Search results

A widely-cited study reported evidence that White Americans reported higher ratings of how much Whites are the victims of discrimination in the United States than of how much Blacks are the victims of discrimination in the United States. However, much fewer than half of White Americans rated discrimination against Whites in the United States today to be greater or more frequent than discrimination against Blacks in the United States today, in data from the American National Election Studies 2012 Time Series Study or in preregistered analyses of data from the American National Election Studies 2016 Time Series Study or from a 2017 national nonprobability survey. Given that relative discrimination against Black Americans is a compelling justification for policies to reduce Black disadvantage, results from these three surveys suggest that White Americans' policy preferences have much potential to move in a direction that disfavors programs intended to reduce Black disadvantage.

This chapter outlines some of the actions that businesses can take to improve nutrition outcomes and what governments and civil society can do to incentivize them to do so. The chapter argues that a failure to incentivize businesses to do more to improve nutrition results in missed opportunities to meet the UN Sustainable Development Goal target of ending malnutrition by 2030. ; PR ; IFPRI2 ; DGO; CPA

The 26th Session of the ACC/SCN was held in the Palais des Nations in Geneva on 12-15 April 1999, hosted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The subject of the symposium held on 12-13 April was The Substance and Politics of a Human Rights Approach to Food and Nutrition Policies and Programmes. ; IFPRI3 ; FCND ; PR

The countries of Southern Africa are entering a new era. 1 Democratization, peace, and economic liberalization are important precursors of the kind of economic growth that can reduce poverty and raise incomes in a broad-based manner. Whether such a pattern of broad-based economic growth will occur will depend, in large part, on policy choices made in the countries of the region, at both the national and regional levels. More than at any time in the last 30 years, it will be lack of information and analysis rather than ideology and conflict that will constrain the ability of policymakers to make choices that bring about poverty reduction and food security, both now and in the future. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1

THE LION AND THE DRAGON reveals the part that Britain played in the awakening of China, then covers relations between the two countries during the period when an aroused China did indeed shake the world. Lawrence James also follows the parallel trajectories of four competitive empires - the British, the Chinese, the Russian and the Japanese - during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and then the fortunes of a fifth imperial power, the United States. Successive British governments saw China as a source of wealth which needed to be protected. Local objections were seen off by force (the 'Opium' wars of 1839-42, 1856-7 and 1859-60) whose results proved that the Qing emperors could not protect their country. Indian troops were deployed in each campaign and manned Britain's small garrisons in Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty ports. Yet Britain never sought to make China into another India. Rather it allowed the emperors and their officials to govern, so long as they were docile and amenable to British needs. Paramount were the internal stability and fiscal responsibility that were the lubricants of trade

In this compelling history of the men and ideas that radically changed the course of world history, Lawrence James investigates and analyzes how, within a hundred years, Europeans persuaded and coerced Africa into becoming a subordinate part of the modern world. His narrative is laced with the experiences of participants and onlookers and introduces the men and women who, for better or worse, stamped their wills on Africa. The continent was a magnet for the high-minded, the philanthropic, the unscrupulous and the insane. Visionary pro-consuls rubbed shoulders with missionaries, explorers, soldiers, adventurers, engineers, big-game hunters, entrepreneurs and physicians. Between 1830 and 1945, Britain, France, Belgium, Germany, Portugal, Italy and the United States exported their languages, laws, culture, religions, scientific and technical knowledge and economic systems to Africa. The colonial powers imposed administrations designed to bring stability and peace to a continent that seemed to lack both. The justification for occupation was emancipation from slavery - and the common assumption that late nineteenth-century Europe was the summit of civilization. By 1945 a transformed continent was preparing to take charge of its own affairs, a process of decolonization that took a mere twenty or so years. There remained areas where European influence was limited (Liberia, Abyssinia) - through inertia and a desire for a quiet time, Africa's new masters left much undisturbed. This magnificent history also pauses to ask: what did not happen and why?

Narrative historian Lawrence James has written a genuinely new biography of Winston Churchill, one focusing solely on his contradictory relationship with the British Empire. As a young army officer in the late nineteenth century serving in conflicts in India, South Africa, and the Sudan, his attitude toward the Empire was the Victorian paternalistic approach--at once responsible and superior. Conscious even then of his political career ahead, Churchill found himself reluctantly supporting British atrocities and held what many would regard today as prejudiced views, in that he felt that some nationalities were superior to others. His (some might say obsequious) relationship with America reflected that view: America was a former colony where the natives had become worthy to rule themselves, but--he felt--still had that connection to Britain. This outmoded attitude was one of the reasons the British voters rejected him after leading the country brilliantly in the Second World War. His attitude remained decidedly old-fashioned, truly Victorian, in a world that was shaping up very differently.--From publisher description