Search results

This article takes clues from Mark Juergensmeyer's comparative study of religious violence and develops Imtiyaz Yusuf's proposal that the southern violence represents a conflict between the competing exclusive ethno-religious worldviews of Thai satsanaa and Malay agama. It moves beyond the routine rounding up and interrogation of the "usual suspects" in two ways: first, by including a range of uncivil elements of Thai Buddhism, and second, by examining often ill-conceived Thai interference in Islamic matters. The article also poses questions about the "usual suspects", beginning with a description of Islamic movements which contribute to an increasingly divided Islamic community less able to prevent and limit Islamic violence. The paper investigates the Islamic credentials of the insurgency and distinguishes between the presence of jihadi rhetoric with a developed jihadi rationale, a recent development in southern Thailand. The article argues for the localization of the global, a process which features local actors and agents that are informed by parochial and highly ethnocized version of Islam that is countering occasionally uncivil Buddhist opponents, as an approach for studying violence in the Thai south. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

This article takes clues from Mark Juergensmeyer's comparative study of religious violence & develops Imtiyaz Yusuf's proposal that the southern violence represents a conflict between the competing exclusive ethno-religious worldviews of Thai satsanaa & Malay agama. It moves beyond the routine rounding up & interrogation of the "usual suspects" in two ways: first, by including a range of uncivil elements of Thai Buddhism, & second, by examining often ill-conceived Thai interference in Islamic matters. The article also poses questions about the "usual suspects," beginning with a description of Islamic movements which contribute to an increasingly divided Islamic community less able to prevent & limit Islamic violence. The paper investigates the Islamic credentials of the insurgency & distinguishes between the presence of jihadi rhetoric with a developed jihadi rationale, a recent development in southern Thailand. The article argues for the localization of the global, a process which features local actors & agents that are informed by parochial & highly ethnocized version of Islam that is countering occasionally uncivil Buddhist opponents, as an approach for studying violence in the Thai south. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
This article offers theoretical and ethnographic perspectives on language ideology and autonym preference among bi-lingual urban Malays in Pattani's provincial capital. The first of its two substantive sections presents a concise summary of the most relevant insights provided by linguistic anthropologists and sociolinguists who have written on language ideology and the role of language in identity formation. The primary purpose of the second section is to explore the heuristic utility of these theoretical insights on a range of ethnographic vignettes where a range of language-related issues have historically represented a significant source of mistrust between the local Malay majority and Bangkok. We develop insights provided by interactionalist perspectives on language and identity formation to Malay identity formation, specifically which autonyms are strategically adopted.

This article presents a critical comparison of the ongoing peace processes in the southern Philippines and Myanmar (Burma). It does so by examining two key armed groups: the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on Mindanao, and the Karen National Union (KNU) in Myanmar. We identify common elements that help to explain the relative - albeit incomplete - success of these two groups in navigating their respective peace processes. The MILF and KNU are ethnonationalist armed groups struggling for self-determination against states that are experienced by ethnic minority communities as culturally alien, and economically and politically dominant. Both conflict actors are characterized by complex combinations of "greed" and "grievance" factors but nevertheless enjoy significant (albeit contested) political legitimacy among the communities they seek to represent. We explore the complex relationships between armed ethnic groups, conflict-affected communities, and civil society actors. We argue that engagement with civil society is a key element of success in the Mindanao peace process, which could be replicated in Myanmar. We examine the roles and changing nature of the state in the Philippines and Myanmar, and contrast the degrees of international involvement, as key variables in these peace processes. We observe that negotiations of comprehensive peace settlements are threatened by "the tyranny of elections" in Myanmar (2015) and the Philippines (2016), and observe the importance of including national parliaments in peace processes in a timely manner. The peace process between Manila and the MILF represents a rare example of a Muslim minority pursuing its political objectives through structured dialogue. The article focuses on the challenges faced by armed groups moving from insurgency to reinvent themselves as credible political actors and governance authorities. Our analysis draws on peace-building literature, specifically the phenomenon of "rebel governance." (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)