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The global movement, which began with the Seattle revolt in 1999, is the starting point of a new era in which to materialize important productive, social and cultural transformations in progress. This international epochal change overlaps with the exhaustion of a political cycle in Spanish contemporary history that ranges from the approval of the Constitution (1978) to the emergence of the Spanish triple crisis from 2008. This article analyzes this economic, political and territorial crisis as well as the background currents that originate them. We want to focus on assessing the health of democracy. To advance this objective, a double exercise has been carried out. On the one hand, characterize the Spanish political culture during the 30 years of stability and describe the transformations that occur in it from the turn of the millennium. On the other hand, explore forms of participation that go beyond representative democracy and that are experienced since the democratic recovery ; El movimiento global, que da inicio con la revuelta de Seattle en 1999, supone el punto de partida de una nueva era en la que se empiezan a materializar importantes transformaciones productivas, sociales y culturales en curso. Este cambio epocal internacional se superpone con el agotamiento de un ciclo políti-co en la historia contemporánea española que abarca desde la aprobación de la Constitución (1978) hasta la irrupción de la triple crisis española a partir de 2008. En este artículo se analiza esta crisis en su declinación económica, política y territorial, así como también las corrientes de fondo que la originan. Quiere ponerse el foco en evaluar la salud de la democracia. Para avanzar en este objetivo se ha realizado un doble ejercicio. Por un lado, caracterizar la cultura política española du-rante los 30 años de estabilidad y describir las trans-formaciones que se producen en ella a partir del cam-bio de milenio. Por otro lado, explorar aquellas formas de participación que van más allá de la democracia representativa y que se ...

On 20 October 2011 ETA announced the 'definitive cessation of its armed activity', which had been increasing since shortly after its inception in 1959. On 8 April 2017 it disarmed by handing over its weapons to intermediaries from civil society. On 2 May 2018 ETA announced its dissolution. This was the end of the last ongoing armed conflict in Europe from the wave of political violence – linked to national and class disputes – that swept over the continent starting in the 1960s. This article analyses the development of Spanish antiterrorism in relation to the Basque conflict, observing how a free and democratic Spanish state has responded to the challenge of an armed insurgency that has continued to the present. While the history of the organisation is well known, less so is the development of the reaction to deal with it. ETA's progression cannot be understood in isolation, but rather needs to be placed into the context of the measures taken by the state, which influenced, shaped, and was shaped by it throughout the course of the conflict

In 2004 Theo van Boven, as Special Rapporteur of the United Nations, alerted the world community that torture and ill-treatment were more than sporadic practices within Spain. Numerous studies carried out by human rights organizations and international institutions endorse this affirmation. This paper attempts to analyse the elements that facilitate cases of torture and ill-treatment while proposing ideas about how to orient political action to eradicate these practices. Situated in the discipline of public policy this paper will try to understand the deprivation of freedom focusing the analysis on the most extreme practices of the State violation of human rights that are produced in these areas. This article first addresses a quantitative description of the presence of torture in Spain. The second section details the historical and political specificities of the Spanish case that are useful in order to understand the question and at the same time in order to establish points of reference for the design of public policy. In the third section the elements that make possible the existence of cases of torture in Spain are analysed, elaborating a typology of static and dynamic elements. The fourth section explains the relationship between democratic culture and torture

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the relation between estate transformations produced during the governments of the Citizen Revolution (CR) in Ecuador (2007-2017) and welfare regime transformations. Design/methodology/approach: The CR's project registers an array of specificities that make it a relevant case study to understand it. Among them, it articulated the transformation of the development model with a comprehensive state reform: emphasized both the modernization of the state and the productive structure, and the creation of the basic pillars of a welfare state. The ambitious project materialized in an ambivalent manner, revealing accomplishments and limitations. Findings: The recovery of resources for the state, the efficient organization of resources, decentralization and deconcentration processes, public administration transformations and policy de-corporatization processes accompanied and even propelled important achievements in the social sphere in terms of decommodification, stratification, commodification and defamiliarization. Ecuador's starting point, as a small and impoverished country with pubic and communal goods and services dismantled through neoliberal reforms, was quite precarious. But, progress was made. Beyond the identified limitations, its accomplishments must be highlighted because they are novel in comparison to other progressive government experiences, especially in the context of Central Andean countries. Originality/value: This article vindicates the need to link state transformation processes to welfare regime transformations, as well as the academic literature that informs both fields. The description of what took place in Ecuador in the field of social welfare during the ten years of the CR continues to confirm the theoretical potential of the concept of welfare regime with the necessary translations and appropriations that allow for the analysis of countries in the region. It enables an approach to a more theoretically and methodologically elusive object that is ...

Este artículo tiene por finalidad explorar la relación entre los cambios acontecidos en la cultura política con la crisis económica, política y territorial que se desarrolla en España a partir de 2011. Para ello, nos centraremos en el análisis de la evolución de las series históricas de los indicadores clásicos de cultura política, a fin de evidenciar cómo se alteraron las tendencias seculares, coincidiendo con el estallido de la crisis económica, y cómo estos cambios han podido influir en el doble proceso de ruptura. Finalmente, se discutirá cómo esta ruptura se canalizó a escala nacional a través de la aparición de una dinámica de transformación del sistema de partidos, mientras que en Cataluña adoptó la forma de conflicto territorial. ; The aim of this article is to explore the relationship between the changes that have occurred in political culture and the social and territorial crisis that has developed in Spain since 2011. For this, we will focus on the analysis of the evolution of the historical series of traditional indicators of political culture, in order to show how, coinciding with the outbreak of the economic crisis, secular trends were altered and how these changes could have influenced the double process of rupture. Finally, it will be discussed how this rupture was channeled in Spain through the transformation of the party system, while in Catalonia it took the form of territorial conflict.

The aim of this article is to explore the relationship between the changes that have occurred in political culture and the social and territorial crisis that has developed in Spain since 2011. For this, we will focus on the analysis of the evolution of the historical series of traditional indicators of political culture, in order to show how, coinciding with the outbreak of the economic crisis, secular trends were altered and how these changes could have influenced the double process of rupture. Finally, it will be discussed how this rupture was channeled in Spain through the transformation of the party system, while in Catalonia it took the form of territorial conflict.

España transita varias crisis superpuestas que están poniendo en tensión el régimen surgido de la transición posfranquista: crisis económica, territorial y sociopolítica. El movimiento de los "indignados" y la dinámica política en Cataluña son dos expresiones de este nuevo escenario. Y a ello se suma el fin del bipartidismo y la emergencia de una extrema derecha por fuera del Partido Popular que la "contenía". El nuevo gobierno progresista de coalición, inédito en la democracia española, se enfrenta así a múltiples desafíos, entre ellos su propia supervivencia

The paper explores the perceptions of the parliamentary elites in 17 Latin American countries on moral and gender issues through surveys conducted between 2012 and 2019. In particular, it analyses opinions on inequality between men and women, public policies to reduce it, the possibility of building a career within the party, and abortion and same-sex marriage. The analysis shows the differences between countries and whether gender, party ideology and age variables help explain the answers. The findings suggest that in many countries gender is a factor in explaining the differing opinions on the inequality between men and women and, to a lesser extent, same-sex marriage. Ideology is the variable that influences the perception of the other three issues. The conclusions reflect on programmatic and descriptive representation for each topic and country ; El artículo explora la percepción de las élites parlamentarias de 17 países latinoamericanos sobre cuestiones morales y relativas al género a través de encuestas realizadas entre 2012 y 2019. En concreto, analiza la opinión respecto a la desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres, las políticas públicas para reducirlas, la posibilidad de hacer carrera dentro del partido, el aborto y el matrimonio homosexual. El análisis muestra las diferencias entre países y si las variables de género, ideología del partido o edad contribuyen a explicar las respuestas. Los hallazgos apuntan que en muchos países el género contribuye a explicar la opinión sobre la desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres y, en menor medida, el matrimonio igualitario. Los datos inducen a pensar, además, que la ideología es la variable que más influye en la percepción de las otras tres cuestiones. En las conclusiones se reflexiona sobre representación programática y descriptiva según los temas y países

The article analyzes the dynamics of electoral competition that take place in Catalonia between 2012 and 2017. The objective is to validate the hypothesis that the Catalan party system changes its logic of competition as a result of an electoral realignment process. The electoral behavior guidelines and the structure of the party system in Catalonia are reviewed from the first elections after the recovery of the Generalitat (1980) until 2017. Also, the most relevant studies on the matter are reviewed. Since 2012, partisan fragmentation and competition have increased. It has gone from being centripetal to centrifugal. At the same time, the dispute around the national matter has been imposed on the ideological axis. The analytical framework used is that of electoral realignment and the methodology is the diachronic comparison based on a dense case description. In the conclusions, it is stated that an accelerated electoral realignment process has been carried out in Catalonia. The six elements indicated by the literature appear in the case: a large electoral participation, the appearance of conflicts in the nomination of candidates, the emergence of "third" parties, the increase in volatility, the appearance of new issues of conflict and an increase of political-ideological polarization ; El artículo analiza las dinámicas de competencia electoral que se desarrollan en Cataluña entre 2012 y 2017 para validar la hipótesis de que el sistema de partidos catalán cambia su lógica de competencia fruto de un proceso de realineamiento electoral. Se revisan las pautas de comportamiento electoral y la estructura del sistema de partidos en Cataluña desde las primeras elecciones después de la recuperación de la Generalitat (1980) hasta 2017, así como los estudios más relevantes sobre la cuestión. Desde 2012, ha aumentado la fragmentación partidista y la competencia; antes centrípeta, se ha convertido en centrífuga, a la vez que la disputa alrededor de la cuestión nacional se ha impuesto sobre el eje ideológico. El marco ...