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El rol de las mujeres en los escenarios de crisis ha despertado el interés de muchos investigadores y organismos internacionales, tanto en su papel como agentes del cambio e impulsoras de la resiliencia, como por la alta desigualdad de género en las consecuencias de los desastres y las crisis. Los medios de comunicación, sin embargo, no han dado visibilidad a ese doble rol de las mujeres en las crisis.
En este trabajo se revisa el abordaje que hacen diferentes medios de comunicación escrita en España, en lo relativo a la presencia de las mujeres en escenarios de crisis. Los resultados confirman la infra-representación de las mujeres en los medios, con carácter general, y en escenarios de crisis, en particular. Las hard news (asociadas con el poder económico, político, financiero o bélico) están protagonizadas por hombres, mientras que las soft news (asociadas con tendencias, ocio, entretenimiento y moda) están protagonizadas por mujeres.
El más reciente de estos acontecimientos es la crisis sanitaria del COVID, donde las mujeres no han aparecido en los medios como expertas, aún cuando el 70% del personal sanitario en el mundo, son mujeres. Su aparición en los medios ha estado vinculada más a su rol de usuaria de servicios sanitarios, que como personal fundamental en la resolución de la emergencia. Esto representa un ejemplo de como en escenarios de crisis, las mujeres, no sólo no están visibilizadas en los medios, sino que, cuando lo hacen, el rol de que les asigna está desvinculado de la realidad actual.

One starting point for building a movement capable of unleashing multiple rounds of collective action is an incubator campaign—a period of widespread unrest around a particular issue that may last several months or longer. The mobilizing success of the incubator campaign provides the resource infrastructure for subsequent episodes of related movement activity in similar geographical locations, even years into the future. We test these assertions by examining immigrant rights campaign activity in over 260 cities in California between 2006 and 2019. The incubator campaign was positively associated with producing local-level collective action in a wide range of like-minded campaigns sustaining a larger immigrant rights movement in the state. The findings also suggest that an incubator campaign's influence may eventually decay over time. Still, newly infused protest campaigns can reactivate immigrant activist momentum to counter ongoing hostile political environments faced by excluded populations.

Collaborative water governance in Indigenous territories requires the building of a nation-to-nation relationship where different water worldviews and knowledges are acknowledged, valued, and included in water governance. This article presents the Mistawasis Nêhiyawak Honour the Water Governance Framework, an alternative collaborative water governance approach in Saskatchewan, Canada. The Nêhiyawak principles, identity, knowledge, and self-determination are its foundation. Equitable dialogue is the central axis. The framework represents an alternative water governance structure to the current Canadian system that may more effectively respond to the water challenges of this First Nation. This framework supports the appeal from Mistawasis First Nation and other Nations, for the de-construction of hegemonic colonial water governance systems towards the co-construction of shared processes of water participation, decision-making, and responsibility.

AbstractThe disciplinary fields of immigration and social movements have largely developed as two distinct subareas of sociology. Scholars contend that immigrant rights, compared to other movements, have been given less attention in social movement research. Studies of immigrant‐based movements in recent decades have reached a stage whereby we can now assess how immigrant movement scholarship informs the general social movement literature in several areas. In this article, we show the contributions of empirical studies of immigrant movements in four primary arenas of social movement scholarship: (a) emergence; (b) participation; (c) framing; and (d) outcomes. Contemporary immigrant struggles offer social movement scholarship opportunities to incorporate these campaigns and enhance current theories and concepts as earlier protest waves advanced studies of collective action.

The psychometric properties and construct validity of a Spanish self-report scale for screening antisocial personality (ASP) are evaluated. Evidence for validity was sought by comparing a household and an emergency room (ER) sample. Nine hundred and twenty men and women were part of
a multistage, stratified, probability sample drawn from all 18–65 year olds in a city in Mexico. ER participants were 1511 patients 18–65 years of age sampled from the three main hospital emergency rooms in that city. Results suggest an adequate internal consistency and a one-factor
structure. Significantly more ASP cases were identified in the ER compared to the household sample, the injured compared to the household sample, the injured compared to the sick, in those whose injuries involved violence, those who had used drugs in the previous 12 months, those who were
moderate to heavy drinkers, and those who were alcohol dependent. The advantages and limitations of the scale are discussed. Limitations notwithstanding, the evidence suggests that as an initial evaluation, the Spanish Language Screen for Antisocial Personality could be valuable for reaching
large Spanish-speaking populations.

Small-scale cross-border trade provides opportunities for economic gains in many developing countries. Yet cross-border traders -- many of whom are women -- face harassment and corruption, which can undermine these potential gains. This paper presents evidence from a randomized controlled trial of a training intervention that provided access to information on procedures, tariffs, and rights to small-scale traders to facilitate border crossings, lower corruption, and reduce gender-based violence along the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)–Rwanda border. The training reduces bribe payment by 5 percentage points in the full sample and by 27.5 percentage points on average among compliers. The training also reduces the incidence of gender-based violence by 5.4 percentage points (30.5 percentage points among compliers). The paper assesses competing explanations for the impacts using a game-theoretic model based on Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty framework. The effects are achieved through early border crossings at unofficial hours (exit) instead of traders' use of voice mechanisms or reduced rent-seeking from border officials. These results highlight the need to improve governance and establish clear cross-border trade regulations, particularly on the DRC side of the border.

Mexico has experienced disproportionate drug-related harms given its role as a production and transit zone for illegal drugs destined primarily for the USA. In response, in 2009, the Mexican federal government passed legislation mandating pre-arrest diversion of drug-dependent individuals towards addiction treatment. However, this federal law was not specific about how the scale-up of the addiction treatment sector was to be operationalised. We therefore conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with key 'interactors' in fields affected by the federal legislation, including participants from the law enforcement, public health, addiction treatment, and governmental administration sectors. Among 19 participants from the municipal, state and federal levels were interviewed and multiple barriers to policy reform were identified. First, there is a lack of institutional expertise to implement the reform. Second, the operationalisation of the reform was not accompanied by a coordinated action plan. Third, the law is an unfunded mandate. Institutional barriers are likely hampering the implementation of Mexico's policy reform. Addressing the concerns expressed by interactors through the scale-up of services, the provision of increased training and education programmes for stakeholders and a coordinated action plan to operationalise the policy reform are likely needed to improve the policy reform process.