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Although transsexuality and change of sex might be considered a matter of personal choice, they have some socio-cultural causes and consequences. This article aims to examine these through the illustration of transsexuality in Iran. To this end, firstly, sexual transition and the legal system in Iran will be explained. Secondly, the methodology will follow. This study uses the survey method with two separate samples: 1) transsexuality policy makers and 2) forty individual cases of transsexuals. The findings reveal that while the Iranian legal system does not ban transsexuality and sexual transition, transsexuals suffering from gender identity disorder do encounter some social and cultural problems both in their private lives and publicly. The paper concludes with a summary of research findings, and sets out recommendations and study limitations.

AbstractThis article disentangles the nexus between coloniality, territoriality, and gendered necropolitics of state in Iran and how it shapes the lives of the Kurdish female cross‐border laborers (kolbers, in Kurdish) in Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat, in Kurdish). Drawing on Achille Mbembe's notion of "necropolitics," we conceptualize kolberi as a work of death that subjects Kurds to indiscriminate and collective punishment through necro‐disciplinary measures, exposing them constantly to precarious conditions. The necropolitics of Kurdish female kolberi underlines how the meaning of death, like the meaning of life (in biopolitics), is produced and managed through elements of embodiment―bodies, of who kills, and of who is marked for death and for taking life. We interviewed 13 Kurdish women in Rojhelat who have been involved in kolberi over the last few years. By bringing the gendered dimension of kolberi to the forefront, our article theorizes the experiences of women kolbers as occurring in a "death world"―a world where female kolbers' lives are perpetually endangered by the state apparatus of death and silenced by the patriarchal regime of "truth." Our analysis reveals a form of state violence that highlights the gendered expression of "colonized subjects."

This study sought to investigate and rank the barriers to strategic implementation in Telecommunication Center in Tehran province. In terms of the objectives, it is an applied study and with regard to the methodology, it is descriptive as it describes the conditions of phenomena. The statistical population consisted of 140 managers, senior experts and elites of Telecommunication Center of Tehran province. Using Morgan's table, a total of 90 people were selected as the study sample. The instrument to collect the required data was a researcher-made questionnaire. The validity of the questionnaire was confirmed by the experts in the field and the reliability within the pilot study was 0.87. In this research, four barriers were raised including: system and management barriers, barriers related to employees, barriers to strategic planning, and barriers to non-allocation of resources.Investigating the capability of fitting the strategic barriers model in Telecommunication Center of Tehran province revealed that all the barriers were within the acceptable limits. In this study, content validity was assessed using expert judgment and construct validity using the confirmatory factor analysis. The TOPSIS technique was then run to prioritize the barriers. Findings indicate that whereas the system and management barriers have the highest rank, the barriers related to employees have the lowest rank.

De nouvelles variétés de couleurs de carottes ont été utilisées lors de tests expérimentaux. Les anomalies de la théorie de la décision (disparité entre prix de réserve à la vente et à l'achat, phénomène d'inversion des préférences) se retrouvent bien dans le cas de décisions alimentaires. Le prix de réserve à l'achat s'avère une mesure fiable du comportement d'achat du consommateur. Enfin, nous concluons que les carottes blanches et jaunes pourraient être introduites sur le marché, contrairement à celles roses ou violettes.

The results of this study, due to the many ambiguities in the field of power in Islam, can be considered by government organizations such as the Guardian Council and researchers in the fields of jurisprudence and law, natural and legal persons who somehow deal with sources of power, and students and professors of political science. And rights to be placed. Depending on the subject of the research, the method of collecting materials in an analytical and descriptive manner and by studying valid sources in the library and, if possible, the interview method will be on the agenda so that first the desired sources are studied and after analysis, In the end, this research aims to achieve results and make suggestions for improving the current situation; Therefore, first the required resources from various sources of presence in the library, digital libraries, existing software such as comprehensive Ahl al-Bayt and Shiite history and existing articles, treatises and dissertations, selected and after studying and separating the required materials, receipts Necessary from the required resources and then as a complete research, its compilation will be completed. The present study will have a new approach to all aspects of power in Shiite political thought and the author will try to have a comprehensive look at the jurisprudential principles of this issue based on Quranic arguments, narration, sayings of jurists and rational arguments.

Our revolution, unlike other movements and revolutions of the twentieth century, which often had economic and political foundations, was a cultural revolution, and we find carefully in the main slogans of the revolution (independence, freedom, republic and Islam) that Apart from the word "republic", which has a socio-political meaning, other slogans show the cultural foundations of this movement. Therefore, the cultural system of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be considered as the identity and manifestation of the Islamic Revolution. The set of right and wrong infrastructures is called the habitual beliefs and mental beliefs of a country and a nation called the cultural system. In this article, which has been written by descriptive-analytical method and library collection method and the use of Quran and authentic jurisprudential books, we have achieved the following results: The main basis of the cultural system of the Islamic Republic in the era of absence based on perspective He is a revolutionary provincial jurist and at the head of it is the architect of Imam Khomeini's revolution. The goals of the cultural system of the Islamic Republic of Iran are divided into short-term, medium-term, and long-term, the main purpose of which is to pay attention to the freedom of Muslims and to promote and export monotheism. The pillar of the cultural system is monotheism and its principles are the branches of religion and its sources are books, traditions, consensus, intellect and tools of the cultural system of seminaries, universities, education, media and artistic tools.