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THE AUTHOR CONSTRUCTS A MODEL OF ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STATE. HE DERIVES THREE THESES: THE ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION THESIS, THE LOSS OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY THESIS, AND THE NEOLIBERAL CONVERGENCE THESIS. HE ASSESSES THESE THESES EMPIRICALLY -- THE LATTER TWO AGAINST AUSTRALIAN EVIDENCE. HE ARGUES THAT WHILE THE AUSTRALIAN STATE HAS LOST CONSIDERABLE SOVEREIGNTY, THE IMPACT IS MORE PRONOUNCED AT THE MACROECONOMIC LEVEL THAN AT THE MICROECONOMIC LEVEL. ALTHOUGH IT CAN BE ARGUED THAT AUSTRALIA BROADLY CONFORMS TO THE PATTERN OF NEOLIBERAL POLICY CONVERGENCE, EXTERNALIST EXPLANATORY ACCOUNTS OF THE TYPE OFFERED BY THE GLOBALIZATION THESIS OVERLOOK IMPORTANT DOMESTIC PRESSURES FOR NEOLIBERAL POLICIES.

THIS ARTICLE TESTS HYPOTHESES ON THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF STATE, ECONOMY, AND BUSINESS CULTURE AND THE ORGANIZATIONAL CHARACTER AND POLITICAL ROLE OF BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS, DRAWN FROM THE INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE ON BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS, AGAINST NEW EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM AUSTRALIA. AUSTRALIA'S WEAK STATE STRUCTURES, FRAGMENTED ECONOMY, AND FIRM-CENTERED BUSINESS CULTURE PRODUCE THE EXPECTED PATTERN OF FRAGMENTED BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS ENGAGED IN TRADITIONAL FORMS OF POLICY ADVOCACY, LOBBYING, AND PRESSURE PLURALISM. HOWEVER, THESE FINDINGS NEED TO BE QUALIFIED IN THREE WAYS. NOT ALL ASSOCIATIONS FIT THE HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS; THERE HAVE BEEN SIGNIFICANT RECENT ATTEMPTS TO OVERCOME ASSSOCIATIONAL FRAGMENTATION THROUGH AD HOC, ISSUE-BASED COALITIONS; AND EVIDENCE INDICATES A SHIFT FROM LOBBYING FUNCTIONS TOWARD QUASI-GOVERNMENTAL ROLES IN THE PUBLIC POLICY PROCESS. THESE QUALIFICATIONS CALL FOR RETHINKING OF AUSTRALIAN BUSINESS POLITICS AND SPEAK TO WIDER THEORETICAL ISSUES ABOUT THE EXTENT TO WHICH MACRO POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES SHAPE POLITICAL BEHAVIOR.

"This book examines the ways in which states change their foreign policies when they acquire nuclear weapons, using case studies of the United Kingdom, South Africa, and the United States"--