Young people aren't apathetic about politics; but they dislike cynicism. They like small government. This book draws from the web site fresh politics to give one perspective on what young Americans want and expect from politics and government. The author leads the discussion, and other bright young thinkers have their say. These young people understand that school, work, money and life are going to be less structured for them. They also understand that political sacred cows--abortion, Social Security and health insurance--may become hamburger during their lives. In The Fresh Politics Reader, they talk about relevant issues in a more detailed way than they did previous generations.
In: Social forces: SF ; an international journal of social research associated with the Southern Sociological Society, Volume 102, Issue 4, p. 1398-1423
Abstract Prior research documents higher levels of depressive symptoms among Black Americans relative to Whites. Yet, we know less about the role of other dimensions of stratification (e.g., skin tone) in shaping mental health inequality between Black and White adults, and whether mental health trajectories by race and skin tone among Black adults are contingent upon social contexts in childhood and adolescence. To address these gaps, this study asks: (1) to what extent do self-identified race and interviewer-rated skin tone among Black respondents shape inequalities in depressive symptoms between Black and White Americans across ages 12–42? (2) Are trajectories of depressive symptoms by race and skin tone among Black respondents contingent on school racial contexts (e.g., school racial composition)? Using five waves of data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and growth curve models, results suggest trajectories of depressive symptoms across ages 12–42 vary by race, school racial context, and skin tone among Black respondents. Specifically, Black students rated as having very dark, dark, and medium brown skin who attended high proportion Black schools in adolescence experienced lower levels of depressive symptoms than their White and light-skinned Black counterparts, particularly across the teen years and early 20s. Conversely, attending higher proportion White schools led to increases in depressive symptoms across earlier ages for Black students, particularly those who fell within the middle of the skin color continuum. Findings highlight competing advantages and disadvantages of navigating racialized spaces in childhood/adolescence for Black Americans of different skin tones.
In: Sociology of race and ethnicity: the journal of the Racial and Ethnic Minorities Section of the American Sociological Association, Volume 5, Issue 3, p. 370-387
In the postwar era, the United States typically has taken an approach to dealing with illegal drugs different from Europe. Americans have favored prohibitionist measures to combat drug use, while Europeans have gradually relaxed many of their illicit substance laws. Recently, however, there has been a growing movement within the United States to decriminalize and legalize marijuana. Numerous states have already reformed their laws to allow doctors to prescribe marijuana to patients. Moreover, many states are dramatically decriminalizing personal use of cannabis. A review of postwar Europe's experience with drugs provides a useful paradigm to explain the U.S.'s shifting attitude. It also suggests that free trade may play a role in drug legalization. Following World War II, European nations began removing barriers to trade and ultimately joined to form a supranational organization, the European Union, largely erasing national borders. As free trade spread across Europe, so too did drug legalization, beginning in the Netherlands and eventually following on most of the continent. More recently, the United States formed a free trade zone with Canada, which has recently decriminalized marijuana, and with Mexico, which has been the main conduit for illegal drugs. As the model presented in this Note predicts, the United States has gradually loosened its drug laws as illicit substances stream across its open borders. Free trade makes it easier to move goods of any kind, legal or illegal, across borders, which increases the prevalence of drugs while reducing their cost. Once one member of a free trade association legalizes drugs, it may only be a matter of time before all others adopt similar policies as cheap drugs flow across borders. As drugs become more prevalent in society, a nation's ability to incarcerate users is strained, and drugs become quasi-normalized--leading to decriminalization and legalization. Thus, the European experience with drugs suggests free trade may be one of the causes of recent drug ...
Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter One Introduction -- Chapter Two The Past and Future of Arab Civil-Military Relations -- Chapter Three Modeling Military Decision Making in Periods of Social Unrest -- Chapter Four The Tunisian Military's "Ambitious Support" of the Arab Awakening -- Chapter Five The Syrian Military's "Fervent Support" of Bashar al-Assad -- Chapter Six The Egyptian Military's "Reluctant Support" of the Arab Awakening -- Chapter Seven The Libyan Military's "Fractured Support" of Muammar Gaddafi -- Chapter Eight US Influence on Arab Decision Making in Times of Social Unrest -- Chapter Nine Arbiters of Social Unrest: The Future of Arab Civil-Military Relations -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index
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This service record is an account of military actions during the American Civil War by veteran W. A. Taylor. ; 1 leaf ; 2 pdf pages. ; All descriptive lists and service records in this United Confederate (Civil War) Veterans manuscript collection believed to be based out of Robert E. Lee Camp #158 of the United Confederate Veterans (Fort Worth, Tex.). United Confederate Veterans. R.E. Lee Camp No. 158 (Fort Worth, Tex.) ; The Southwest Collection Manuscript Record can be accessed at the following URL: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00119/tsw-00119.html
Abstract Extant research on health disparities has traditionally employed a unidimensional approach to stratification, focusing on gender and racial/ethnic inequality separately. Such studies implicitly assume that gender inequality is monolithic across racial/ethnic lines and that racial/ethnic stratification is similar for women and men. While informative, these traditional, unidimensional approaches artificially decouple gender and racial/ethnic inequality and, consequently, may obscure the gender-race/ethnicity-health relationship, thus limiting our understanding of the unique health experiences of women of color. This study extends prior research by using multidimensional approaches to examine whether gender and racial stratification combine in an additive or multiplicative fashion to shape functional health, consistent with double-jeopardy and intersectionality hypotheses, respectively. In addition, this study investigates the extent to which group differences in socioeconomic status (SES), health behaviors, and medical care explain gender-racial/ethnic disparities in health. We use data from the Health and Retirement Study, a nationally representative sample of older adults, to address these questions among a diverse sample of black, white, and Mexican American men and women. Results reveal that women of color have worse functional health than all other gender-racial/ethnic groups and that the joint impacts of gender and racial/ethnic oppression on functional health are additive among Mexican Americans and multiplicative among blacks. We find that multidimensional approaches-namely, double-jeopardy and intersectionality-as well as examination of various potential mediators of health disparities provide a better understanding of how health is shaped by multiple social locations.