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This article analyses the collective action of the São Paulo inner-city slum movement during the 1997-2000 period. This movement mobilized thousands of slum dwellers and homeless in the downtown core and occupied dozens of abandoned buildings during this period. The author explains through economic, political and social factors the building occupations in the Sao Paulo downtown core, an urban region with little history of collective mobilisation and political contention, at a time when urban movements became more institutionalized. In addition, this article introduces a different analytical frame that identifies both structural and agency factors, while taking into account the associated objective (economic) and subjective (political and cultural) conditions. It first describes the relevant economic variables in their specific situational context, which in this case are the changes in the political economy and their impact on the low income urban population and on state restructuring. Second, it explores local urban political dynamics, institutional practices involving housing policy and the interaction among different political actors which condition the collective action and organisation of social movements. Finally, it studies the characteristics of this movement and how the contention of other national social movements influenced the repertoire of action and the framing of this urban popular movement.Key words: social movement, slums, collective action, urban poor, housing, Brazil. ; Esse artigo analisa a ação coletiva do movimentode cortiços e dos sem teto do centro da cidadede São Paulo no período 1997-2000. Esse movimento mobilizou milhares de pessoas dos cortiços e sem teto durante a ocupação de prédios abandonados no centro da cidade. Nesse artigo vamos estudar os fatores econômicos, políticos e sociais dessas ocupações nesse espaço central da cidade – espaço sem história de mobilização coletiva ou de confronto político, numa época em que os movimentos urbanos priorizavam uma intervenção mais institucionalizada. Este artigo apresenta um quadro analítico diferente que identifica os fatores estruturais e da ação, sem ignorar as condições objetivas (econômicas) e as variáveis subjetivas (políticas e culturais). Na primeira parte apresentamos os fatores econômicos no contexto específico e situacional, e, no caso dos cortiços, as mudanças no contexto econômico-político e seu impacto na reconstrução do Estado-providência e para a população de baixa renda. Na segunda parte, exploramos as dinâmicas político-urbanas locais e suas práticas institucionais envolvendo as políticas de habitação e sua interação com os diferentes atores políticos – os quais condicionam as ações coletivas e a organização do movimento social. Finalmente, esse artigo estuda as características do movimento de cortiços e dos sem teto e como o confronto de outros movimentos sociais influencia o repertório, a estrutura e a ação dos movimentos populares urbanos.Palavras-chave: movimento social, cortiços, açãocoletica, pobreza urbana, moradia, Brasil.

Examines the nature & consequences of the leadership crisis affecting Christian Base Communities (CEBs) in SaFTLo Paulo, Brazil. The study is based on field research carried out over eight months in the archdiocese of Sao Palo & two adjacent dioceses that included over 50 interviews with priests, nuns, bishops, & CEB leaders, & another 50 with popular movement activists who were once involved with the CEBs. The development of CEBs in Brazil is described from their emergence in the early 1960s. Two types of problems afflicting Sao Paulo CEBs since the mid-1980s are explored in depth: those related to actions/interactions within the Brazilian church; & those that stemmed from sociopolitical change in the broader society. Many committed progressive church activists left these CEBs to join secular popular movements following the return of civilian government to Brazil in 1985. Although this exodus weakened CEB leadership structures, specific cases are related to show how some local priests, nuns, & laypersons have worked to reassess & reinvigorate their groups. Prospects for the future are discussed. 10 References. J. Lindroth

Twenty-First-Century Feminismos provides a compelling account of the important victories attained by Latin American and Caribbean organized women over the course of the last forty years. Ten case studies are examined to better understand the ways in which women's and feminist movements react to, are shaped by, and advance social change.

Certain segments of the Brazilian Women's Movement (BWM) developed important strategic partnerships with the state under the PT federal government. This article demonstrates how these partnerships had both inclusionary and exclusionary effects on gender-centric policy outcomes. Using a mix-method approach which includes extensive in-depth interviews with BMW activists and archival data from governmental sources, the Brazilian experience illustrates that "entering the state" headed by a women-ally president facilitates funnelling some of the women's movement's demands into the state. However, hierarchies within the movement itself, the congressional strength of the head of executive and the activism of some of its socially-conservative legislative allies can severely temper that effect. Resumen: El movimiento de mujeres brasileñas y el Estado durante los gobiernos nacionales de PTCiertos segmentos del Movimiento de Mujeres Brasileñas (BWM) desarrollaron importantes alianzas estratégicas con el estado bajo el gobierno federal del PT. Este artículo demuestra cómo estas asociaciones tuvieron efectos tanto inclusivos como excluyentes en los resultados de las políticas de género. Utilizando un método mixto que incluye extensas entrevistas en profundidad con activistas de BMW y archivos de fuentes gubernamentales, la experiencia brasileña ilustra que "entrar en el Estado" encabezado por un presidente aliado de las mujeres facilita canalizar algunas de las demandas del movimiento de mujeres hacia el Estado. Sin embargo, las jerarquías dentro del movimiento, la fuerza congresional del jefe ejecutivo y el activismo de algunos de sus aliados legislativos socialmente conservadores pueden moderar severamente ese efecto.