Uncertainty about domestic and foreign policies in areas where the United States has vital interests makes haz ardous an assessment of current American influence in Africa. An effective American influence in that continent is weakened by several liabilities. The United States is so greatly over- extended by commitments in so many crisis areas that Africa does not receive the necessary high-level attention. Many of these commitments require continued support of dictatorships and other governments which enables some Africans to scoff at the American role of "Leader of the Free World." On our domestic front, federal, state, and local governments, supported by nongovernmental organizations, are attacking with varying degrees of success the inequalities imposed upon most American Negroes.1 Watts I, Watts II, other violent eruptions, and the acquittal of many whites who have been charged with the mur der of civil-rights workers and of men and women not engaged in civil-rights activities more than offset in the minds of Afri cans the onslaughts on segregation and discrimination. African Negroes living in the United States are understandably more prone to write home about segregation and discrimination from which they suffer than about the organizations and individuals engaged in promoting a better knowledge of Africa. On the African continent, American policy in Rhodesia and South Africa constitutes the greatest current liability. In mid-1966, the African policy of the United States may still have time to reduce its liabilities and increase its assets.
Uncertainty about domestic & foreign policies in areas were the US has vital interests makes hazardous an assessment of current US influence in Africa. An effective US influence in that continent is weakened by several liabilities. The US is so greatly over-extended by commitments in so many crisis areas that Africa does not receive the necessary high-level attention. Many of these commitments require continued support of dictatorships & other gov's which enable some Africans to scoff at the US role of 'Leader of the Free World.' On our domestic front, federal, state, & local gov's, supported by nongov'al org's, are attacking with varying degrees of success the inequalities imposed upon most US Negroes. Watts I, Watts II, other violent eruptions, & the acquittal of many whites who have been charged with the murder of civil rights workers & of men & women not engaged in civil-rights activities more than offset in the minds of Africans the onslaughts on segregation & discrimination. African Negroes living in the US are understandably more prone to write home about segregation & discrimination from which they suffer than about the org's & individuals engaged in promoting a better knowledge of Africa. On the African continent, US policy in Rhodesia & South Africa constitutes the greatest current liability. In mid-1966, the African policy of the US may still have time to reduce its liabilities & increase its assets. HA.
In: The journal of negro education: JNE ;a Howard University quarterly review of issues incident to the education of black people, Volume 32, Issue 4, p. 320
In: The journal of negro education: JNE ;a Howard University quarterly review of issues incident to the education of black people, Volume 30, Issue 3, p. 277
In: The journal of negro education: JNE ;a Howard University quarterly review of issues incident to the education of black people, Volume 27, Issue 3, p. 213