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The long-voiced claim of a family wage became a reality in the form of generalized family support after the end of the Second World War. This support has two components: child benefits and support for a dependent spouse, and the marriage subsidy. From a gender-theoretical perspective the marriage subsidy is one of the political means to influence the balance of paid versus unpaid work. The development of the marriage subsidy in 18 OECD countries is here followed from 1950 to 1990 and is compared to the development of child benefits. Since the 1970s there has been a growing divergence among our countries with respect to the marriage subsidy. Reinforcement or gradual decrease of this policy is here taken to indicate a general political support for the single breadwinner family model or its opposite, the dual-earner family model. Empirical analyses indicate that partisan politics have been of relevance to the development of the different forms of family support. Since marriage subsidies predominantly take the form of tax allowances which are always regressive in character, the class dimension is here intermingled with the gender dimension, which may account for some of the unexpected results.

The development of the European Community entails harmonization of policies in many areas. This paper analyses to what extent harmonization has taken place in the traditional fields of social policy. Interventions by the EC authorities in the social policy area, here termed direct harmonization, are examined. Indirect harmonization, resulting from common economic policies and the internationalization of the economy, is used as a key concept in an empirical study of the development of coverage, benefit levels and methods of financing in the main social insurance systems within the EC countries, since 1955. The corresponding development in the EFTA countries is here used as a baseline for comparison. The results are discussed in light of the thesis that also in the social field EC policies may fruitfully be interpreted in terms of the EC's main objective of economic integration. Some criteria for the consideration of future developments are suggested. (European Journal of Political Research / AuD)

Abstract. The development of the European Community entails harmonization of policies in many areas. This paper analyses to what extent harmonization has taken place in the traditional fields of social policy. Interventions by the EC authorities in the social policy area, here termed direct harmonization, are examined. Indirect harmonization, resulting from common economic policies and the internationalization of the economy, is used as a key concept in an empirical study of the development of coverage, benefit levels and methods of financing in the main social insurance systems within the EC countries, since 1955. The corresponding development in the EFTA countries is here used as a baseline for comparison. The results are discussed in light of the thesis that also in the social field EC policies may fruitfully be interpreted in terms of the EC's main objective of economic integration. Some criteria for the consideration of future developments are suggested.

Health care differs substantially across countries in terms of service provision relevant for social citizenship. Whereas driving forces for the expansion and subsequent decline of cash benefits have received major scholarly interest in comparative research, determinants of developments in public services are less explored. In this article we assess the role of partisan politics for health care provision measured in terms of health employment, hospital beds, and medical technology. Regression analyses based on Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Health data for 18 countries covering the period 1980–2005 show that partisan politics influences levels of health care provision. Left government strength is positively related to health care provision and the association is driven by developments in health employment. Confessional parties are also associated with high levels of health employment, particularly when they are in close electoral competition with left parties. Both left and confessional government strength is negatively associated with the provision of hospital beds, but these effects are mitigated when parties are in intense electoral competition. In terms of medical technology, we find no partisan political effects.

In this paper the hypotheses on differences among welfare state sectors with regard to decline and convergence are subject to comparative empirical tests focusing on healthcare. A diachronical cross-national analysis of healthcare services is performed, comparing developments with that of cash benefits. Contrary to previous claims we find that European healthcare systems are not particularly hit by retrenchment and that convergence is absent in key healthcare dimensions, namely coverage and provision. Convergence appears mainly in terms of the increased reliance on private healthcare financing. Our examination is based on Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Health Data and institutional data on entitlement levels of major cash benefit programmes, providing both a descriptive analysis and multi-level regressions.