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Iggy Corso, who lives in city public housing, is caught physically and spiritually between good and bad when he is kicked out of high school, goes searching for his missing mother, and causes his friend to get involved with the same dangerous drug dealer who deals to his parents

Abstract Steven Soderbergh's Contagion (2011) positions the vaccine as the end point of the arc of ​pandemic, marking both the containment of an elusive virus and ​the resumption of a life not fundamentally different from ​before the disease outbreak. ​The film reinforces the ​assumption that a pandemic will awaken ​all of us to the urgency of vaccination​, persuading us to put aside our reservations and anxieties ​and the idea that compliance is the inevitable outcome of quarantine. This article explores how pro-vaccination cultural products ​such as Contagion might in fact undermine public health efforts by promoting a false narrative, which simplifies the kind of vaccination campaign necessary for herd immunity to develop. An ethic of sacrifice and selflessness drives the public health messaging of the film but leaves intact certain individualistic tropes and plague narrative scapegoating tendencies, while the framing of the vaccine as "gift" takes it out of the realm of medical science altogether.

The 2020 presidential race started in Iowa, like it has since 1972. The slate of candidates was the most diverse ever and included six women. This study examines the relationship between candidates' gender, image, and support among Iowa voters. Iowans have access to candidates that other voters do not, so their perceptions provide unique insight into the construction of candidate images. This study examines the image qualities of leading candidates as perceived by Iowa caucus-goers in the fall of 2019. Using survey data of 576 likely Democratic caucus attendees, I examine the relationship between candidates' gender, image, and support. I find that women candidates did not benefit from stereotypical strengths of honesty and compassion, but they were perceived as strong leaders. I also find evidence of differences in image evaluations based on respondent sex, with women voters rating untraditional candidates higher than men voters.

Legacy cities are characterized by long-term, declining trends in both population and economic characteristics, but how these events translate to the neighborhood scale is less well understood. This research investigates the evolution of neighborhood types in four legacy cities—Baltimore, Cleveland, Philadelphia, and St. Louis—from 1970 to 2010. Working from a multidimensional framework of variables across five census decades, hierarchical cluster analysis and discriminant analysis are used to develop a neighborhood typology, identify temporal trends, and describe the pathways of transition. Results reveal four crosscutting neighborhood types: Black Distressed; Lower Middle; Multifamily, Educated, Turnover; and Upper Middle, which persist across space and time. Most neighborhoods (61%) remained classified within the same type over 40 years, and transitions were concentrated in two decades (1970–1980 and 2000–2010). The results offer a new descriptive dimension for understanding the unevenness present across legacy cities and suggest that existing policy approaches continually reproduce the same neighborhood outcomes.

Abstract
For legacy cities, population decline and economic restructuring contributed to the challenges facing their built environments including low demand, oversupply, and high rates of vacancy and abandonment. Amidst this backdrop, there is intense pressure for demolition, yet legacy cities also possess rich stocks of historic resources that can potentially serve as physical assets for community development. Market-based historic preservation incentives such as historic rehabilitation tax credit (RTC) programs are important tools for facilitating reinvestment in legacy cities. These tools are also criticized for primarily benefiting the real estate developers spearheading these projects or creating inequitable neighbourhood change. This research analyzes federal historic RTC projects in two St. Louis, Missouri neighbourhoods – Lafayette Square and Midtown Alley – between 1997 and 2010 and asks: in what ways do investments supported by historic tax credit programs function as a tool for legacy city community development? Through interviews and document analysis, I find that historic tax credit projects support neighbourhood stabilization by minimizing vacancies and shifting redevelopment approaches away from demolition and towards preservation. These projects help build capacity among real estate developers to take on historic preservation redevelopments in other neighbourhoods. However, residents and community-based organizations are often disconnected from these projects, limiting their usefulness as a community development tool.

Policy feedback, or the process in which policies create constituencies vested in their maintenance, is a durable feature of the American welfare state. Scholars have shown that policy visibility conditions how feedback effects unfold: for public-private policies—arrangements in which the state delegates service provision to private actors, often described as "hidden" or "submerged"—policy feedback typically galvanizes not citizens but market actors that benefit indirectly from these subsidies. This article extends theories of public-private policy feedback from market actors to charitable organizations through a case study of the charitable contributions deduction. The deduction's incremental expansion is found to have mobilized charities as powerful stakeholders in the policy's endurance. Charities' efforts to protect the deduction, together with the efforts of lawmakers, have couched the policy in a politics of neoliberalism and disguised its effects, insulating it from reform even as elites have netted a greater share of its benefits over time.

The Iowa Caucus has been the first chance for voters to voice their choice for president since 1976, and every 4 years since the nation's attention has turned to Iowa in the months leading up to the election. The campaigning in Iowa starts early, very early, and voters are inundated with news coverage, political advertising, and candidate visits. The winners of the Iowa Caucus may not always win the nomination, but losing in Iowa can end a campaign. Given that Iowa voters have such an important role in the nomination process, this essay examines their exposure to political news and opinions of the candidates leading up to caucus night. A state-wide phone survey of 12,000 Iowans conducted in November 2015 and January 2016 reveal gender and political party differences in where Iowans get their political news, and related differences in the leadership, honesty, and compassion leading candidates were perceived to be by Iowa Caucus–goers.