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Robert Futrell and Pete Simi on the simmering sentiments and political fortunes of White supremacists.

Analyzes high-profile agricultural protests in Greece, GB, & France carried out between 1992 & 1997 to shed light on the response of national governments & citizens to European Union (EU) integration. Although farmer protests were initially more likely to target national governments, they were increasingly aimed directly at the EU, & tended to coincide with important political events. Consideration is given to Doug Imig & Sidney Tarrow's claim that European integration may make the national state a pivot between irresponsible European decisionmakers & mass publics that demand people take responsibility for their claims. Data drawn from media reports on the Reuters newswire indicate that the Greek, British, & French governments demonstrated different negotiating styles with very different results. It is argued that the outcomes were influenced by economic strength & the domestic political opportunity structure. There was little cooperation among European farmers, & transnational protests were three times more likely to be competitive than cooperative. Differences between farmers' transnational protests & those of other social movements are discussed. 1 Table, 3 Figures. J. Lindroth

Analyzes high-profile agricultural protests in Greece, GB, & France carried out between 1992 & 1997 to shed light on the response of national governments & citizens to European Union (EU) integration. Although farmer protests were initially more likely to target national governments, they were increasingly aimed directly at the EU, & tended to coincide with important political events. Consideration is given to Doug Imig & Sidney Tarrow's claim that European integration may make the national state a pivot between irresponsible European decisionmakers & mass publics that demand people take responsibility for their claims. Data drawn from media reports on the Reuters newswire indicate that the Greek, British, & French governments demonstrated different negotiating styles with very different results. It is argued that the outcomes were influenced by economic strength & the domestic political opportunity structure. There was little cooperation among European farmers, & transnational protests were three times more likely to be competitive than cooperative. Differences between farmers' transnational protests & those of other social movements are discussed. 1 Table, 3 Figures. J. Lindroth

The topic of hate group membership and radicalization toward extremist ideologies has received substantial attention in recent years; however, relatively less is known about the process of disengagement and deradicalization. This is troubling because the number of hate groups in the United States has increased and some are known to engage in a variety of violent and criminal behavior. This exploratory study relies on life history interviews with 34 former white supremacists, one of the oldest types of hate groups in the United States, to examine the process of exit from these groups. Findings suggest that exiting is a multifaceted process with a variety of factors that influence a person's decision to leave. The results also highlight a number of difficulties associated with exiting such as ongoing emotions of guilt, ideological relapse, and maintaining social ties with current members of the white supremacist movement.

Reflecting on long-term intensive ethnographic fieldwork, we sketch a "constellation" framework for understanding U.S. extremist white supremacy. Rather than tracing fluctuating people and organizations to explain the persistence of white supremacist extremism, we suggest that focusing on a core set of practices, ideas, and emotions offers a more complex, nuanced, and useful interpretation. We contrast our constellation framework with more typical "bucket" approaches that tend to compartmentalize a complex reality into categories that do not sufficiently match extremism's dynamism.