Suchergebnisse

 A few days after the 2008 election, a USA Today/Gallup poll asked "In dealing with the problems facing the country, do you think Barack Obama will make a sincere effort to work with the Republicans in Congress to find solutions that are acceptable to both parties?" and parallel questions about whether the Republicans would make a sincere effort to work with the Democrats and Obama and whether the Democrats would make a sincere effort to work with the Republicans.  In March and September 2009 they asked about whether the various parties had made a sincere effort to work with each other, and in February 2010 they asked about working together on health care reform.  They also asked the forward-looking questions after the 2010, 2012, and 2016 elections.  The figure shows the percent who said that Obama, the Democrats, the Republicans, or Trump would (or had) worked with the other party:Obama consistently ran ahead of both the Democrats and Republicans in Congress, and the Democrats were generally somewhat ahead of the Republicans, but they all rose and fell together.   In principle, you might expect that they would move in opposite directions at least some of the time:  that people would see one side as being obstructionist and give the other side credit for trying, but that didn't happen with any of these surveys.  Rather, the public seemed to blame both sides about equally when there was disagreement (if anything, Obama's ratings might have fallen more than the Congressional parties).  I think this data helps to explain why Republicans turned against the Senate immigration deal.  If it had passed, Biden would have gotten some of the credit from the public, and most Republicans are unwilling to do anything that will make Biden more popular (several of them said as much).  A few years ago, I suggested that a strategy of uniform opposition had driven down Obama's popularity.   Republicans have continued with that under Biden.  Of course, there has been some important bipartisan legislation, like the American Rescue Plan Act, but they were mostly early in his term and my impression is that the Republicans have tried to avoid publicizing them.  It used to be that when popular legislation was passed on a bipartisan basis, both parties would talk about it and try to claim some of the credit.  But more recently, people seem to have realized that elections are more about the President than about Congress, so for an opposition party, denying credit to the President is more important than claiming credit for yourself.  And blocking potentially popular legislation might make your side less popular, but it will probably make the other side less popular as well.A few other observations:1.  The numbers expecting the parties to make a sincere effort to work with each other were higher than I expected. 2.  Just after the 2016 election, 58% expected Trump to make an effort to work with the Democrats, which was somewhat ahead of the number who expected the Republicans in Congress to work with the Democrats.  That might be because in 2016, many people saw Trump as a "dealmaker" rather than a traditional conservative, or it may be that there is a tendency to have hopes for a new president.  3.  It's not possible to be sure, but it seems that the questions that asked about the future produced more positive responses than those that asked about the past. 4.  Following from the previous points, it's unfortunate that this question hasn't been asked since 2016--I would like to see how expectations have changed.[Data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research]

In the 21st century, subversion understood as a foreign disruptive activity, has become an element of security policy and power politics in an environment where the direct use of force may be too risky. Though this term is well-known in humanities in Poland, it hasn't yet been translated and literally applied by Polish political scholars. However, states' repertoire includes measures that are a continuation or even a substitute of "war", and their very objectives are consistent with the logic of subversive strategies known in arts. As opposed to direct violence, such operations aim at maintaining conditions between political weakness and failure by targeting fragile areas. In this vein, subversion appears to become the first strategic choice of many states, including world powers. The author introduces the term to the taxonomy of security studies as he starts from a semantic theoretical reasoning (subversion as a covert and indirect strategy) and later answers how subversive strategies are implemented in Eastern Europe. In a specific geopolitical context, i.e. in the intersection of transatlantic/European security complex and post-Soviet area, subversion is part and parcel of the Kremlin policy towards Georgia and Ukraine, and recently the Republic of Belarus towards Poland. Therefore, subversive, "short of war" measures are intended to force competitors to make political concessions, which defines the Russian (in)security policy in its "near (and a bit further) abroad". ; W XXI wieku "subwersja" (subversion), tłumaczona jako zagraniczna działalność wywrotowa, staje się ważnym elementem polityki bezpieczeństwa i budowania stref wpływów w środowisku, w którym otwarte użycie siły może okazać się zbyt kosztowne. Choć pojęcie to jest dobrze znane na gruncie nauk artystycznych, w polskiej literaturze politologicznej nie pojawiało się dotąd w sposób dosłowny. Tymczasem w repertuarze państw pojawiają się środki, które są przedłużeniem, a nawet substytutem, "wojny", a których cel wiąże się z logiką strategii subwersywnych stosowanych w sztuce. W przeciwieństwie do otwartej przemocy takie operacje polegają na utrzymywaniu stanów pomiędzy słabością a upadkiem w drodze wykorzystywania newralgicznych punktów. Subwersja staje się dziś pierwszym wyborem strategicznym wielu państw, w tym mocarstw. Autor wprowadza pojęcie subwersji do terminologii nauki o bezpieczeństwie, wychodząc od rozważań natury teoretycznej (subwersja jako strategia pośrednia i niejawna), aby nieco później przyjrzeć się sposobom operacjonalizacji tych działań w regionie Europy Wschodniej. W konkretnych warunkach geopolitycznych, tj. na styku transatlantyckiego/europejskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa oraz obszaru poradzieckiego, subwersja przejawia się w polityce Kremla wobec Gruzji czy Ukrainy, a ostatnio także Republiki Białoruś względem Polski. Subwersywne działania "poniżej progu wojny" mają prowadzić przeciwnika do politycznych ustępstw, definiując politykę (nie)bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej w jej "bliskiej (i nieco dalszej) zagranicy". ; В XXI веке «субверсия» (subversion), переводимая как иностранная подрывная деятельность, становится важным элементом политики безопасности и построения сфер влияния в среде, где открытое применение силы может оказаться слишком дорогостоящим. Хотя эта концепция хорошо известна в области искусства, до сих пор она не появлялась буквально в польской политологической литературе. Между тем в репертуар государств входят меры, являющиеся продолжением или даже заменой «войны», цель которой связана с логикой подрывных стратегий, используемых в искусстве. В отличие от открытого насилия, такие операции заключаются в удержании состояний между слабостью и неудачей, используя горячие точки. Сегодня подрывная деятельность становится первым стратегическим выбором многих стран, в том числе великих держав. Автор вводит понятие субверсии в терминологию науки о безопасности, начиная с теоретических соображений (подрывная деятельность как косвенная и неявная стратегия), чтобы немного позже взглянуть на методы реализации этой деятельности в регионе Восточной Европы. В определенных геополитических условиях, то есть на стыке трансатлантической / европейской системы безопасности и постсоветского пространства, подрывная деятельность проявляется в политике Кремля в отношении Грузии или Украины, а в последнее время также в Республике Беларусь в отношении Польши. Подрывные действия «ниже порога войны» призваны привести противника к политическим уступкам, определяя политику (не) безопасности Российской Федерации в ее «ближнем (и несколько дальнем) зарубежье».

AbstractThe role of insurance is very important in development especially the real sector, where the insurance works as risk transfer mechanism giving the peace of mind to the policyholder, besides insurance will also provide social benefit because the employees do not lose their jobs due to disaster (factory fire for example) and participate in helping other industries by capital investment and/or lending and/or adoption several small and medium industries. The dynamics of competition in the general insurance industry seen from the sharp rate competition, which related to underwriting capacity and competitor reinsurance support. Unfair rate competition occurs in motor vehicle insurance, where the national loss ratio is already very high. Here the Government as a regulator intervenes by setting a basic rate as a reference for setting rates for companies. Likewise, the competition for property insurance (fire) rates has also led to unhealthy conditions. The government also intervened in determining the rate of this business. Competition in differentiation is easy to emulate because this is a service company especially for large capitalized companies, so players must always innovate in products, services and infrastructure provision. The dynamics of competition will be analyzed using Porter Generic Competitive Strategy, which will show that the excellence factors are High Capital and Good Human Capital, as well as prominent captive market facilities and know-how special products that can be used as a tool to win the competition. This writing aims to analyze the dynamics of competition in the general insurance industry, especially in Indonesia. By analyzing the steps of the dynamics of competition carried out by players in the market, it is expected to be able to photograph the pattern of competition in the market, which by using competition theories can be explained how a player can survive, going concern, or even excel in competition. Finally, conclusions and suggestions for further research will be made. Keywords: competition dynamics, general insurance, direct business premiums, porter generic strategies AbstrakPeranan asuransi sangat penting dalam pembangunan khususnya sektor rill, dimana asuransi berfungsi sebagai risk transfer mechanism (mekanisme transfer resiko) yang akan memberikan ketenangan hati dan pikiran (peace of mind) bagi pemilik polis (tertanggung), disamping bahwa asuransi juga akan memberikan social benefit (benefit social) karena pegawai-pegawai tidak kehilangan pekerjaan akibat musibah resiko (kebakaran pabrik misalnya) dan ikut serta membantu dalam industri lainnya lewat penyertaan modal dan/atau pemberian kredit dan/atau menjadi bapak angkat beberapa industri kecil dan menengah. Dinamika Persaingan dalam industri asuransi kerugian terlihat dari persaingan rate yang tajam , dimana terkait dengan kapasitas underwriting dan dukungan reasuransi pesaing. Persaingan rate tidak sehat terjadi pada asuransi kendaraan bermotor,dimana loss ratio nasional sudah sangat tinggi. Disini Pemerintah sebagai regulator turun tangan dengan menetapkan rate dasar sebagai acuan penetapan rate bagi perusahaan. Demikian juga persaingan rate asuransi harta benda (kebakaran) juga sudah mengarah pada kondisi tidak sehat. Pemerintah juga turun tangan dalam penetapan rate bisnis ini. Persaingan dalam differensiasi mudah ditiru karena ini perusahaan jasa apalagi bagi perusahaan yang bermodal besar, sehingga para pemain harus senantiasa melakukan inovasi dalam produk, layanan dan penyediaan infrastruktur. Dinamika Persaingan akan dianalisa dengan Strategi Kompetitif Generik Porter, dimana akan terlihat bahwa faktor-faktor keunggulan adalah Modal yang besar (High Financial Capital) dan Sumber Daya Manusia yang baik (Good Human Capital), disamping juga fasilitas captive market yang menonjol dan know-how produk special yang bisa dijadikan sebagai alat dalam memenangkan persaingan. Penulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa dinamika persaingan di industri asuransi kerugian khususnya di Indonesia. Dengan menganalisa langkah-langkah dinamika persaingan yang dilakukan oleh para pemain di pasar, diharapkan akan dapat memotret pola persaingan di pasar, yang mana dengan memakai teori-teori persaingan dapat dijelaskan bagaimana suatu pemain dapat bertahan, going concern, atau bahkan unggul dalam persaingan. Terakhir akan dibuat kesimpulan dan saran-saran untuk penelitian lebih lanjut. Kata kunci: Dinamika persaingan, asuransi kerugian, premi bisnis langsung, strategi generik porter

In debates about design and politics, design generally appears as an instrument of politics. In this sense, design is subordinated to alien interests, be they democratic or not. Therefore, in order to reveal its own political dimension, another conception of design is necessary. In this article, following the theories accumulated since the 1960s, design is considered as a process. As designing, it is practised not only by professional designers, but by a set of agents, with diverse responsibilities and capacities. These agents converge around a problem and give rise to a design situation, fundamental to the design process. The way the design situation articulates agents toward the production of a common future reveals its eminently political nature. The Brazilian government's Target Plan between 1956 and 1961 presents an excepcional case of a design situation, in that it reorganizes public and private agents into a parallel administration with the aim of effecting the Plan. Bypassing the opposition from the political status quo and the state bureaucracy, Juscelino Kubitschek's organizational strategy makes it possible, in fact, to fulfill his campaign promisses in favor of national development. Finally, the study of this case from a renewed theoretical perspective reinforces the existence of a design field of knowing-and-doing. ; En las discusiones sobre diseño y política, el diseño es visto generalmente como un instrumento de la política. En este sentido, el diseño está sometido a intereses ajenos, sean ellos democráticos o no. Pero para que se revele su dimensión política más propia, es hace necesaria otra concepción del diseño. En este artículo, siguiendo las teorías acumuladas desde los años 1960, el diseño es pensado como un proceso. Como designing, es practicado no sólo por diseñadores profesionales, sino por un conjunto de agentes, con responsabilidades y capacidades diversas. Estos agentes convergen en torno a un problema, generando a una situación de proyecto, fundamental para el proceso de diseño. Por el modo como esa situación articula a los agentes en torno a la producción de un futuro común, es revelado su carácter eminentemente político. El Plan de Metas del gobierno brasileño entre 1956 y 1961 presenta un caso excepcional de situación de proyecto, pues reordena agentes públicos y privados en una administración paralela con el propósito de hacer efectivo el Plan. Contorneando la oposición del status quo político y la burocracia del Estado, la estrategia organizacional de Juscelino Kubitschek hace possible el cumplimiento de las promesas de campaña en pro del desarrollo nacional. En fin, el estudio de este caso, bajo una renovada perspectiva teórica, refuerza la existencia de un campo del saber-y-hacer del diseño. ; : No debate sobre design e política, o design figura em geral como instrumento da política. Nesse sentido, o design é subordinado a interesses alheios, sejam eles democráticos ou não. Logo, para que se revele sua dimensão política mais própria, é necessária outra concepção de design. Neste artigo, seguindo as teorias acumuladas desde os anos 1960, o design é considerado um processo. Como designing, ele é praticado não apenas por designers profissionais, mas por um conjunto de agentes, com responsabilidades e capacidades diversas. Esses agentes convergem em torno de um problema e dão origem a uma situação de projeto, fundamental ao processo de design. Pelo modo como tal situação articula os agentes em torno da produção de um futuro comum, revela-se sua natureza eminentemente política. O Plano de Metas do governo brasileiro entre 1956 e 1961 apresenta um caso excepcional de situação de projeto, na medida em que reorganiza agentes públicos e privados em uma administração paralela com o intuito de efetivar o Plano. Contornando a oposição do status quo político e a burocracia estatal, a estratégia organizacional de Juscelino Kubitschek possibilita de fato o cumprimento das promessas de campanha em prol do desenvolvimento nacional. Por fim, o estudo desse caso sob uma perspectiva teórica renovada reforça a existência de um campo do saber-e-fazer do design.

Today is important articulation of different actors around regional social responsibility experiences that contribute to local development, given the multiple needs of the regions that can not be resolved by a single actor. This articulation is an opportunity to build projects from multiple perspectives and local capacities. Therefore, research groups and Humanism Management and Security and Strategic Thinking of the Universidad del Valle, pose a research that aims to identify and make visible progress, achievements, lessons learned, difficulties and challenges in the consolidation of the experience of region socially responsible in northern Cauca. To do an exploratory and descriptive qualitative approach where techniques are used as in-depth interviews, focus groups and workshops with the actors collective development of the region is performed. The results show that the strategy has contributed to the visibility of the region and the construction of joint projects with the greatest impact with the participation of entrepreneurs, institutions and government. Difficulties as to achieve institutional agreements on some issues and procurement and provision of funds by the national government are recognized, to solve local problems. This allows for reflection on learning experiences, challenges and difficulties but they are individuals can be an example for other regions who are interested in joint around joint projects. ; Hoy es importante la articulación de diversos actores en torno a experiencias de responsabilidad social regional, que aporten al desarrollo local, dadas las múltiples necesidades de las regiones que no pueden ser resueltas por un solo actor. Esta articulación es una oportunidad de construir proyectos desde múltiplesperspectivas y capacidades locales. Por ello, los grupos de investigación Humanismo y Gestión y Previsión y Pensamiento Estratégico de la Universidad del Valle, plantean una investigación que tiene como objetivo identi'car y visibilizar los avances, logros, aprendizajes, di'cultades y retos del proceso de consolidación de la experiencia de región socialmente responsable en el norte del Cauca. Para ello se realiza un estudio de tipo exploratorio, descriptivo con enfoque cualitativo donde se emplean técnicas como entrevistas en profundidad, grupos focales y talleres de formulación colectiva con los actores de la región. Los resultados muestran que la estrategia ha aportado a la visibilización de la región y a la construcción de proyectos conjuntos de mayor impacto contando con la participación de empresarios, instituciones y gobierno. Se reconocen dicultades como la de lograr acuerdos institucionales en torno algunos temas y la consecución y disposición de recursos por parte del gobierno nacional, para resolver problemas locales. Esta experiencia permite re'exionar sobre aprendizajes, retos y dicultades que aunque son particulares pueden ser un ejemplo para otras regiones que estén interesadas en articularse en torno a proyectos conjuntos. ; Hoje é importante articulação de diferentes atores em torno de experiências de responsabilidade social regionais que contribuam para o desenvolvimento local, tendo em conta as múltiplas necessidades das regiões que não podem ser resolvidos por um único ator. Essa articulação é uma oportunidade para construir projetos de múltiplas perspectivas e capacidades locais. Por isso, grupos de pesquisa e Gestão e Segurança e Pensamento Estratégico da Universidad del Valle Humanismo, representam uma pesquisa que tem como objetivo identificar e fazer progressos visíveis, realizações, lições aprendidas, dificuldades e desafíos na consolidação da experiência da região socialmente responsável no norte do Cauca. Para fazer uma abordagem qualitativa exploratória e descritiva, onde são utilizadas técnicas como entrevistas em profundidade, grupos focais e oficinas com os atores desenvolvimento coletivo da região é realizado. Os resultados mostram que a estratégia tem contribuído para a visibilidade da região ea construção de projetos conjuntos com o maior impacto com a participação de empresários, instituições e governo. Dificuldades como para alcançar acordos institucionais sobre algumas questões e aquisição e fornecimento de fundos pelo governo nacional são reconhecidos, para resolver problemas locais. Isto permite a reflexão sobre experiências de aprendizagem, desafios e dificuldades, mas eles são os indivíduos podem ser um exemplo para outras regiões que estão interessados em conjunto em projectos conjuntos.

Принято считать, что холодная война это феномен XX в., проходила в 1946-1991 гг., в ней победил Запад, ведомый США. Но ныне идет новый этап холодной войны между Россией и США. Статья посвящена анализу его особенностей. Делается экскурс в прошлые десятилетия, выделяются особенности холодной войны 1946-1991 гг. Тогда она была возведена в ранг государственной политики и имела двоякий характер наступление на советскую систему велось как извне, так и изнутри. Советский Союз начал проигрывать холодную войну еще при Сталине, когда она носила в основном идеологический характер. Хрущевский период холодной войны это сознательное или бессознательное (теперь не суть важно) подыгрывание главному противнику. В 1980е годы Запад (и прежде всего США) стремился как можно скорее победить, т. е. уничтожить Советский Союз, а руководство СССР в лице Горбачева отказывалось от борьбы с противником, отступало. Сама перестройка была задумана как государственнополитический заговор с целью уничтожения СССР. Чтобы понять особенности современной холодной войны, надо понимать, что по структуре своих целей она, как и война «горячая», является одновременно войной политической, идеологической и дипломатической, войной за жизненное пространство, войной экономической и финансовой, войной за сырьевые ресурсы и рынки сбыта и т. д. Холодная война это прежде всего война геополитическая. Она с перерывами на «горячие» битвы может длиться десятилетиями, как холодная война 1946-1991 гг., а вообще столетиями. И ее окончательный исход непредсказуем. Президент США Б. Обама причислил Россию к числу трех главных угроз существующему миропорядку. В феврале 2015 г. США приняли новую Стратегию национальной безопасности, в которой слова «Россия», «российская агрессия» употребляются всюду. Американцы, «золотой миллиард» хотят скрыть, что мировая холодная война уже давно идет. Специфика ее нового этапа в том и состоит, что это ползучая, тихая катастрофа, незаметное, скрытое, необъяснимое и непонятное простому обывателю каждодневно происходящее изменение. Война всегда и всюду. Война всех против всех. Война без войны. ; People tend to imagine the Cold War as a 20th century phenomenon, a period which lasted from 1946 to 1991 and ended with a victory for the West and the USA as its leader. Our thesis is that we are currently witnessing a new stage of the Cold War between Russia and the USA. This article looks at some of its features. We start with a glance at the past decades, in order to outline the specific features of the 1946-1991 Cold War. At that time, it was elevated to the level of high politics, and the Soviet system was assaulted both from inside and outside. The Soviet Union began losing the Cold War as early as during Stalin's last years, when the war primarily took the ideological turn. The Khrushchev decade can be seen as playing into the hands of the USSR's main adversary, consciously or unconsciously. In the 1980s the West (and above all, the USA) tried to win the war as soon as possible by destroying the USSR, and Soviet leadership in the person of Mikhail Gorbachev refused to engage and chose to retreat. Perestroika was indeed conceived as a political plot to destroy the USSR. To understand the current specifics of the Cold War, we should first realize that, akin to the 'hot' war, it is at the same time a political, diplomatic and ideological war, a conflict for the living space, a war of economies and finances, a war for raw materials and sales markets, etc. The Cold War is above all a geopolitical war. With some breaks for 'hot' warfare it can last for decades, like its previous iteration in 1946-1991, or even centuries. Its final outcome always remains unpredictable. USA President Barack Obama has recently listed Russia among the top 3 threats to the existing world order. In February 2015, the USA adopted a new National Security Strategy where the words 'Russia' and 'Russian aggression' appear on almost every page. 'The golden billion' has long wanted to conceal the fact that the global cold war is raging. Its current main feature is precisely this status of a creeping, silent catastrophe, an inconspicuous, latent, inexplicable and incomprehensible for laymen ongoing transformation. War never changes, happening always and everywhere. War of everyone against everyone. War without war.

People tend to imagine the Cold War as a 20th century phenomenon, a period which lasted from 1946 to 1991 and ended with a victory for the West and the USA as its leader. Our thesis is that we are currently witnessing a new stage of the Cold War between Russia and the USA. This article looks at some of its features.We start with a glance at the past decades, in order to outline the specific features of the 1946–1991 Cold War. At that time, it was elevated to the level of high politics, and the Soviet system was assaulted both from inside and outside. The Soviet Union began losing the Cold War as early as during Stalin's last years, when the war primarily took the ideological turn. The Khrushchev decade can be seen as playing into the hands of the USSR's main adversary, consciously or unconsciously. In the 1980s the West (and above all, the USA) tried to win the war as soon as possible by destroying the USSR, and Soviet leadership in the person of Mikhail Gorbachev refused to engage and chose to retreat. Perestroika was indeed conceived as a political plot to destroy the USSR.To understand the current specifics of the Cold War, we should first realize that, akin to the 'hot' war, it is at the same time a political, diplomatic and ideological war, a conflict for the living space, a war of economies and finances, a war for raw materials and sales markets, etc. The Cold War is above all a geopolitical war. With some breaks for 'hot' warfare it can last for decades, like its previous iteration in 1946–1991, or even centuries. Its final outcome always remains unpredictable.USA President Barack Obama has recently listed Russia among the top 3 threats to the existing world order. In February 2015, the USA adopted a new National Security Strategy where the words 'Russia' and 'Russian aggression' appear on almost every page. 'The golden billion' has long wanted to conceal the fact that the global cold war is raging. Its current main feature is precisely this status of a creeping, silent catastrophe, an inconspicuous, latent, inexplicable and incomprehensible for laymen ongoing transformation. War never changes, happening always and everywhere. War of everyone against everyone. War without war. ; Принято считать, что холодная война — это феномен XX в., проходила в 1946–1991 гг., в ней победил Запад, ведомый США. Но ныне идет новый этап холодной войны между Россией и США. Статья посвящена анализу его особенностей.Делается экскурс в прошлые десятилетия, выделяются особенности холодной войны 1946–1991 гг. Тогда она была возведена в ранг государственной политики и имела двоякий характер — наступление на советскую систему велось как извне, так и изнутри. Советский Союз начал проигрывать холодную войну еще при Сталине, когда она носила в основном идеологический характер. Хрущевский период холодной войны — это сознательное или бессознательное (теперь не суть важно) подыгрывание главному противнику. В 1980-е годы Запад (и прежде всего США) стремился как можно скорее победить, т. е. уничтожить Советский Союз, а руководство СССР в лице Горбачева отказывалось от борьбы с противником, отступало. Сама перестройка была задумана как государственно-политический заговор с целью уничтожения СССР.Чтобы понять особенности современной холодной войны, надо понимать, что по структуре своих целей она, как и война «горячая», является одновременно войной политической, идеологической и дипломатической, войной за жизненное пространство, войной экономической и финансовой, войной за сырьевые ресурсы и рынки сбыта и т. д. Холодная война — это прежде всего война геополитическая. Она — с перерывами на «горячие» битвы — может длиться десятилетиями, как холодная война 1946–1991 гг., а вообще — столетиями. И ее окончательный исход непредсказуем.Президент США Б. Обама причислил Россию к числу трех главных угроз существующему миропорядку. В феврале 2015 г. США приняли новую Стратегию национальной безопасности, в которой слова «Россия», «российская агрессия» употребляются всюду. Американцы, «золотой миллиард» хотят скрыть, что мировая холодная война уже давно идет. Специфика ее нового этапа в том и состоит, что это ползучая, тихая катастрофа, незаметное, скрытое, необъяснимое и непонятное простому обывателю каждодневно происходящее изменение. Война всегда и всюду. Война всех против всех. Война без войны.

Los sistemas agrícolas de Pinar del Río exhiben una alta diversidad y heterogeneidad producto de sus características ecológicas e identidad socio-cultural propias. El paso frecuente de huracanes, prolongadas sequías, así como cuestiones de orden político-social le confieren alta vulnerabilidad a su sistema alimentario. Por ello se hace necesario identificar estrategias de adaptación y respuesta a tales eventos y limitaciones que generan insustentabilidad. En particular, este estudio se propuso la identificación de prácticas agroecológicas innovadoras que le confieren resiliencia a los sistemas agropecuarios frente a huracanes y sequías. Se identificó y seleccionó un grupo de fincas según criterios predefinidos. Se realizaron entrevistas y encuestas estructuradas en cada finca y se efectuaron talleres participativos con diversos actores locales relacionados con la agricultura (agricultores, profesores universitarios, técnicos agrícolas y personal del gobierno), así como pobladores de las comunidades donde se encuentran las fincas. Se enumeraron las prácticas utilizadas por los campesinos para resistir y recuperarse de las afectaciones por sequías y huracanes y se utilizó un diagrama de Venn para comprender la capacidad de ejecución de dichas prácticas a nivel local. Entre las prácticas implementadas que brindan resiliencia a las fincas aparecen: reforestación, incremento y funcionalidad de la biodiversidad, conservación artesanal de alimentos, el establecimiento de los bancos locales de germoplasma, la conservación de suelos, acceso al mercado y mínima dependencia de insumos de productos de síntesis química. Más del 80% de las prácticas fue ubicado en el nivel de gran posibilidad de aplicación. Las prácticas más complejas para su implementación son el incremento de la cubierta vegetal y el acceso al mercado debido al limitado acceso al semillas y posturas y por regulaciones económicas, respectivamente. La independencia energética fue percibida como una estrategia priorizada para ambas afectaciones. La cooperación e integración comunitaria resulto ser un hilo conductor de la ejecución y diseminación de prácticas agroecológicas innovadoras y asistencia social intracomunitaria. Se concluye que existe conocimiento, capacidad y disponibilidad de recursos para enfrentar estas perturbaciones externas, escasa compenetración institucional; y fuerte cohesión comunitaria que permite la diseminación de nuevas estrategias para resiliencia. ; ABSTRACT: Pinar del Río's agricultural systems exhibit a high diversity and heterogeneity, due to its ecological characteristics and its own socio-cultural identity. Frequent hurricanes, prolonged drought, as well as socio-political aspects, make some of the food production systems highly vulnerable. There is an urgent need to identify adaptation strategies and responses to such events and setbacks that provoke unsustainability. This study aimed at the identification of innovative agroecological practices that confer resilience to agricultural systems in facing both hurricanes and droughts. A group of farms was selected and identified according to predefined criteria. Interviews and structured surveys were conducted in each farm as well as participative workshops were organized including all local actors directly related with agriculture (farmers, university professors, students, agriculturalists, government agents) and community inhabitants. Resistance and recovery practices used by the community to face drought and hurricanes were gleaned, a Venn diagram was utilized to understand their implementation capacity at the local level. Among the practices used to enhance resiliency in farms can be mentioned: reforestation, increase of functional biodiversity, artisanal food conservation, local germplasm banks, soil conservation and improvement, access to local markets and minimal dependence of synthetic external products. It was found that more than 80% of the practices were located in the first level of application possibility. Forest cover increase and market access were mentioned as the more complex practices to be implemented, due to limited seed availability and woody staplings as well as economic regulations. Energetic independence was perceived as a priority strategy for both, hurricanes and droughts. Community cooperation and integration appeared as a conductive thread of execution and dissemination of innovative agroecological practices, as well as, intra-community social assistance. It can be concluded that knowledge, capacity and resources availability to confront external perturbations exists in the studied communities, despite low institutional support; complemented by a strong community cohesion which allows for the dissemination of new resilience strategies.

This article springs from author's reflection exercise on investigative and pedagogical innovation practices, bringing forth the project "Learning Community for Environmental Education and Action". Such proposal, supported by private sector, is currently developed in twelve municipalities of the Provinces of Sugamuxi and Tundama in the Department of Boyaca. Four ideas are analytically presented and developed in this article: Environmental Education: a mean to debate on educational matters in the environmental training process, National Policy on environmental education: a guideline and foundation for the development of this kind of education in Colombia, Environmental School Projects: an exercise that enables implementation of the environmental dimension in the processes of the educational community, and, learning community: a strategy for involving the varied social actors of a given context in the understanding of the environmental dimension and in the local development. From this context, it is expected to create a reflective approach for the analysis of the existing proximity in the school-community relationship around the environmental education. ; Este artículo surge del ejercicio de reflexión sobre las prácticas de innovación pedagógica e investigativa del autor, que da origen al proyecto 'Comunidad de Aprendizaje para la Educación y la Acción Ambiental', propuesta que se adelanta en doce municipios de las provincias de Sugamuxi y Tundama del departamento de Boyacá, con el acompañamiento del sector privado. El artículo presenta y desarrolla analíticamente cuatro ideas: La Educación Ambiental, un escenario por debatir sobre las cuestiones educativas en la formación ambiental, la Política Nacional de Educación Ambiental, directriz y fundamento para su desarrollo en Colombia, los Proyectos Ambientales Escolares, ejercicio que posibilita la implementación de la dimensión ambiental en los procesos de la comunidad educativa, la Comunidad de Aprendizaje, estrategia para integrar a los diversos actores sociales de un contexto particular en la comprensión de la dimensión ambiental y en su desarrollo local. Desde este contexto se pretende generar un acercamiento reflexivo para el análisis sobre la aproximación de la relación escuelacomunidad en torno a la Educación Ambiental. ; Cet article provient d'un exercice de réflexion sur des pratiques d'innovation pédagogique et de recherches de l'auteur, qui ont donné naissance au projet «Communauté d'Apprentissage pour l'Éducation et l'Action Environnementale», proposition qui se réalise actuellement dans douze municipalités des provinces de Sugamuxi et Tundama dans le Département du Boyacá, avec l'appui du secteur privé. L'article présente et développe, d'une manière analytique, quatre idées: l'Éducation à l'Environnement, un lieu pour débattre sur les questions éducatives dans la formation environnementale, la Politique Nationale de l'Education à l'Environnement, directives et fondements pour son développement en Colombie, les Projets Scolaires pour l'Environnement, exercices permettant l'implémentation de la dimension de l'environnement dans les processus de la communauté éducative, la Communauté d'Apprentissage, stratégie pour intégrer les divers acteurs sociaux dans un contexte particulier quant à la compréhension de la dimension de l'environnement et de son développement local. À partir de ce contexte, on prétend provoquer une approche réflexive pour l'analyse du rapprochement de la relation école-communauté par rapport à l'Éducation à l'Environnement. ; O artigo surge do exercício de reflexão sobre as práticas de inovação pedagógica e investigativa do autor, que origina o projeto "Comunidade de Aprendizagem para a Educação e a Ação Ambiental", proposta que se faz em uma dúzia de municípios das províncias de Sugamuxi e Tundama do Departamento (Estado) de Boyacá, com o acompanhamento do setor privado. Apresenta e desenvolve analiticamente quatro ideias: a Educação Ambiental, um cenário por debater sobre as questões educacionais na formação ambiental, a Política Nacional de Educação Ambiental, eixo e fundamento para o seu desenvolvimento na Colômbia, os Projetos Ambientais Escolares, exercício que faz possível programar a dimensão ambiental nos processos da comunidade educacional, a Comunidade de Aprendizagem, estratégia para integrar aos diversos atores sociais de um contexto particular na compreensão da dimensão ambiental e em o seu desenvolvimento local. Desde esse contexto pretende-se gerar uma aproximação reflexiva para a análise sobre a aproximação da relação escola-comunidade em direção à Educação Ambiental.

La Diputación Provincial de Pontevedra y el Instituto de Ciencias del Patrimonio del CSIC están desarrollando desde mayo de 2010 un proyecto de puesta en valor del área arqueológica de A Lanzada (Sanxenxo, Pontevedra) en la zona cero del turismo estival en las Rías Baixas. Este proyecto de Gestión Integral del Patrimonio cuenta con tres líneas específicas de investigación aplicada en difusión, comunicación y didáctica con las que buscamos no solo la interacción con la comunidad local (propietaria del yacimiento), sino también su participación activa en el desa - rrollo de los trabajos. A Lanzada es un espacio social vivo, con un hondo trasfondo simbólico para los habitantes de la zona, un área multidimensional en la que confluyen diferentes discursos y experiencias. Esta circunstancia debe ser tenida en cuenta por una arqueología pública que debe ir más allá de la trasparencia informativa y la divulgación para materializar procesos de empoderamiento propios de una arqueología en comunidad. En nuestra comunicación expondremos la estrategia de trabajo adoptada y las actividades (todavía en curso) realizadas con las asociaciones locales, desde visitas guiadas, participación activa en las excavaciones, historia oral, etnoarqueología, recuperación de la memoria histórica., hasta exposiciones interactivas y ciclos de conferencias y debate en la parroquia de Noalla. A su vez, contextualizaremos el proyecto en el marco de la línea de trabajo en cultura científica desarrollada en los últimos años por el INCIPT en Galicia. ; La Diputació Provincial de Pontevedra i l'Institut de Ciències del Patrimoni del CSIC estan desenvolupant des del maig del 2010 un projecte de posada en valor de l'àrea arqueològica d'A Lanzada (Sanxenxo, Pontevedra) a la zona zero del turisme estival a les Rías Baixas. Aquest projecte de gestió integral del patrimoni compta amb tres línies específiques d'investigació aplicada en difusió, comunicació i didàctica amb les quals busquem no sols la interacció amb la comunitat local (propietària del jaciment), sinó també la seva participació activa en el desenvolupament dels treballs. A Lanzada és un espai social viu, amb un profund rerefons simbòlic per als habitants de la zona, una àrea multidimensional en la qual conflueixen diferents discursos i experiències. Aquesta circumstància ha de ser tinguda en compte per una arqueologia pública que ha d'anar més enllà de la transparència informativa i la divulgació per materialitzar processos d'apoderament propis d'una arqueologia en comunitat. En la nostra comunicació exposarem l'estratègia de treball adoptada i les activitats (encara en curs) realitzades amb les associacions locals, des de visites guiades, participació activa en les excavacions, història oral, etnoarqueologia, recuperació de la memòria històrica., fins a exposicions interactives i cicles de conferències i debat a la parròquia de Noalla. Al seu torn, contextualitzarem el projecte en el marc de la línia de treball en cultura científica desenvolupada en els últims anys per l'INCIPT a Galícia. ; The Provincial de Pontevedra and the Heritage Sciences Institute of CSIC are developing since May 2010 an enhancement project of the archaeological area of A Lanzada (Sanxenxo, Pontevedra) located at the starting point of summer tourism in the Rias Baixas. This project of Heritage Comprehensive Management comprises three specific research lines applied to Dissemination, Communication and Didactics seeking not only the interaction with the local community (site owner) but also its active participation in the development of tasks. A Lanzada is an alive social space, with a deep symbolic background for its inhabitants, a multidimensional area in which diverse experiences and discourses converge. This circumstance needs to be considered by Public Archaeology, which shall go beyond informative transparency and dissemination to develop enfranchisement processes characteristic of Community Archaeology. In this talk we present the work strategy adopted and the activities (still in progress) conducted with local associations, from guided visits, fieldwork participation, Oral tradition, Ethnoarchaeology, or the recovery of historical memory to interactive exhibitions, conferences and discussions in Noalla district. Furthermore, we will contextualize the project within the framework of Scientific Culture's line of work recently developed by the INCIPT in Galicia.

Usualmente, los estudios sobre clientelismo tienden a generar una interpretación externa del fenómeno y a dejar fuera del análisis los procesos culturales y psicosociales de carácter comunitario en que se apoyan estas prácticas. Por esta razón, se realizó un estudio de caso en una localidad campesina de la provincia de Formosa, Argentina, con el fin abordar la dimensión subjetiva del clientelismo y la búsqueda de asistencia personalizada como estrategia de supervivencia. Se concluye que las relaciones de reciprocidad entre campesinos y actores pudientes como políticos y patrones constituyen un elemento propio de la cultura campesina. No obstante, se aclara que esta práctica es mucho más amplia y no siempre se articula en términos de clientelismo político. Finalmente, se afirma que si bien el clientelismo muchas veces puede explicarse a partir de relaciones de poder, en otros casos el sentimiento de gratitud entre campesinos y patrones constituye el aspecto más destacado. ; De manière générale, les études menées sur le clientélisme tendent à une interprétation externe du phénomène, ignorant l'analyse des processus culturels et psycho-sociaux de caractère communautaire sur lesquels s'appuient ces pratiques. Pour cette raison, une étude de cas a été menée dans une localité rurale de la province de Formosa, Argentine, afin d'aborder la dimension subjective du clientélisme ainsi que la recherche d'assistance personnalisée comme stratégie de survie. L'étude parvient à la conclusion que les relations de réciprocité entre paysans et acteurs puissants tels que les personnalités politiques et les patrons constituent un élément propre à la culture paysanne. Toutefois, cette pratique est bien plus large et ne s'articule pas toujours en termes de clientélisme politique. Enfin, s'il est vrai que le clientélisme peut s'expliquer dans bien des cas à partir des relations de pouvoir, dans d'autres cas le sentiment de gratitude entre paysans et patrons constitue une dimension notoire non-négligeable. ; Usually, the investigations on political clientelism tend to adopt and external point of view of the phenomenon which do not take into account the cultural and psychosocial processes that support these practices. Thus, I performed a case study in a peasant community located in the province of Formosa, Argentina, aiming to approach both, the subjective dimension of clientelism and the seeking of social assistance as a survival strategy. I conclude that the existence of relations of reciprocity between wealthy actors such as politicians and landlords, and small farmers, is characteristic of the peasant culture. Nonetheless, despite the fact it is clear that these practices are related to clientelism, they are not the same. Finally, I argue that while political clientelism sometimes can be explained focusing on relations of power, in other cases the feeling of gratitude between peasants and landlords is the most important aspect. ; Normalmente, os estudos sobre o clientelismo tendem a gerar uma interpretação externa do fenômeno deixando de fora o análise dos processos culturais e psicossociais de caráter comunitário que apoiam estas práticas. Por isso, foi realizado um estudo de caso em uma vila rural na província de Formosa, na Argentina, para enfrentar a dimensão subjetiva do clientelismo eo atendimento pessoal como uma estratégia de sobrevivência. Concluímos que as relações recíprocas entre os camponeses e atores ricos como políticos e patrões são um elemento próprio da cultura rural. No entanto, é claro que esta prática é muito mais vasta e não é sempre articulada em termos de protecção política. Por fim, alega-se que o patrocínio, enquanto muitas vezes pode ser explicado por relações de poder, em outros casos, o sentimento de gratidão entre os camponeses e os padrões é o destaque. ; Fil: Landini, Fernando Pablo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Universidad de la Cuenca del Plata; Argentina

Desde 1955 hasta la última dictadura militar, Argentina atravesó un período de creciente conflictividad social y política. Las organizaciones armadas fueron actores destacados en ese proceso. Entre ellas, las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR) condensan dos problemáticas claves del período: la identificación con el peronismo de vastos sectores de izquierda y la reivindicación de la violencia como forma de intervención política. Este artículo reconstruye los orígenes y la historia de las FAR entre 1960 y 1973 considerando dos ejes analíticos: 1) el proceso de identificación de las FAR con el peronismo desde una perspectiva marxista y un proyecto socialista y 2) su dinámica de funcionamiento como organización político-militar. En relación con ellos, se fundamentan tres hipótesis. 1) Que los fundadores de las FAR atravesaron un proceso de doble ruptura (política e ideológica) respecto de sus partidos políticos de origen. 2) Que, sin embargo, las nuevas posturas conservaron ciertas huellas de origen que le imprimieron a las FAR su perfil distintivo. Y 3) que hacia 1972 tal perfil experimentó sustantivas variaciones que explican su acercamiento a Montoneros. El trabajo está basado en una estrategia metodológica cualitativa y se sustenta en fuentes documentales escritas y en entrevistas a ex-miembros de la organización. ; From 1955 until the last military dictatorship, Argentina went through a period of increasing social and political conflict. Armed organizations were prominent actors in this process. Among them, the Argentine Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) condense two key issues in the period: identification with Peronism in vast sectors of the left-wing and vindication of violence as a means of political intervention. This article reconstructs the origins and history of the FAR between 1960 and 1973, considering 2 analytical axes: 1) the process of identifying the FAR with Peronism from a Marxist perspective and a socialist project; and 2) its functioning dynamics as a political-military organization. Regarding them, 3 hypotheses are grounded. 1) That founders of the FAR went through a process of double break (political and ideological) concerning their political parties of origin. 2) That, nevertheless, the new positions preserved certain traces of origin that provided the FAR with its distinctive profile. And 3) that by 1972 such a profile underwent major variations that explain its closeness to Montoneros. This article is based on a qualitative methodological strategy and it is grounded in written documentary sources and interviews with former organization members. ; Desde 1955 até a última ditadura militar, a Argentina passou por um período de crescente conflito social e político. As organizações armadas foram atores proeminentes nesse processo. Entre elas, as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias (FAR) condensam duas questões-chave no período: a identificação com o peronismo de vastos setores da esquerda e a reivindicação da violência como meio de intervenção política. Este artigo reconstrói as origens e a história das FAR entre 1960 e 1973, considerando 2 eixos analíticos: 1) o processo de identificação das FAR com o peronismo sob uma perspectiva marxista e um projeto socialista; e 2) sua dinâmica de funcionamento como organização político-militar. Em relação a eles, 3 hipóteses são fundamentadas. 1) Que os fundadores das FAR passaram por um processo de dupla ruptura (política e ideológica) em relação aos seus partidos políticos de origem. 2) Que, no entanto, as novas posturas preservaram certos vestígios de origem que proporcionaram às FAR seu perfil distintivo. E 3) Que, em 1972, tal perfil sofreu grandes variações que explicam sua aproximação com Montoneros. Este artigo baseia-se em uma estratégia metodológica qualitativa e fundamenta-se em fontes documentais escritas e entrevistas com ex-membros da organização. ; Fil: González Canosa, Mora. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina

Jamaica is a Caribbean country that has initiated comprehensive programs to address Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs). The government created the National Health Fund (NHF) to reduce the cost of treatment of NCDs and finance some prevention programs. The main objective of this study is to learn from Jamaica's experience in tackling major NCDs and related risk factors, to provide policy options for Jamaica to improve its NCD programs and to share with other countries the lessons learned from its experience. The study attempts to answer three questions: a) whether the NHF and its drug subsidy program have reduced out-of-pocket spending on NCDs; b) whether access to treatment of NCDs has improved; and c) what the economic burden on NCD patients and their families is. The report presents an overall picture of the epidemiological and demographic transitions in Jamaica, its current burden of NCDs, and the change in the trend of NCDs in the past decade, using publicly available data, particularly data from the Jamaica living condition household surveys. It assesses the risk factors and analyzes Jamaica's response to NCDs with emphasis on the impact of the NHF on people's lives. Estimates of the economic burden of NCDs are provided and policy options to improve Jamaica's NCD programs are suggested. This study focuses on Jamaica's experience in addressing major NCDs and their related risk factors with the objective of learning from Jamaica and providing policy options to Jamaica to improve its programs.

This study examines the changes in Vietnam's primary and secondary education over the past 20 years as well as key factors that affect such critical educational outcomes as attendance, grade attainment, and student achievement in order to derive implications for public education policy. It is divided into an analytical report and shorter overview/policy report. The study finds significant improvement in attendance, attainment, and achievement across all populations. Nonetheless, vulnerable populations (in particular the poorest and ethnic minorities) continue to fare poorly as a result of persistent, and in some cases, increasing inequalities in educational attainment and poor student achievement. Educational attainment and achievement are also shown to be complementary to a large extent. Despite the methodological limitations, evidence consistently confirms that certain characteristics of schools and teachers are significantly related to both educational outcomes. This opens the door for public policy and provides multiple (potential) policies 'entrance points' for addressing the remaining challenges. Some measures have implications for public funding, its priorities and/or efficiency, and others are more closely related to the management of public institutions. Some of the main policy implications derived from the analytical findings are re-asserting or expanding priorities for public funding through expanding support for the Fundamental School Quality Level (FSQL), and supporting full day schooling and conditional cash transfers for vulnerable groups; improving spending efficiency through better targeted fee exemptions and the strengthened application of teacher standards; and improving the management of public sector schools through higher principals' management capacity, strengthened accountability of schools to their communities and better information.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report examines the institutional set-up for and use of regulatory policy instruments in Kenya. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Zambia, Uganda, Rwanda, and Tanzania). The report is based on a review of public documents prepared by the government, donors, and the private sector, and on a limited number of interviews with key institutions and individuals.