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Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- CONTENTS -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Data Sources -- PART ONE: Theoretical Perspective -- CHAPTER ONE: Adaptation in Human Communities -- CHAPTER TWO: Critical Communities and Movements -- CHAPTER THREE: The Acceptance of New Cultural Values -- PART TWO: Microfoundations -- CHAPTER FOUR: The Creation of Solidarity -- CHAPTER FIVE: Political Engagement -- PART THREE: Social and Political Structures -- CHAPTER SIX: Diffusion of Change in Society -- CHAPTER SEVEN: Political and Social Alliances -- CHAPTER EIGHT: Advancing Our Understanding of Cultural Change -- References -- Index

The crusade against nuclear weapons in Great Britain, West Germany, France, and the Netherlands in the early 1980s dwarfed all previous protest movements in Western Europe in the postwar period. What produced the demonstrations against NATO's decision in December 1979 to base 572 cruise and Pershing II missiles in five West European countries? What generated the widespread support that the demonstrators enjoyed? Contrary to the frequent claim that such political movements are a symptom of governmental crisis in the advanced industrial democracies, Thomas Rochon develops the idea that they ari

The crusade against nuclear weapons in Great Britain, West Germany, France, and the Netherlands in the early 1980s dwarfed all previous protest movements in Western Europe in the postwar period. What produced the demonstrations against NATO's decision in December 1979 to base 572 cruise and Pershing II missiles in five West European countries? What generated the widespread support that the demonstrators enjoyed? Contrary to the frequent claim that such political movements are a symptom of governmental crisis in the advanced industrial democracies, Thomas Rochon develops the idea that they a.

This article provides an overview of the career history, along with some personal background information, of Robert D. Putnam. The piece organizes Putnam's career into three categories (or "arcs"), spanning a decade each, that highlight his major research contributions as follows: work on elitist political culture, the relationship between the foreign & domestic conditions that must be present to reach international policy agreements, & the presence of "social capital" & the positive effect a high level of it has on welfare of a community/government. It cites his major works (ie, Bowling Alone & Making Democracy Work among others) & applauds his extensive research & efforts in not only thoroughly studying an issue, but also in offering solutions that could better society. 23 References. M. D. Cowder

POLITICAL MOVEMENTS ARE AN INCREASINGLY COMMON FORM OF MASS POLITICAL MOBILIZATION, AND THE LEGITIMACY AND AUTHORITY OF DEMOCRATIC STATES DEPEND TO A GROWING EXTENT ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MOVEMENTS AND STATES. EXISTING CASE STUDIES OF POLITICAL MOVEMENTS NEGLECT THAT RELATIONSHIP IN FAVOR OF ISSUES OF MOBILIZATION, ORGANIZATION, AND SOCIETAL IMPACT. THESE STUDIES CAN NONETHELESS BE USED TO SHOW THAT POLITICAL MOVEMENTS EMPLOY A MIXTURE OF CONFRONTATION AND COLLABORATION IN THEIR RELATIONSHIP WITH THE STATE. MORE CENTRALIZED STATES, WHICH OFFER FEWER INSTITUTIONAL CHANNELS FOR MOVEMENT INFLUENCE, FACE MORE CONFRONTATIONAL MOVEMENTS. HOWEVER, POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN ALL DEMOCRATIC SETTINGS USE CONFRONTATION PRIMARILY AS A STRATEGIC DEVICE TO ENHANCE THEIR LEVERAGE IN NEGOTIATIONS WITH STATE AUTHORITIES. MOVEMENTS ARE NOT A CHALLENGE TO STATE AUTHORITY SO MUCH AS THEY ARE A FORCE FOR CHANGE WITHIN DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY.

Political movements are an increasingly common form of mass political mobilization, and the legitimacy and authority of democratic states depends to a growing extent on the relationship between movements and states. Existing case studies of political movements neglect that relationship in favor of issues of mobilization, organization, and societal impact. These studies can nonetheless be used to show that political movements employ a mixture of confrontation and collaboration in their relationship to the state. More centralized states, which offer fewer institutional channels for movement influence, face more confrontational movements. However, political movements in all democratic settings use confrontation primarily as a strategic device to enhance their leverage in negotiations with state authorities. Movements are not a challenge to state authority so much as they are a force for change within democratic society.

Since 1918, thirty-one new parties have entered the Dutch Parliament including nine of the twelve parties currently represented. Although the low threshold of the Dutch electoral system makes it relatively easy for new parties to enter Parliament, it does not guarantee their continued success. New party success is here explained by distinguishing between challenging parties, which contest with one or more established parties for an already-mobilized part of the electorate, and mobilizing parties, which attempt to define political issues that generate support on the basis of a new cleavage. The article evaluates key elements of the programs of new parties and, for recent entrants into Parliament, uses survey data to show that mobilizing parties develop stronger attachments among the electorate and enjoy greater longevity in Parliament than do challenging parties.

Dutch action groups are related to the single-issue groups and citizens' movements of other advanced industrial societies. They are characterized by concentration on a single issue, the use of direct action to mobilize public opinion, and relatively intense but brief lives as organized political forces. Action groups are among the few channels of direct political participation available in a highly institutionalized representative democracy. This article uses survey evidence from the mass public and from local and national elites to see if Dutch action groups are an effective channel of direct participation. For several reasons, it turns out that they are not: (1) Although action group participation is one of the more common forms of Dutch political activity, it is a channel used mainly by young middle-class leftists. (2) There is considerable mistrust of action groups by both mass and elite. This is due primarily to disapproval of demonstrations and direct action tactics. (3) As a result, political elites are unresponsive to action group demands. This is particularly true at the national level; the evidence suggests that action groups are somewhat more influential at the municipal level. Action groups must win the confidence of the conservative portion of the population if they are to become the effective channels of direct political participation that they have the potential to be. This would be a desirable development from the viewpoint of decreasing the distance between citizen and government.