. En Trabajo social en América Latina, posterior a la reconceptualización, fruto de polarizaciones de los discursos y prácticas sobre la profesión, disciplina y formación profesional, contextos de dictaduras; eclosión de las ciencias sociales, instauración del modelo neoliberal, se ha avanzado en reflexionar propositivamente sobre la Intervención Profesional. Los contextos local, nacional, regional y global, demandan hoy resignificar el Trabajo Social; reconstruir permanentemente el ejercicio, a partir de la reflexión ético-política y teórico-metodológica, que permita intervenciones fundamentadas, en que conjuguemos la reflexión, la acción y la transformación, para incidir de manera estratégica y pertinente en la complejidad de las manifestaciones de la cuestión social, que presenta altos niveles de pobreza, marginalidad, flexibilidad laboral, desplazamiento, inmigración, interculturalidad, desigualdades, inequidades, deslegitimación de las instituciones y exclusión de minorías étnicas u orientaciones políticas, religiosas y sexuales, entre muchos otros aspectos propios de la compleja realidad social" (Universidad de Antioquia, 2008). Gustavo Parra (2005, 89) propone asumir el Trabajo Social como un proyecto profesional con tres dimensiones: "ético-política, teórico-metodológica, operativo-instrumental. inherentes e indisolubles, articuladas entre sí, separadas únicamente para fines analíticos". La complejidad de lo social y de la intervención social, implica comprenderlas relacional y holísticamente, en sus múltiples pliegues. En esta revisión hacemos énfasis en tres dimensiones que hoy cobran vital importancia para la proyección profesional: aportamos argumentos para una reconfiguración ética, epistemológica y metodológica, en la perspectiva de responder a los cambios y paradojas contextuales. Esto no implica desconocer la importancia de otras dimensiones como la ideológica, contextual, estética, también necesarias en la comprensión y consolidación compleja del Trabajo Social.

15 Years of Predictions and Realities With this issue we begin our fifteenth year of publication. This decade and a half has certainly seen a number of changes to the field, and to the academy in general. If we compare the present state of the field, and higher education in general, to what was predicted for us 15 years ago, we can get a 30,000-foot view on some interesting advancements and disappointing stalls. We'd like to look at just two of those predictions, where the current state of affairs illustrates just how fluid and nuanced higher education is as we crawl out of the global pandemic. Parsing the field in any way we choose, via institutions, or disciplines, or geographic regions, or modes of instruction, etc., we can see but one commonality: we are not monolithic, and do not move in lockstep. Online / Digital / Remote instruction Perhaps the most ubiquitous and incessant prediction, one that began in the mid-1990s and which we are still working hard to manifest, is that online education will conquer the digital divide and democratize higher education. We can all point to successful online programs, degrees, and even entire universities. However, as we have learned in the past year, the potential for remote instruction is still high, but other factors, unanticipated fifteen years ago, mitigate against it becoming the panacea for all the ills of higher education. ZOOM fatigue is real, and a student's success in an online environment relies heavily on their internal locus of control. Remote instruction, we have learned, requires students to be far more responsible for their own time and effort than any face-to-face instruction ever required. We're not sure if this is the reason why students dislike remote instruction, but the fact is that they do, or at least they did. A survey of undergraduates conducted by SimpsonScarborough in March of 2020 (at the beginning of the lockdown of higher ed here in the US) revealed that 63% of the respondents said that online instruction was worse than the in-person instruction they received at their school. When SimpsonScarborough repeated the same survey just a month later, than number had risen to 70%.1 But, oh, what a difference a year makes. The Digital Learning Pulse survey of undergraduates in the US, published in April of 2021 by Bay View Analytics (in partnership with a number of entities heavily invested in the use of technology in education), notes that 73% of their respondents either somewhat agreed or strongly agreed that they would like to take some fully online courses in the future.2 Maybe we got better at remote instruction once we had a chance to breathe after the mad scramble to jump online in the spring of 2020. Maybe students rose to the occasion and remained persistent in their coursework. Or maybe the real explanation here is the distinction between being forced to have all your courses online and choosing to take some fully online courses. And there are other reasons why we are not all teaching MOOCs as we sit poolside, relying on ZOOM to make us look engaged with a nicely academic virtual background. Even before the pandemic, the rise (and subsequent fall) of many for-profit online universities painted online instruction with a broad brush, and soured many on it as just a cash grab. Some not-for-profit institutions, looking to cut instructional expenses and get good returns on their investments in large Learning Management Systems, played fast and loose with intellectual property rights, and the professoriate (whom those institutions saw as merely content providers) balked at having their instructional designs and course materials co-opted into turnkey courses that could be taught by adjuncts or teaching assistants. Fortunately, the tide has turned in this matter at least, as many institutions have articulated IP policies that benefit greatly from faculty input. Other enhancements or appendages to online instruction, things like the gamification of learning or the use of virtual reality, have sputtered and seen little penetration in the culture. Big Data Another prediction that has been proven true, but in unexpected ways, is one bruited about for decades. Decisions in higher education, this prediction states, will rely less on historical models, institutional or disciplinary inertia, and the vagaries of theoretical models. Rather, these decisions will be driven by data. And those data sets are overwhelmingly numerical rather than verbal. Everything from student ratings of instruction to annual reviews of faculty members, from your methodology for evaluating student performance to Comprehensive Administrative Review dashboards, relies on numbers. While the distinction between, say, a score of 4.6 and a score of 4.7 out of 5 may be minute, for many faculty members such fine distinctions matter a great deal, because they are tied to their compensation packages. We can, in good faith, argue both sides of the tendency to boil our professional lives down to a series of numbers, but the movement away from anecdotal evidence and the "it works for me" mentality has, in large part, improved both curricula and instruction. The SoTL field, more than almost any other discipline in higher education, has sorted itself over the period of the last fifteen years, demonstrating a strong preference for data-driven decision-making. IJSoTL itself illustrates this point. If you look at the articles from our first year of publication, you see a far wider variety of article types. There are some articles that follow the social science model--where data is generated then analyzed, but there are a number of other forms, like essays, reflections, and personal narratives. Our most recent issues are almost completely filled with articles that follow the social science model, since what it offers is reliability and repeatability. In other areas, however, this drive toward data has moved in fits and starts. Predictive analytics, where instructors can drill down into huge data sets to predict the success or failure of individual students, has been one of the largest carrots dangled in front of us in recent years. It represents the most enticing promise of data, yet it still cannot offer the level of certainty that the big data sales teams continue to claim. But the efficacy and the possibility of data for transforming higher education is seen at its most engaging in what we might call the rise of assessment culture. As we employ the Continuous Quality Improvement or Total Quality Management cycles first used in the US in the 1950s, honed to their streamlined perfection in Japan in the 1970s, then rediscovered in the west in the 1980s, we participate in the "plan-do-study-act" process that is the foundation for any sound and lasting change in a culture or institution. And the grist for this mill, the fuel for this engine, is the data we generate then analyze. We think we can say with certainty that nothing in higher education has had such a positive impact, or possesses such still-untapped potential, as the data generated through program assessment. A Special Issue Moving from the past to the very immediate future, we will be celebrating our fifteenth year of publication with a special issue that will come out in January of 2022.That issue will focus on the scholarship of teaching and learning here where the journal is housed, at Georgia Southern University. We would like to show the innovative work that our colleagues are doing here, in the hope that you may be able to use what they're doing in your own work. We'll still be publishing our regular issue in May of 2022 so this special issue is a bonus, and this volume will contain three issues rather than two. A Change to the Masthead Before we show you a variety of our colleagues on our several campuses in our special issue, we'd like to introduce just one, a new addition to our masthead. Nikki DiGregorio is an Associate Professor in the School of Human Ecology and a member of the Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Executive Board at Georgia Southern. She joins the journal as an Editor-in-Chief. Nikki teaches courses in sexuality and diversity in human development, public policies affecting families, as well as programming and evaluation, and conducts research on the interplay between social policy, language appropriation, and the experiences of gender and sexual minorities. Nikki has published in SoTL, examining especially the effectiveness of teaching strategies centered around concepts including diversity-related issues, homophobia, trauma-informed care, objectification, and sexualization. She is also the current Vice President of the Family Science Association, the premiere teaching-focused organization in the discipline. As many of us head back to face-to-face instruction in the fall of 2021, we hope you all can keep safe, and will find both fulfillment and joy in the new normal, whatever that may be. The Editors Notes 1. See "Higher Ed and COVID-19: National Student Survey," SimpsonScarborough, April 2020, available at https://f.hubspotusercon- tent30.net/hubfs/4254080/SimpsonScarborough%20National%20Student%20Survey%20.pdf, and "Higher Ed and COVID-19: April Replication of the National Student Survey," SimpsonScarborough, April 2020, available at https://f.hubspotusercontent30.net/ hubfs/4254080/The%20April%20Replication%20of%20the%20National%20Student%20Survey%20by%20SimpsonScarb orough.pdf. 2. For complete results, see https://info.cengage.com/wrec_PulseSurveyResults_1470945, which requires a free registration. For a summary of results, see "Students Want Online Learning Options Post-Pandemic," by Lindsay McKenzie, in Inside Higher Ed, 27 April 2021, available at https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2021/04/27/survey-reveals-positive-outlook-online-instruction-po st-pan- demic#:~:text=The%20majority%20of%20students,%2073,in%2Dperson%20and%20online%20instruction.

Today Ukraine faces a number of social, medical, spiritual problems (severe ailments, alcoholism, abortions, depression, suicides, etc.). They are usually determined by a low level of culture of spiritual and physical health of the population. Therefore, the need for Civic Education of future physicians is urgent. This will ensure their readiness for educational and public activities in order to address these important health problems. The aim of the study is to determine the content and methods of Civic Education of future medical professionals on the basisof interdisciplinary integration. The author uses methods of analysis of scientific literature, normative documents, content analysis, induction and deduction.It has been found that structuring the content of Civic Education within Human Rights, Gender and National components will help prepare future physicians for social work with different social groups, taking into consideration national characteristics and world experience in protecting Human Rights in the Health Care system. The Human Rights component involves the study of topics related to international legal acts, which regulate the provision of Human Rights, especially of vulnerable groups (children, including orphans, children with special needs, unborn children, national minorities and people with disabilities). The Gender component means studying issues of implementation of equal rights and opportunities for women and men in the field of Health, as well as addressing the problems that are determined by the gender peculiarities of patients. In this context Civic Education of future physicians means: firstly, understanding of socio-cultural and political and legal factors of gender issues in the field of Health Care; secondly, readiness to carry out educational work (within Family Psychology and Conflictology) in order to prevent domestic / sexual violence as well as provide professional assistance to those who became its victims; thirdly, the ability to identify, analyze and solve problems regarding family planning, abortion, post abortion syndrome, etc. The National component of Civic Education deals with issues that reflect the main characteristics of Ukrainian Identity / historical experience of the Nation and their role in solving medical and bioethical problems.The basic method of forming of Civic Education of students of medical universities, namely the method of project preparation is determined. It is aimed at developing the practical skills of future physicians to create and implement community initiatives. in order to improve the Nation Health. This method will help students to master the skills of Citizen Participation in society / in government. As a result, future physicians will be able to use such methods of Citizen Participation as local initiative, participation in public organizations, volunteer services or activities as well as awareness campaign. This method will be effective if teachers and students systematically collaborate in order to prepare and implement social and medical projects. ; Сьогодні Україна має низку соціальних, медичних, духовних проблем (важкі недуги, алкоголізм, аборти, депресії, суїциди тощо). Вони зазвичай детерміновані низьким рівнем культури духовного і фізичного здоров'я населення. Тому актуальною є потреба громадянської освіти майбутніх медиків. Це забезпечить їх готовність до просвітницької та громадської роботи задля вирішення важливих проблем охорони здоров'я. Мета статті – визначити зміст і методи формування громадянської освіченості майбутніх медичних фахівців на засадах міждисциплінарної інтеграції. Авторка використовує методи аналізу наукової літератури, нормативних документів, контент-аналізу, індукції і дедукції.Встановлено, що структурування змісту громадянської освіти в межах правозахисного, гендерного та національного компонентів допоможе підготувати фахівців медицини до громадської роботи з різними соціальними групами, враховуючи національні особливості та світовий досвід захисту прав людини в сфері охорони здоров'я. Правозахисний компонент передбачає вивчення тем, пов'язаних із міжнародними нормативними актами, які регулюють забезпечення прав людини, особливо, вразливих груп (діти, діти сироти, діти з особливими потребами, ненароджені діти, а також національні меншини та люди з інвалідністю). Гендерний компонент означає вивчення359 № 2(17)2 0 1 9ПЕДАГОГIЧНI НАУКИпитань щодо реалізації рівних прав і можливостей для жінок і чоловіків у сфері охорони здоров'я, вирішення проблем, детермінованих гендерними особливостями пацієнтів. У цьому контексті громадянська освіченість майбутніх медиків означає: по-перше, розуміння соціально-культурних і політико-правових чинників гендерних проблем у сфері охорони здоров'я; по-друге, готовність проводити просвітницьку роботу (в межах сімейної психології та конфліктології) задля попередження домашнього, сексуального насильства, а також надання професійної допомоги особам, які стали їх жертвами; по-третє, здатність визначати, аналізувати й вирішувати проблеми щодо планування сім'ї, абортів, постабортного синдрому та ін. Національний компонент громадянської освіченості пов'язаний з питаннями, що відображають основні риси української ідентичності, історичний досвід нації та їх роль у вирішенні медичних і біоетичних проблем.Пріоритетним методом формування громадянської освіченості студентів медичних ЗВО визначено метод підготовки проектів, спрямований на вироблення практичних навичок майбутніх медиків створювати та реалізовувати громадські ініціативи з метою покращення здоров'я нації. Цей метод допоможе студентам розвивати навички громадянської участі у суспільстві, у владі. Відтак, майбутні медики зможуть використовувати такі методи участі громадян, як місцева ініціатива, участь у громадських організаціях, волонтерські послуги чи діяльність, а також просвітницька кампанія. Даний метод буде ефективним за умови системної співпраці викладачів і студентів з метою підготовки та реалізації соціальних і медичних проектів.

In der Arbeit wird untersucht, wie die EU mit Diversität umgeht, wie sich entsprechende Maßnahmen in der Personalpolitik der verschiedenen europäischen Behörden niederschlägt und welche Auswirkungen dies hat. Es wird herausgearbeitet, dass die EU als Institution einige Spezifika aufweist, die diese Frage beeinflussen und die bei einer Beurteilung Berücksichtigung finden müssen. So ist die EU verpflichtet, die Vielfalt der Mitgliedstaaten in den eigenen Institutionen abzubilden. Eine Besonderheit ist auch, dass die Effizienz der Organisation " und damit auch der mögliche Wert von Diversity Management (DiM) " mangels marktinduzierter Kriterien schwer zu bestimmen ist. Die Arbeit gliedert sich in vier Teile. Nach einer überblickartigen Einführung (Teil A) werden in Teil B der Anspruch von DiM und dessen Vor- und Nachteile dargestellt. Als Bezugspunkt für erfolgreiches DiM werden einige Beispiele aus deutschen Großunternehmen angeführt, wo DiM eine relativ bedeutende Rolle spielt. Die Einschätzung, was diese Erfahrungen für die EU bedeuten könnten, schließt den Teil B ab. Dabei werden die Besonderheiten einer Behörde, die durch starke rechtliche Regelungen gebunden ist und für die es kaum eindeutige Effizienzkriterien gibt, besonders hervorgehoben. Der Teil C enthält die empirischen Recherchen, die angestellt wurden. Dazu werden zunächst das Weißbuch des Kinnock Reports und das Statut für die Beamten der Europäischen Gemeinschaften von 2004 ausführlich dargestellt und anschließend gewürdigt. Es stellt sich heraus, dass bei einzelnen Personalmaßnahmen bereits weitgehende Öffnungen und Flexibilitäten vorgesehen sind, die sich unmittelbar zur Implementierung von DiM anbieten. Im Weiteren wurde ein leitender Mitarbeiter des Europäischen Parlaments zu dem Statut ausführlich interviewt. Die Ergebnisse verleihen den vorher geschilderten Regelungen des Statuts Farbe und vermitteln dem Außenstehenden ein lebendiges Bild vom Innenleben einer solchen Behörde. Die Einschätzung der neuen Regelungen durch den Interviewten ist zwar differenziert, aber insgesamt ergibt sich doch ein positives Bild der personalpolitischen Maßnahmen im Hinblick auf die mögliche Implementierung von DiM. Die zweite wesentliche empirische Quelle der Arbeit sind Publikationen der EU selbst zu Problemen der Diversität, Diskriminierung und verwandten Themen. Die dazu erschienenen Broschüren geben Auskunft darüber, welche Ansichten die Mitarbeiter zu Bestrebungen um Diversität und Chancengleichheit äußern, welche Aktionen die EU plant und welche Erfolge man sich erhofft. Die Prüfung dieser Unterlagen ergibt, dass in einer solchen Organisation die Integration von Minderheiten weit fortgeschritten ist und Vorurteile und offene Diskriminierungen weitgehend fehlen. Jedoch werden Umsetzungsprobleme der Maßnahmen zur Chancengleichheit der Geschlechter, zur work-life balance, zur Respektierung von Behinderungen oder sexuellen Orientierungen konstatiert. Um die geschilderten Maßnahmen zu beurteilen, werden sie mit entsprechenden Entwicklungen der im zweiten Teil der Arbeit beschriebenen privatwirtschaftlichen Organisationen, die als Vorreiter des DiM in Europa angesehen werden können, verglichen. In einem weiteren Schritt sollten die Einschätzung der Mitarbeiter zu Diversität und zu den vorher beschriebenen Maßnahmen ergründet werden. Die ins Auge gefasste repräsentative Befragung konnte trotz anfänglicher Ermutigung in einer Behörde der EU, dem Europäischen Parlament (EP), nicht durchgeführt werden, da die EU-Behörden eine offizielle Unterstützung der Untersuchung und damit den Zugang zu anderen Interviewpartnern nicht zustimmten. Daher beschränkte sich die Befragung auf Mitarbeiter, die sich nach Ansprache durch einige leitende Beamte zur Beantwortung gleichsam als Privatpersonen zur Ausfüllung des Fragebogens bereit erklärten. Die Befragung hat also keinerlei repräsentativen, sondern rein explorativen Charakter. Im Teil D der Arbeit wird eine Gesamtbewertung der Recherchen abgegeben. Es wird konstatiert, dass zwar eine Menge an Einzelinitiativen und -maßnahmen in den Behörden der EU zu finden ist, dass aber mit einem übergreifenden Konzept des DiM diese Aktionen koordiniert und in ihrem Nutzen verstärkt werden könnten. ; This document investigates, how the EU handles diversity and how certain measures of personnel management in the different institutions of the EU develop. The paper will show that the EU as an institution has some specifics that influence this question and that have to be recognized. E. g. the EU is forced to build up all member states within their institutions. A specialty is also that the efficiency of the organization - and therefore the possible value of Diversity Management (DiM) - is difficult to define because of missing market induced criteria. The document is divided into fore parts. After an over viewing introduction (part A) part B describes the claim, the advantages and disadvantages of DiM. As a reference for effective DiM some examples from big German enterprises, in which DiM plays an important roll, are given. The judgment of the importance for the EU concludes part B. The specialties of an institution that is regulated by strict rules and has almost no efficiency criteria will be specially mentioned. Part C contains the empirical research. First of all the Kinnock-Report and the Staff Regulations for the European Union of 2004 will be described and recognized in detail. It will be stated that some personnel management measures already execute an opening to DiM and give flexibility to the organization. In the following a leading member of European Parliament- staff has been interviewed. The results will give color to the rules of the staff regulations and will give a living picture of the interior of the EU. The judgment of the interview partner concerning the staff regulations is differentiated but all in all it gives a positive picture of the personnel management measures with reference to a possible implementation of DiM. The second important source of this document are publications of the EU itself in which the problems concerning diversity, discrimination and similar topics are described. The edited brochures give information about the opinions of their employees concerning the efforts for DiM, the measures for equal opportunities which are planned by the EU and which success the organization expects. The examination of these papers gives information about a developed integration of minorities and the missing of prejudices and open discrimination within the organization. But the implementing of measures concerning equal opportunities, gender, work-life balance, disability and sexual orientation will be criticized. To value the described measures the development will be compared with the diversity management in the above mentioned big German enterprises that might be seen as the leaders of the way of DiM in Europe. In the next step the judgment of the employees concerning the described measures for DiM should have been discovered. A representative questionnaire was not possible due to the ban of the president of the European Parliament. Therefore the questionnaire was reduced to some employees who were asked by some leading officers and who took part as private persons. So the questionnaire is not representative but explorative. Part D gives an over all assessment of the research. As a result the EU developed several single initiatives and measures but an over all concept that coordinates DiM-actions for an efficient benefit is missing.

The idea of social inclusion has garnered considerable attention, especially in the context of two recent developments: the Sustainable Development Goals and the heightened attention to inequality. This paper reviews the manner and extent to which social inclusion is addressed in the first 17 Systematic Country Diagnostics (SCDs), which are ex ante, country-level assessments conducted by the World Bank Group, ahead of the preparation of its Country Partnership Frameworks. In addition to this primary purpose, the paper fulfils three other purposes. It allows for a broader reflection on the value of the social inclusion construct in macro-level diagnostics; it takes the opportunity to develop and refine a methodology to assess social inclusion and finally, it positions the narrative on social inclusion into the ongoing discourse on poverty, shared prosperity, inequality and the thinking around the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. It is therefore, a refined articulation of the idea of social inclusion in the context of global epistemological shifts

The L Word: Generation Q is the reboot of The L Word, a long running series about a group of lesbians and bisexuals in Los Angeles in the early 2000s. Both programmes are unique in their positioning of lesbian characters and have been well received by audiences and critics alike. These programmes present a range of characters and narratives, previously excluded from mainstream film and television, bringing a refreshing change from the destructive images typically presented before. We argue that the reboot Generation Q now offers more meaningful representation of the broader lesbian and transgender communities, and discuss its relevance in the changing portrayals of gay representation. Gay visibility has never really been an issue in the movies. Gays have always been visible. It is how they have been visible that has remained offensive for almost a century. (Russo 66) In 2004 The L Word broke new ground as the very first television series written and directed by predominantly queer women. This set it apart from previous representations of lesbians by Hollywood because it portrayed a community rather than an isolated or lone lesbian character, that was extraneous to a cast of heterosexuals (Moore and Schilt). The series brought change, and where Hollywood was more often "reluctant to openly and non-stereotypically engage with gay subjects and gay characters" (Baker 41), the L Word offered an alternative to the norm in media representation. "The L Word's significance lies in its very existence" according to Chambers (83), and this article serves to consider this significance in conjunction with its 2019 reboot, the L Word: Generation Q, to ascertain if the enhanced visibility and gay representation influences the system of representation that has predominantly been excluding and misrepresentative of gay life. The exclusion of authentic representation of lesbians and gays in Hollywood film is not new. Over time, however, there has been an increased representation of gay characters in film and television. However, beneath the positive veneer remains a morally disapproving undertone (Yang), where lesbians and gays are displayed as the showpiece of the abnormal (Gross, "Out of the Mainstream"). Gross ("Out of the Mainstream") suggests that through the 'othering' of lesbians and gays within media, a means of maintaining the moral order is achieved, and where being 'straight' results in a happy ending. Lesbians and gays in film thus achieve what Gerbner referred to as symbolic annihilation, purposefully created in a bid to maintain the social inequity. This form of exclusion often saw controversial gay representation, with a history of portraying these characters in a false, excluding, and pejorative way (Russo; Gross, "What Is Wrong"; Hart). The history of gay representation in media had at times been monstrous, playing out the themes of gay sexuality as threatening to heterosexual persons and communities (Juárez). Gay people were incorrectly stereotyped, and gay lives were seen through the slimmest of windows. Walters (15) argued that it was "too often" that film and television images would narrowly portray gays "as either desexualized or over sexualized", framing their sexuality as the sole identity of the character. She also contested that gay characters were "shown as nonthreatening and campy 'others' or equally comforting and familiar boys (and they are usually boys, not girls) next door" (Walters 15). In Russo's seminal text, The Celluloid Closet, he demonstrated that gay characters were largely excluded from genuine and thoughtful presentation in film, while the only option given to them was how they died. Gay activists and film makers in the 1980s and beyond built on the momentum of AIDS activism (Streitmatter) to bring films that dealt with gay subject matter more fairly than before, with examples like The Birdcage, Philadelphia, To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything! Julie Newmar, and In and Out. Walters argues that while "mainstream films like Brokeback Mountain and The Kids are Alright entertain moviegoers with their forthright gay themes and scenes" (12), often the roles have been more of tokenisation, representing the "surprisingly gay characters in a tedious romcom, the coyly queer older man in a star-studded indie hit, the incidentally gay sister of the lead in a serious drama" (Walters 12). This ambivalence towards the gay role model in the media has had real world effects on those who identify themselves as lesbian or gay, creating feelings of self-hatred or of being 'unacceptable' citizens of society (Gamson), as media content "is an active component in the cultural process of shaping LGBT identities" (Sarkissian 147). The stigmatisation of gays was further identified by the respondents to a study on media and gay identity, where "the prevailing sentiment in these discussions was a sense of being excluded from traditional society" (Gomillion and Guiliano 343). Exclusion promotes segregation and isolation, and since television media are ever-present via conventional and web-based platforms, their messages are increasingly visible and powerful. The improved portrayal of gay characters was not just confined to the area of film and television however, and many publications produced major stories on bi-sexual chic, lesbian chic, the rise of gay political power and gay families. This process of greater inclusion, however, has not been linear, and in 2013 the media advocacy group known as the Gay and Lesbian Alliance against Defamation (GLAAD) mapped the quantity, quality, and diversity of LGBT people depicted in films, finding that there was still much work to be done to fairly include gay characters (GLAAD Studio Responsibility Index). In another report made in 2019, which examined cable and streaming media, GLAAD found that of the 879 regular characters expected to appear on broadcast scripted primetime programming, 10.2% were identified as gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and or queer (GLAAD Where Are We on TV). This was the highest number of queer characters recorded since the start of their reporting. In January 2004, Showtime launched The L Word, the first scripted cable television to focus chiefly on lesbians. Over the course of six seasons it explored the deep bonds that linked the members of an evolving lesbian friendship circle. The central themes of the programme were the love and friendship between the women, and it was a television programme structured by its own values and ideologies. The series offered a moral argument against the widespread sexism and anti-gay prejudice that was evident in media. The cast, however, were conventionally beautiful, gender normative, and expensively attired, leading to fears that the programme would appeal more to straight men, and that the sex in the programme would be exploitative and pornographic. The result, however, was that women's sex and connection were foregrounded, and appeared as a central theme of the drama. This was, however, ground-breaking television. The showrunner of the original L Word, Ilene Chaiken, was aware of the often-damning account of lesbians in Hollywood, and the programme managed to convey an indictment of Hollywood (Mcfadden). The L Word increased lesbian visibility on television and was revolutionary in countering some of the exclusionary and damaging representation that had taken place before. It portrayed variations of lesbians, showing new positive representations in the form of power lesbians, sports lesbians, singles, and couples. Broadly speaking, gay visibility and representation can be marked and measured by levels of their exclusion and inclusion. Sedgwick said that the L Word was particularly important as it created a "lesbian ecology—a visible world in which lesbians exist, go on existing, exist in forms beyond the solitary and the couple, sustain and develop relations among themselves of difference and commonality" (xix). However, as much as this programme challenged the previous representations it also enacted a "Faustian bargain because television is a genre which ultimately caters to the desires and expectations of mainstream audiences" (Wolfe and Roripaugh 76). The producers knew it was difficult to change the problematic and biased representation of queer women within the structures of commercial media and understood the history of queer representation and its effects. Therefore, they had to navigate between the legitimate desire to represent lesbians as well as being able to attract a large enough mainstream audience to keep the show commercially viable. The L Word: Generation Q is the reboot of the popular series, and includes some of the old cast, who have also become the executive producers. These characters include Bette Porter, who in 2019 is running for the office of the Mayor of Los Angeles. Shane McCutchen returns as the fast-talking womanising hairdresser, and Alice Pieszecki in this iteration is a talk show host. When interviewed, Jennifer Beals (executive producer and Bette Porter actor) said that the programme is important, because there have been no new lesbian dramas to follow after the 2004 series ended (Beals, You Tube). Furthermore, the returning cast members believe the reboot is important because of the increased attacks that queer people have been experiencing since the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Between the two productions there have been changes in the film and television landscape, with additional queer programmes such as Pose, Orange Is the New Black, Euphoria, RuPaul's Drag Race, and Are You the One, for example. The new L Word, therefore, needed to project a new and modern voice that would reflect contemporary lesbian life. There was also a strong desire to rectify criticism of the former show, by presenting an increased variation of characters in the 2019 series. Ironically, while the L Word had purposefully aimed to remove the negativity of exclusion through the portrayal of a group of lesbians in a more true-to-life account, the limited character tropes inadvertently marginalised other areas of lesbian and queer representation. These excluded characters were for example fully representative trans characters. The 2000s television industry had seemingly returned to a period of little interest in women's stories generally, and though queer stories seeped into popular culture, there was no dedicated drama with a significant focus on lesbian story lines (Vanity Fair). The first iteration of The L Word was aimed at satisfying lesbian audiences as well as creating mainstream television success. It was not a tacky or pornographic television series playing to male voyeuristic ideals, although some critics believed that it included female-to-female sex scenes to draw in an additional male viewership (Anderson-Minshall; Graham). There was also a great emphasis on processing the concept of being queer. However, in the reboot Generation Q, the decision was made by the showrunner Marja-Lewis Ryan that the series would not be about any forms of 'coming out stories', and the characters were simply going about their lives as opposed to the burdensome tropes of transitioning or coming out. This is a significant change from many of the gay storylines in the 1990s that were seemingly all focussed on these themes. The new programme features a wider demographic, too, with younger characters who are comfortable with who they are. Essentially, the importance of the 2019 series is to portray healthy, varied representations of lesbian life, and to encourage accurate inclusion into film and television without the skewed or distorted earlier narratives. The L Word and L Word: Generation Q then carried the additional burden of countering criticisms The L Word received. Roseneil explains that creating both normalcy and belonging for lesbians and gays brings "cultural value and normativity" (218) and removes the psychosocial barriers that cause alienation or segregation. This "accept us" agenda appears through both popular culture and "in the broader national discourse on rights and belongings" (Walters 11), and is thus important because "representations of happy, healthy, well integrated lesbian and gay characters in film or television would create the impression that, in a social, economic, and legal sense, all is well for lesbians and gay men" (Schacter 729). Essentially, these programmes shouldered the burden of representation for the lesbian community, which was a heavy expectation. Critiques of the original L Word focussed on how the original cast looked as if they had all walked out of a high-end salon, for example, but in L Word: Generation Q this has been altered to have a much more DIY look. One of the younger cast members, Finlay, looks like someone cut her hair in the kitchen while others have styles that resemble YouTube tutorials and queer internet celebrities (Vanity Fair). The recognisable stereotypes that were both including and excluding have also altered the representation of the trans characters. Bette Porter's campaign manager, for example, determines his style through his transition story, unlike Max, the prominent trans character from the first series. The trans characters of 2019 are comfortable in their own skins and supported by the community around them. Another important distinction between the representation of the old and new cast is around their material wealth. The returning cast members have comfortable lives and demonstrate affluence while the younger cast are less comfortable, expressing far more financial anxiety. This may indeed make a storyline that is closer to heterosexual communities. The L Word demonstrated a sophisticated awareness of feminist debates about the visual representation of women and made those debates a critical theme of the programme, and these themes have been expanded further in The L Word: Generation Q. One of the crucial areas that the programme/s have improved upon is to denaturalise the hegemonic straight gaze, drawing attention to the ways, conventions and techniques of reproduction that create sexist, heterosexist, and homophobic ideologies (McFadden). This was achieved through a predominantly female, lesbian cast that dealt with stories amongst their own friend group and relationships, serving to upend the audience position, and encouraging an alternative gaze, a gaze that could be occupied by anyone watching, but positioned the audience as lesbian. In concluding, The L Word in its original iteration set out to create something unique in its representation of lesbians. However, in its mission to create something new, it was also seen as problematic in its representation and in some ways excluding of certain gay and lesbian people. The L Word: Generation Q has therefore focussed on more diversity within a minority group, bringing normality and a sense of 'realness' to the previously skewed narratives seen in the media. In so doing, "perhaps these images will induce or confirm" to audiences that "lesbians and gay men are already 'equal'—accepted, integrated, part of the mainstream" (Schacter 729). References Anderson-Minshall, Diane. "Sex and the Clittie, in Reading the L Word: Outing Contemporary Television." Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 11–14. Are You the One? Presented by Ryan Devlin. Reality television programme. Viacom Media Networks, 2014. Baker, Sarah. "The Changing Face of Gay Representation in Hollywood Films from the 1990s Onwards: What's Really Changed in the Hollywood Representation of Gay Characters?" The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Cultural Studies 10.4 (2015): 41–51. Brokeback Mountain. Dir. Ang Lee. Film. Focus Features, 2005. Chambers, Samuel. A. "Heteronormativity and The L Word: From a Politics of Representation to a Politics of Norms." Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 81–98. Euphoria. Dir. Sam Levinson. Television Series. HBO, 2019. Gamson, Joshua. "Sweating in the Spotlight: Lesbian, Gay and Queer Encounters with Media and Popular Culture." Handbook of Lesbian and Gay Studies.London: Sage, 2002. 339–354. Graham, Paula. "The L Word Under-whelms the UK?" Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 15–26. Gross, Larry. "What Is Wrong with this Picture? Lesbian Women and Gay Men on Television." Queer Words, Queer Images: Communication and the Construction of Homosexuality. Ed. R.J. Ringer. New York: New York UP, 1994. 143–156. Gross, Larry. "Out of the Mainstream: Sexual Minorities and the Mass Media." Gay People, Sex, and the Media. Eds. M. Wolf and A. Kielwasser. Haworth Press, 1991. 19–36. Hart, Kylo-Patrick. R. "Representing Gay Men on American Television." Journal of Men's Studies 9 (2000): 59–79. In and Out. Dir. Frank Oz. Film. Paramount Pictures, 1997. Juárez, Sergio Fernando. "Creeper Bogeyman: Cultural Narratives of Gay as Monstrous." At the Interface / Probing the Boundaries 91 (2018): 226–249. McFadden, Margaret. T. The L Word. Wayne State University Press, 2014. Moore, Candace, and Kristin Schilt. "Is She Man Enough? Female Masculinities on The L Word." Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 159–172. Orange Is the New Black. Dir. Jenji Johan. Web series. Netflix Streaming Services, 2003–. Philadelphia. Directed by Jonathan Demme. Film. Tristar Pictures, 1993. Pose. Dirs. Ryan Murphy, Steven Canals, and Brad Falchuk. Television series. Color Force, 2018. Roseneil, Sasha. "On Missed Encounters: Psychoanalysis, Queer Theory, and the Psychosocial Dynamics of Exclusion." Studies in Gender and Sexuality 20.4 (2019): 214–219. RuPaul's Drag Race. Directed by Nick Murray. Reality competition. Passion Distribution, 2009–. Russo, Vito. The Celluloid Closet. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Sarkissian, Raffi. "Queering TV Conventions: LGBT Teen Narratives on Glee." Queer Youth and Media Cultures. Ed. C. Pullen. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 145–157. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. "Foreword: The Letter L." Reading 'The L Word': Outing Contemporary Television. Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 20–25. Schacter, Jane S. "Skepticism, Culture and the Gay Civil Rights Debate in Post-Civil-Rights Era." Harvard Law Review 110 (1997): 684–731. Streitmatter, Rodger. Perverts to Fab Five: The Media's Changing Depiction of Gay Men and Lesbians. New York: Routledge. 2009. The Birdcage. Dir. Mike Nichols. Film. United Artists, 1995. The Kids Are Alright. Dir. Lisa Cholodenko. Film. Focus Features, 2010. The L Word. Created by Ilene Chaiken, Kathy Greenberg, and Michelle Abbott. TV drama. Showtime Networks, 2004–2009. The L Word: Generation Q. Prods. Ilene Chaiken, Jennifer Beals, Katherine Moennig, and Leisha Hailey. TV drama. Showtime Networks, 2019–. To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything! Julie Newmar. Dir. Beeban Kidron. Film. Universal Pictures, 1995. Walters, Suzanna Danuta. The Tolerance Trap: How God, Genes and Good Intentions Are Sabotaging Gay Equality. New York: New York UP, 2014. Yang, Alan. "From Wrongs to Rights: Public Opinion on Gay and Lesbian Americans Moves towards Equality." New York: The Policy Institute of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 1999.

República Federal AlemanaLa República Federal Alemana es una república democrática, representativa, parlamentaria y federal, compuesta por 16 Estados. El parlamento es bicameral. El Bundestag o Asamblea Federal posee 598 miembros y el Bundesrat o Consejo Federal posee 69. El Poder Ejecutivo es ejercido por el Canciller Federal que es el Jefe de Gobierno.El país mantiene altos índices en materia de Estado de Derecho:Estado de derecho en Alemania(1)Observamos como en una perspectiva histórica de 15 años, los valores concernientes al Estado de Derecho se ubican en una posición constante de un percentil 94/100, lo que nos habla de un elevado índice de garantías políticas. Siguiendo a Bobbio, quién se funda en los principios de la ley natural de Locke, podemos afirmar en este caso la existencia de un verdadero imperio de la ley. La sociedad se compone de un 91.1% de alemanes, un 2,3% de turcos y kurdos, 0,7% de personas provenientes de la ex Yugoslavia, 0,7% de italianos, 0,4% de griegos y bosnios y 0,2% de gitanos. (2) En cuanto a religión, predominan la católica con un 33% y la protestante con un 32%, existiendo a su vez minorías judías y musulmanas (6% de la población). (3)Alemania ha sido escenario de abundantes inmigraciones, las cuales dejaron como consecuencia principal una serie de minorías que no pasaron desapercibidas a lo largo de su historia. En este sentido, es el tercer país en materia de recepción de migrantes. Una posible razón a este fenómeno es su posición liberal ante el asilo político que el Estado ha predicado desde siempre –incluso actualmente- ya que en el artículo 16a de su Constitución dispone que "todo perseguido político goza de derecho de asilo en Alemania". (4) Es interesante observar en este punto como el principio de defensa de los derechos inalienables del individuo poseen una implícita primacía por sobre los conceptos de Estado y nación. Es este un elemento que sustenta la intención de defender las garantías políticas de todo individuo que se vea privado de las mismas, aún cuando careciere de la nacionalidad alemana. Observamos entonces como subyace el principio filosófico de la teoría liberal de Locke. Destacamos, por otra parte, que en la actualidad Alemania es uno de los países europeos que más dificulta la inmigración –en circunstancias distintas a las previamente mencionadas- y la expedición de su nacionalidad. Dado la enorme complejidad de la persecución que históricamente han sufrido las minorías en Alemania, nos limitaremos a mencionar las cifras del holocausto llevado a cabo por el régimen Nazi: 11 millones de víctimas, de las que 6 millones eran ciudadanos polacos. Asimismo, además de los 6 millones de judíos, hubo 5 millones que incluían a afro-europeos, Testigos de Jehovah, discapacitados, homosexuales, gitanos, sacerdotes y líderes cristianos y perseguidos políticos opositores al sistema. (5) Destacamos este hecho histórico no sólo por la enorme relevancia que tiene en materia de Derechos Humanos y por constituir una atrocidad que ha calado hondo en la percepción del mundo sobre los alcances de la naturaleza humana, sino –y a los efectos de nuestro análisis- para plantear la evidente consecuencia de este fenómeno en nuestros tiempos. Persiste en la sociedad y gobierno alemán una suerte de cargo de conciencia, profundizado por el saberse moralmente reprobado y vigilado por el mundo entero. Esto obliga a tener una profunda y particular consideración para con el trato de las minorías en su país. Paso seguido, ¿Cuál es el papel de las minorías en términos de participación política? El sistema de representación alemán determina que sólo aquellos partidos "receiving more than 5% of the vote are represented in parliament in proportion to their vote." (6) En este sentido observamos su evidente consecuencia: "El establecimiento de dicho umbral logró reducir la oportunidad de representación de los partidos pequeños." (7) Esto obliga a generar un sistema de gobierno de coalición donde las minorías –que exceptuando a la suma de judíos y musulmanes no superan en ninguno de los casos el 5%- sólo podrían verse representados en función de negociaciones con los grandes partidos, donde su influencia o poder de imposición sería escaso –por no considerarlo nulo en términos relativos. El problema se ve incrementado por el escaso porcentaje de extranjeros nacionalizados y, por ende, poseyentes de derechos políticos. "Only a third of Turks have become German citizens, in part because dual citizenship is not allowed." (8) Esto, de acuerdo a la teoría del gobierno representativo de John Stuart Mill, caería dentro de lo que podría considerarse una deficiencia del sistema de representación. Sin embargo, queremos destacar que aún a pesar de lo que las cifras llevan a inducir, los resultados de las elecciones del 2005 determinan que "there were at least eight members of ethnic minorities in the Bundestag and one on the Federal Constitutional Court, but none in the cabinet." (9) Lo que nos habla de un sistema de representación que en cierta medida pudiere estar funcionando en la práctica. Otro problema radica en la pobre integración –particularmente de los turcos- ya que, como es señalado en un artículo The Economist, la población joven desconoce el alemán e intensifica sus prácticas religiosas –distantes a la tradición cristiana alemana- careciendo muchas veces, como señalábamos previamente, de la nacionalidad. Eso, producto también de las mayores trabas existentes para obtener la ciudadanía, en parte porque, como indica el artículo, "immigrants are welcome, but you also have to get to know our culture, says Wolfgang Schäuble, the interior minister, who rejects the growth of parallel societies." (10) En cierto sentido, buscando distanciarse de las llamadas falsas promesas de la democracia planteada por Bobbio. Esta es una de las causas de la complicada situación que persiste en materia de Derechos Humanos para con las minorías extranjeras (debidamente protegidas por la constitución alemana en su artículo 3 (11)), donde"harassment, including beatings, of foreigners and racial minorities remained a frequent problem throughout the country." (12) En relación a micro grupos operando organizadamente en materia de persecución política, el Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos sostiene que "the FCO defines politically motivated crimes as offenses related to the victims' ideology, nationality, ethnicity, race, skin color, religion, worldview, ancestry, sexual orientation, disability status, appearance, or social status. The FOPC report listed 180 right wing extremist organizations and groups." (13) Sin embargo, es necesario remarcar que el país se destaca por sus bajos índices de violencia y su buena estabilidad política (14): Estabilidad política y ausencia de violencia en Alemania (15) En esta línea, The Freedom House (16) posiciona a Alemania en un puntaje de 1 (valor que representa la escala máxima de libertad) en materia de libertades civiles y políticas. En su análisis se destaca particularmente el buen funcionamiento de las instituciones democráticas y el Estado de Derecho, aunque sugiere también un llamado de atención en materia de ataques a minorías étnicas y en lo que respecta a ciertas restricciones a la participación política: "Political pluralism in Germany has been constrained by laws restricting the far left and far right." (17) En lo que al Poder Judicial respecta, observamos que prevalece una estricta independencia amparada en la misma constitución, estableciendo explícitamente en su artículo 97 que "los jueces son independientes y están sometidos únicamente a la ley." (18) Esto, sumado a que "the government is free of pervasive corruption" (19) nos habla un funcionamiento democrático que se aleja en buena medida de las falsas promesas a la democracia planteadas en la teoría de Bobbio. En materia de libertad de expresión, también The Freedom House (20) ubica a Alemania entre los países considerados libres. Esto se fundamenta en su Constitución, donde se establece explícitamente en su artículo 5 que "No se ejercerá censura." (21) El análisis de The Freedom House lo posiciona como poseyente de una prensa diversa e independiente. Asimismo, dicho derecho se ve respaldado en el artículo 10 (22) de la European Convention on Human Right, considerado en Alemania ley federal. Por último, se observa que "Germany's government is accountable through open debates in parliament that are covered widely covered in the media" (23), indicios de una aproximación al debate público que pudiere dar origen a una suerte de democracia deliberativa. Sin embargo, pensamos que a la luz de la eficacia que en definitiva parecieran tener las instituciones democráticas en Alemania, sugerimos que quizá dicho camino democrático no sería –a la fecha- necesario.Estudio comparado Entendemos que en buena medida el estudio de cada uno de los casos ha permitido al lector generar una suerte de deducción en materia comparativa. Sin embargo, consideramos necesario remarcar algunos puntos del análsis comparativo e incorporar algunos detalles que pudieren servir en esta materia. Observamos entonces, en una primera lectura, cómo los indicadores marcan una importante diferencia en los factores que hacen a la gobernabilidad, inclinándose decididamente en favor de Alemania. Como estudiamos en cada caso, la posición de cada país en el Indice de Estado de Derecho elaborado por el Programa de Gobernabilidad del Banco Mundial ha sido debidamente estipulado. Mientras Turquía se posiciona en una escala media, Alemania prevalece en un percentil cercano al 100. Una situación similar se da en el Indice de Rendición de Cuentas, donde Alemania se encuentra por encima de 95/100 y Turquia por debajo de 50/100. Aquí, las respectivas Constituciones nos informan sobre el tratamiento en la materia: por un lado, Turquía mantiene un vocabulario amplio y vago que deviene en un Parlamento fuerte y centralizado, con posibilidad de ejercer presión sobre las instituciones en teoría independientes (por ejemplo, el Poder Jucidial y Consejo Supremo de Radio y Televisión) al tiempo que la arbitrariedad en materia de libertades fundamentales limita toda posibilidad de mecanismos de contralor o rendición de cuentas. Por su parte, en Alemania impera una Constitución clara y contundente, que garantiza tanto la independencia indiscutida de las instituciones como los mecanismos que determinan la efectividad en la rendición de cuentas. Por otro lado, nos remitimos al indicador más contundente en materia comparativa: el Indice de Estabilidad Política (Alemania alcanza 80/100 y Turquia 20/100). No profundizaremos particularmente en este concepto, porque entendemos ha sido debidamente considerado en cada uno de los estudios de caso. Sin embargo, es posible relacionar este indicador con lo que ocurre en materia de libertades y participación política.Por último, nos detenemos en lo que hace al control de la corrupción, elemento que incide notablemente en muchas de las falsas promesas propuestas por Bobbio. Aquí, Alemania obtien 90/100 y Turquia mejora su dsempeno relativo, alcanzando un indicador de 60/100. La enorme distancia que prevalece también en este sentido da fe del difícil camino que tiene Turquía por delante si se plantea seriamente reformar la efectividad de sus instituciones para generar un clima político acorde a su vecino europeo. Sólo de este modo podría garantizar las libertades fundamentales de todos los individuos que conforman su sociedad. Finalmente, en materia de libertad de expresión nos encontramos ante una Turquía que genera especial preocupación, particularmente en el trato con las minorías. Esto permite realizar una lectura entre líneas que determina la situación de persecución en que dicha población se encuentra, tal como ha sido estudiado con antelación.Consideraciones Finales La evidente distancia en materia de instituciones democráticas, Estado de Derecho y tratamiento de las minorías entre la República Federal Alemana y la República de Turquía dan fe de las dificultades que en definitiva enfrenta esta última ante la posibilidad de su eventual incorporación a la Unión Europea. Pareciere que Alemania ha asumido las lecciones del pasado en materia de protección de las libertades liberales, al tiempo que el camino emprendido por Turquía en la materia no parece estar dando los resultados esperados. Nos posicionamos, en este sentido, ante una Alemania libre y de instituciones independientes, con un clima político que posibilita un alto grado de inclusión, al menos desde la conformación de coaliciones políticas. Por otro lado, Turquía permanece en una posición de centralismo que limita enormemente la eficacia a la hora de garantizar la independencia de sus instituciones y las libertades de sus individuos. En un clima de alta corrupción, las falsas promesas de Bobbio afloran en una Turquía con una Constitución más asemejada a los procederes estipulados por Rousseau que a las libertades individuales articuladas por Locke, sin siquiera preservar el rousseauniano idealismo teórico a la hora de la procura de una voluntad generaldesinteresada e independiente. Con un vocabulario amplio y vago, la arbitrariedad es introducida de modo legal, coartando las libertades individuales que son consideradas fundamentales –e incluso previas al Estado- en la concepción liberal. Alemania, aún con algunas señales preocupantes en el trato de la población a las minorías étnicas, carece de estas penetrantes limitaciones que limitan a la democracia y oprimen a las minorías. El estudio comparado refleja una Turquía distante y ajena a los principios democrático-liberales en que está embebida Alemania, distancia que repercute directamente en las condiciones de vida y participación política de sus respectivas minorías. Una eventual Europa que incluyera a ambos gigantes sentiría en sus miembros la palpable distinción que persiste entre un individuo siervo, y un individuo en pleno ejercicio de su libertad. (1) WORLD BANK. (2) Valores aproximados: GUÍA DEL MUNDO: (3) GUÍA DEL MUNDO: (4) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (5) HOLOCAUST FORGOTTEN.(6) NEW ZEALAND ELECTION STUDIE. (7) Descripción del sistema de Representación Proporcional Mixto en Alemania. .pag 13(8) The Economist. 2007.(9) U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008.(10) The Economist. 2007. (11) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (12) U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008. (13) Íbid.(14) Debido a los antecedentes, los casos de violencia son tratados con especial cuidado, lo que no determina necesariamente que la violencia sea sistemática o que mantenga índices extravagantes.(15) WORLD BANK. (16) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. (17) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005.(18) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (21) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (22) CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS. 1950. (23) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. *Estudiantes de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Informe 2011: El Estado de los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo. Disponible en internet: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Turquía: libertad de expresión. Disponible en internet: ANMESTY INTERNATIONAL. 2007. Informe 2007: el estado de los derechos humanos en el mundo. 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With the scientific contribution that will be made, and in a debate, the Ohrid 2015 conference will answer the questions that are of interest to the scientific and social public. One of those questions addresses the issue of defining security science as a concept, which is related to the concept of security. For this concept different language systems use different terms. Also, one of the principal problems is the naming of the science which deals with researching security. Namely, security is a phenomenon which is the subject of research of philosophy and science, but it is also the subject of interest of other forms of knowledge as well, such as religious, common-sense and artistic ones. But it also denotes a state, activity and certain social creations which, one way or the other, fill human life or are in the function of meeting human needs. It deals with searching for the answer related to the nature of the destructions, the risks and prerequisites for setting up the conditions and the environment for the creation and improvement of human life, and also with the values: a) whether these values are threatened, to what extent, what from and why; b) how to improve and promote the values and eliminate their threat, who from, with what measures and against whom? Topics  Approaches and methods in researching security  Contemporary security – problem of the state or the society  Security as a public good and its transformation in the spirit of the new generation of security risks and threats  Classification of security – types of security  The concept of security system reform  Security neutrality versus European and Atlantic integration  The concept of securitization  Place and role of intelligence and counterintelligence services  Expanded approach to security  Parliamentary control over the security system  Security law  Corporate security – new type of dealing with risks  The "public's right to know" and the security system  Prevention of violence at sports events  Energetic security in Southeast Europe  Comparative experiences and latest mechanisms for preventing corruption  Types of corruption in the security system and the judiciary  Participation of citizens in the fight against corruption  Practical policies for police reforms  Police integrity yesterday, today and tomorrow  Forms of cooperation between police forces and police organizations  Structure of international police cooperation  Contents of international police cooperation  Forms of ad hoc institutionalization of international police cooperation  Educational systems and profile of police profession in the Balkan states  Forms of bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the area of dealing with crime, trafficking in humans, narcotics and psychotropic substances  Institutionalization of regional cooperation in dealing with crises and other security problems  Is the formation of joint Balkan police forces?  Is the formation of Balkan network of criminologists as well as networks of individuals coming from particular specialties possible?  Approaches in cases of domestic violence  Contemporary forms of trade, legal regulations and relations between states  Cooperation of economic subjects between legal security and security threats and risks  Regional cooperation and regional economic policies  Democracy, legal state, human rights, their enhancement and forms of protection  International standards for the protection of freedoms and rights of persons and citizens and the policies of the Balkan states  Forms of protection of freedoms and rights – experiences and perspective  Strengthening the rule of law and the responsibility of the institutions  The role of international organizations in the promotion and implementation of international norms for the protection of human rights in the Balkans  Democracy, stabilization, integration  Inter-state and inter-institutional cooperation in the protection of human freedoms and rights  Contemporary forms of crime and ways for their suppression  Contemporary forms of cyber crime (electronic: frauds, misleadings, threats, id thefts and other forms of electronic frauds and crimes)  Forms of crime related to the Internet and cyber services and manners for their detection  Criminalistic experiences, achievements, methods, means and manners for the suppression of contemporary forms of criminality  Gender perspectives in security  Relationship between criminological and victimological sciences and security as a science – independence, complementarity, distinctiveness, delimitation, subject of study and research methods.  Relationship between criminal law science and security as a science – independence, complementarity, distinctiveness, delimitation, subject of study and research methods.  Relationship between criminalistics and security as ascience - independence, complementarity, distinctiveness, delimitation, subject of study and research methods  Classical (conventional) criminality – (un) justly neglected topic  Homicides and other crimes against the person – a worrying upward trend  Capital punishment – pros and cons (reasons for reconsideration)  Frauds – unjustly neglected criminality (phenomenology, etiology, prevention, penal policy)  Victimization of vulnerable groups (women, children, older persons, persons with disabilities etc.) and their protection  Reform of the criminal material and process law  Contemporary risk management methods in socio-pathological phenomena  Modernization of criminal justice  Contemporary challenges to criminology  Prevention of juvenile delinquency  Contemporary responses to criminality suppression  Sexual abuse of children  Assistance and support to crime victims  Problems relating to the statistical recording of criminality  Gender perspective of criminality  Women and criminality  Stress and victimization in penal institutions Through an open and well-argued debate the Conference should make topical the discussion on the difference between security as an activity and the science which deals with it, i.e. the scientific deliberation and the discovering of scientific laws and rules in the social field of security. These two concepts are most commonly referred to as security and security science or sciences, respectively. Yet, no clear distinction is drawn between them. Most commonly, when talking about security science the discussion revolves around security and its structure. In that sense the concept of security is currently being used with several meanings. As far as security at national or global level is concerned, we should bear in mind the fact that its contemporary concept and basic contours date back to the period after the fall of the Berlin Wall, i.e. after the Cold War. The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 mark a new era in the studies and the practice of security. As a result of globalization and the processes which led to the change in the structure of the world power, the phenomena encroaching security are perceived as challenges, risks and threats. The ranking of these concepts and phenomena depends on the level of their impact on the encroachment of security, and for this reason they represent latent, potential or factors of immediate encroachment. In scientific and expert debate security and security science are being disputed. Thus, instead of science, the notions of state (integral security), field (security sector) or a specific system are used. There are no doubts that security encompasses all of them. It is an important human activity in which numerous processes, subjects and relations are interwoven. That sphere is characterized by specific occurrences and phenomena which are challenges for numerous individuals, organs and organizations, and above all, for the state. Security is a complex phenomenon, a controversial concept which has very often been one-sidedly and narrowly defined through history. Security is a complex phenomenon, and, is essentially a disputable concept not only because of its elusive nature and contents bearing in mind the time and the place in which it has been discussed, but also because of the fact that discussion on security is inevitably related to other categories: fear (for physical survival), absence of structural violence, peace, well-being and stability. In international relations, security is defined in various ways, and very often in literature this concept is used without being more closely determined. As a political concept, security is evidently a pre-condition for the existence of life - individual and societal, and refers to the absence of threats and protection from threats. The understanding of security as an innate interest of every individual and broader human collectivities – family, society, nation, state, international system, points to the need for broadening the concept of security towards such approaches. Therefore, in theory concepts are formed such as national and international security, and, in more recent time, human, individual, societal and global security, which indicates an important expansion of new dimensions of security. The paradigms and the institutional models of security have a historical continuity. They have been changing. Security is inseparably related to the state and its organization, organs and function. Contemporary debates on security are expanded to the social and political sphere. Although the very mentioning of the concept of security, is, above all, associated with internal peace and peaceful life of the citizens, i.e. as freedom from threats, it also denotes a state of defence from an external enemy and encroachment of sovereignty. Therefore, the central interest of the concept of security is the state, which can be jeopardized by internal turmoil, economic and social disturbances, particularly in communities lacking the feeling of endangerment of identity and social cohesion. Hence, it can be concluded that "freedom means nothing without security" and that "the test of the freedom is the security of the minorities". For that purpose the Faculty of Security will organize an international conference in Ohrid in the period 2-3 June 2015 on the topic: "Researching security – approaches, concepts and policies". This will mean that the Faculty of Security Skopje will continue its orientation towards giving contribution to the development of scientific thought by organizing international conferences in the area of security, thus helping the decision-makers at regional, national and local level, to overcome practical problems they face in a faster, simpler and timely manner with the help of the findings and the research results.