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The author first deals with the concept of national minority, presenting various attempts of their legal and conceptual defining. Since there is no generally accepted definition of national minorities, even within the EU, there are still controversies on the issue of defining a group as 'national minority'. In addition, there are disputes over the issue of representation and political-juridical protection of minorities. At the same time such international legal uncertainty allows for broad flexibility in conceptualising and implementing instruments for protection and representation. The article focuses also on some of these models, especially when it comes to Croatia. We argue that there is no clarity in who constitutes a national minority in Croatia, and thus the practice of political representation remains driven by political considerations rather than by principles. This is a source of inconsistency in legal solutions for parliamentary representation of national minorities. The author argues in favour of special representation of national minorities in the Parliament and for the instrument of double vote for citizens who belong to national minorities. This instrument is justified also because of the very significant contribution that national minorities have given to Croatian society in the past. Adapted from the source document.

There are various assessments, occasion-related & partial analyses, & even empirical evaluations of the recent collective protest of Croatian students, but there is hardly any attempt of a theoretical clarification & comprehension thereof. Having in mind the largely disparate definitions of social movement, the author is of the opinion that, from the standpoint of theory, the demands of rebelled students, the blockade of the faculty, the plenum decision-making & other forms of collective student activity can best be perceived as a form of student movement. For this reason, he first presents various theories of social movements: the classic American theory of collective behavior (ie., its two versions -- the breakdown theory & the theory of relative deprivation), the theory of resource mobilization, the theory of new social movements (especially Touraine's model of understanding new social movements), the theory of networks, the theory of solidarity, & the political-process analysis. Second, the author attempts to apply each of the enumerated conceptual perspectives to the Croatian student movement for charge-free education. Although the presented theories of social movements are critical of one another, this article points out their complementarity. It goes on to show that not all of them are equally adequate for clarification & comprehension of the central issue. In the author's judgment, one of the key reasons why a multi-perspective approach is necessary is the exceptional, hybrid character of the Croatian student movement, as a mixture of old & new social movements. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

"Croatian farming systems have become more intensive in recent years. There is some evidence of rising NO3-N-levels in ground water. The aim of the paper is to find possible ways of preventing NO3-levels to rise in Croatian farming systems and their implications from the viewpoint of the manager. More specifically the purpose is to 1. Determine whether Croatian farmers exceed profit maximising levels of N-fertiliser use in maize cultivation and possible influence on NO3-N-levels. 2. To estimate the marginal abatement cost (MAC) at farm level of reducing NO3-N leaching through following economic instruments: a tax on optimal N-doses, a product tax and a N-fertiliser quota, all instruments corresponding to the same abatement level. Based on N-response experiments from field trials for maize N-response curves were derived. A sample of 20 family farms was used to calculate intensity, nutrient content in manure and the prices paid for N and obtained for maize. Profit maximising doses from the field trials were compared with nutrient use on farms. An effluent production function was estimated based on experiments with NO3-N contents in lysimeter water for the same treatments as in the N-response experiments. The results indicate that farmers use higher than optimal levels of N-fertilisers, if the technology and conditions of experimental fields could be applied on the farms and if manure is accounted for. Neglecting the N-content of the manure shows close to optimal nutrient levels. At profit maximising levels the NO3-N level is approximately 14 mg NO3-N/l (62 mg NO3/l) or clearly higher that the critical level stipulated by the nitrate directive (11.3 mg NO3- N/l or 50 mg NO3/l). If the N-content in the manure is taken into account the estimated NO3-N/l level in groundwater is about twice higher than the critical level stipulated by the Nitrate Directive. Through any of the three instruments a 76% NO3-leaching reduction could be obtained. However, it was concluded the quota has the lowest MAC (4.08 Euro/mg NO3-N/l or 0.92 Euro/mg NO3/l), followed by the N-fertiliser tax (16.16 Euro/mg NO3-N/l or 3.65 Euro/mg NO3/l) and the product tax in third place (41.25 Euro/mg NO3-N/l or 9.32 Euro/mg NO3/l). Management practices that may increase yield level and correspondingly NO3-leaching in the short and long run were identified. One way to achieve a quick improvement would be a system of cross compliance stipulating a code of good agricultural practices." (author's abstract)