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This article is based on the results provided by the research project named "A study of recent migratory movement from Spain to Uruguay. New technological, geographical and social spaces for citizen vincluation" (Olivera et al., 2014) and, by using the concept of "e-migrant", it analyses if the introduction of ICTs enables the renewal of the traditional forms of political participation and public decision-making. Having the concept of e-migration as a starting point, the article aims at identifying what are the forms and the type of communication networks used by the new Spanish migrants as well as the way they connect and communicate (politically, socially and culturally) in Uruguay. It also aims at problematizing these issues under the light of the Social Sciences theories, following the critical investigative line of research about the "Information Society". The authors argue that the ways new Spanish migrants connect to each other in Uruguay are dialectic relationships and are also a result of a social process that depends on the decisions and on the significances given by individuals. These decisions and subjectivities are not determined solely by the structures that are inherent to their condition as migrants, neither are they totally contingent to this condition; they move in a space of possible configurations in order to be re-signified in concrete situations.

This article is based on the results provided by the research project named "A study of recent migratory movement from Spain to Uruguay. New technological, geographical and social spaces for citizen vincluation" (Olivera et al., 2014) and, by using the concept of "e-migrant", it analyses if the introduction of ICTs enables the renewal of the traditional forms of political participation and public decision-making. Having the concept of e-migration as a starting point, the article aims at identifying what are the forms and the type of communication networks used by the new Spanish migrants as well as the way they connect and communicate (politically, socially and culturally) in Uruguay. It also aims at problematizing these issues under the light of the Social Sciences theories, following the critical investigative line of research about the "Information Society". The authors argue that the ways new Spanish migrants connect to each other in Uruguay are dialectic relationships and are also a result of a social process that depends on the decisions and on the significances given by individuals. These decisions and subjectivities are not determined solely by the structures that are inherent to their condition as migrants, neither are they totally contingent to this condition; they move in a space of possible configurations in order to be re-signified in concrete situations.

This paper explores the link between compulsory voting and income distribution using a cross‐section of countries around the world. Our empirical cross‐country analysis for 91 countries during the period 1960–2000 shows that when compulsory voting can be strongly enforced the distribution of income improves as measured by the Gini coefficient and the bottom income quintiles of the population. Our findings are robust to changes and additions to our benchmark specification. Because poorer countries are the ones with relatively more unequal distribution of income it might make sense to promote such voting schemes in developing regions, such as Latin America. This, under the assumption that bureaucratic costs related with design and implementation are not excessive.

This paper assesses how electoral outcomes in both presidential and legislative elections in Latin America have been affected by the adoption of economic policies that seek to improve macroeconomic stability and facilitate the functioning of markets. The database includes 17 Latin American countries for the period 1985-2002, and a total of 66 presidential and 81 legislative elections. The set of testable hypotheses is derived from a review of the literature and is structured around the hypothesis of economic voting. It is found that (i) the incumbent's party is rewarded for reductions in the rate of inflation and, to a lesser extent, for increases in the rate of growth; (ii) the more fragmented or ideologically polarized the party system, the higher the electoral rewards of reducing the inflation rate or raising the economic growth rate; (iii) voters care not only about economic outcomes, but also about some of the policies adopted: while the electorate seems blind to macroeconomic policies such as fiscal or exchange-rate policies, it is averse to pro-market policies, irrespective of their effects on growth or inflation; and (iv) the electorate is more tolerant of pro-market reforms when the incumbent's party has a more market-oriented ideology. These results suggest that reforming parties have paid a hefty price for the adoption of pro-market reforms, except when such reforms have been undertaken in conjunction with stabilization policies in high-inflation economies.

This paper was prepared for the 1998 IDB/IIC Annual Meeting entitled: The Employment in Latin America: What is the Problem and Should it be Addressed? held in Cartagena, Colombia in March 1998. Despite macroeconomic stabilization and structural reforms, employment problems have persisted in Latin America. The 1990s have seen a slowdown in the rate of job creation, and unemployment rates have stagnated at about 10 percent. Informal sector employment has expanded, and increases in real wages have been particularly favorable to skilled workers. Economic cycles explain fluctuations in the employment and unemployment rates, while price stabilization and structural reforms have affected the composition of labor demand and relative wages.

El artículo propone analizar los discursos mediáticos sobre refugio en Uruguay entre 2014/2018, con el objetivo de comprender las operaciones argumentativas e ideológicas que orientan el discurso de la prensa escrita de Uruguay para influir en la formación de los marcos interpretativos. Se analizan las editoriales y cartas de lectores de dos de los medios más vendidos en el país desde la perspectiva del análisis crítico del discurso. La metodología cuantitativa se construyó a partir de la elaboración de una base de datos (927 piezas en total) y la cualitativa en el análisis de contenido del corpus (13 piezas editoriales y 46 cartas de lectores). El artículo concluye que las estrategias discursivas apuntaron a imponer una agenda propia de los medios en torno a las consecuencias políticas de la recepción de refugiados "musulmanes" en Uruguay y a intervenir la agenda política del gobierno de izquierdas liderado por José Mujica. ; This paper analyses the mediatic discourses on refuge in Uruguay between 2014/2018, with the aim to understand the argumentative and ideological operations that conduct written press discourses in Uruguay in order to influence the formation of interpretative frameworks. The editorials and readers' letters of two of the best-selling media in the country are analyzed from the perspective of critical discourse analysis. The quantitative approach is set up by building a database (927 press releases) and the qualitative approach by analyzing the corpus' content (13 editorials and 46 readers' letters). The paper concludes that discursive strategies were targeted to set a specific media agenda around the political consequences of receiving "muslim" refugees in Uruguay, and to intervene the poltical agenda of the left-wing goverment leaded by José Mujica.

The article focuses on the internet activism of young Spanish emigrants within the collective Marea Granate (MG). The digital narratives produced by the collective, which aim to deconstruct the speeches of the Spanish government on the current migration resulting from the economic crisis of 2008, are analyzed. The qualitative methodology is constructed in the combination of documentary research, observation and interviews with members of the collective MG. The article concludes that the counter discourses production of Marea Granate attributes visibility to the condition of precariousness that provoked the emigration of Spaniards, besides it gives evidence of absent perspectives in the discourse of the government, like the adoption of austerity policies by Spain and European Union. ; O artigo focaliza o ativismo na internet de jovens emigrantes espanhóis no âmbito do coletivo Marea Granate. São analisadas as narrativas digitais produzidas pelo coletivo que visam desconstruir os discursos do governo da Espanha sobre a migração atual decorrente da crise econômica de 2008. A metodologia qualitativa foi construída a partir da combinação de pesquisa documental, observação e entrevistas com integrantes do coletivo. O artigo conclui que a produção contradiscursiva do MG atribui visibilidade à precariedade que provocou a emigração de espanhóis, além de evidenciar perspectivas ausentes no discurso do governo, como a adoção de políticas de austeridade pela Espanha e União Europeia. ; Este artículo aborda el activismo en internet de emigrantes españoles en el ámbito del colectivo Marea Granate (MG). Se analizan las narrativas digitales que produce el colectivo para deconstruir los discursos del gobierno de España en torno a la migración española actual que resulta de la crisis económica de 2008. La metodología cualitativa se construyó combinando: la investigación documental, la observación y las entrevistas a integrantes del colectivo MG. Se concluye que la producción contradiscursiva de Marea Granate visibiliza la precariedad que ocasionó la emigración de españoles y evidencia perspectivas ausentes en el discurso del gobierno español, como la adopción de políticas de austeridad por España y la Unión Europea.

This paper explores the characteristics of the political economy process that conditioned the scope and success of the combination of fiscal reforms before and after Colombia's 1991 constitutional reforms. Using formal analysis of reforms and interviews with actors, reforms in taxation, decentralization, the budgetary process and pensions are examined in times of political crisis, economic crisis, and economic boom. The results generally confirm the hypothesis that increased political fragmentation and limited unilateral executive power after the 1991 reforms restricted the extent of reforms, particularly in tax law. Nonetheless, the enactment of piecemeal reforms was encouraged by crisis conditions.