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This article demonstrates the absence of young women in the formal global architecture of the United Nations Security Council's Women, Peace and Security agenda. It shows that there is little meaningful engagement with young women in the ten Women, Peace and Security resolutions and subsequently in the Women, Peace and Security national action plans designed by United Nations member states to implement the agenda. This article argues that the failure to explicitly consider young women undermines the intergenerational sustainability of the agenda, misses an opportunity to align Women, Peace and Security with the more recent Youth, Peace and Security agenda, and discourages inclusive thinking regarding the unique ways in which young women experience conflict and contribute to peace. In doing so, the article contributes to the growing voices advocating for a more inclusive approach to Women, Peace and Security, and makes a case for how young women's explicit inclusion can strengthen the agenda.

AbstractAs a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contradictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to underpin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not publicly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth. This article examines the depth of Australia's commitment to pro-gender norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia's politics limit the capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.

Alongside the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is the 30th anniversary of the General Assembly's adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). The Convention now stands as the most ratified UN convention with the US being the only UN member state that has not signed. Children's rights, apparently, are virtually uncontested. And this is matched by political rhetoric. Across the world, we hear political leaders echo the 1997 sentiments of Nelson Mandela that 'the true character of society is revealed in how it treats its children.' Yet, the past 30 years have seen the rights of children continually marginalised, misunderstood and maligned in liberal and illiberal states alike. The rate of ratification of the UNCRC has not been matched by commitment to its implementation. The anniversaries of the UDHR and the UNCRC provide us with opportunities to reflect upon the state of children's rights, and consider what Australia might do to promote children's rights at home and globally.

The United Nations Security Council's Children and Armed Conflict agenda is animated by a protection ethic. While the protection of children from violence in armed conflict is entirely appropriate, this article demonstrates that the Council's singular focus upon protection goes beyond merely appropriate, and borders upon overbearing. The article traces the ways that dominant conceptualisations of children as 'innocent victims' has animated an agenda that focuses primarily upon their victimisation that, in turn, reinforces the legitimacy of the protection ethic. It argues that this excludes a nuanced understanding of the lived experiences of children in conflict. In this sense, the agenda is closed to exploring the ways in which children resist, adapt, shape, and survive conflict in ways that position them as agents of their own protection and – in some circumstances – agents of community resilience amidst conflict. Ultimately, this article argues that re-visioning children's relationship to armed conflict provides a strategy to better ensure children's rights and reflects their relationship to peace.

This article examines Australia's National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) within the context of global debates on the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its associated resolutions. It demonstrates that Australia has made a strong rhetorical commitment to the United Nations WPS agenda that aligns itself with global feminist goals to enhance the protection and political participation of women in conflict-affected regions. Rhetorically, Australia also supports a broad conceptualisation of global security that challenges the gender relations that create women's insecurity. However, these words fail the test of practice. The 2012 Australian NAP lacks the architecture to ensure strong, consistent, and comprehensive action on the WPS agenda. This article explores the sites of these failures and argues that addressing these issues is the first necessary step towards reconnecting government rhetoric with WPS outcomes.

Australia's victory in securing temporary seats on the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations Executive Board has been much celebrated. This provides an important platform for Australia to further the agenda of women's rights worldwide. As part of this agenda, Australia has provided a commitment to implement United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security through the development of the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security 2012-2018, released in 2012. This article examines the early thoughts and efforts towards the implementation of this plan. It demonstrates that while there is a broad rhetorical commitment to implementation by Australian actors, there are nonetheless challenges that may threaten its success. Based in part upon interviews with Australian government representatives and policy makers, and activists and advocates of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, this article highlights the success, challenges and opportunities that have so far been associated with implementing this important Resolution.

The 2001 conflict in Afghanistan has attracted a great deal of international controversy. The impact of the conflict on Afghanistan's children has been no exception. The research conducted by the United Nations and child protection organisations on the ex

The 2001 conflict in Afghanistan has attracted a great deal of international controversy. The impact of the conflict on Afghanistan's children has been no exception. The research conducted by the United Nations and child protection organisations on the ex

This article explores the increase in gender-based violence against civilian women in Iraq since 2003 and connects it to the U.S.-led invasion of that country. It outlines the complex nature of the gender-based violence and the impact that it has had on civilian women in Iraq. It then analyzes the links between this violence and the politics of the postinvasion period. This article also explores how this violence has been politicized. Ultimately, the article (re)politicizes gender-based violence through a feminist lens and argues that the security of Iraq's women is fundamental to the stability of Iraq as a whole.