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The article focuses on the activities of private military companies (PMCs) of the russian federation as a tool for implementing its foreign policy and geopolitical goals. The main reasons for the creation of PMCs in russia, their evolution and key stages of activity have been identified. The peculiarities of the formation of russian PMCs and the state involvement in the training of company personnel at the initial stage have been analysed. The article also outlines the imperialist policy of the russian federation, which led to the transformation of private military companies into a part of the regular army of the russian federation. Particular attention has been paid to the goals of russia's current foreign policy, as well as to moscow's geopolitical interests in the Middle East, Africa and the post-Soviet countries. Information on the involvement of private military companies of the russian federation in international armed conflicts in the above-mentioned regions as an element of the implementation of russia's foreign policy has been highlighted. In addition, the article presents examples of the use of russian PMCs to achieve foreign policy goals and maintain russian influence in regions important for it. The prospects for the existence of russia's private military companies in the coming years have been defined. In particular, the possibility of transforming PMCs into a part of the structure of the russian armed forces, which may end their activities as separate armed formations, has been analysed. It has been summarised that private military companies of the russian federation have become the main instrument for the implementation of russia's foreign policy in geopolitically important regions for it. The question whether their involvement in the military conflicts in Syria and Libya and the unleashed war against Ukraine were successful for the russian federation in the implementation of the tasks set has been also analysed. It has been concluded that the existence of PMCs is a serious threat to international security, and therefore there is an urgent need to take measures to prevent their further activities.

The article focuses on strengthening the military potential of the Bucharest Nine (B9) states in the context of the russia's war in Ukraine. The authors clarify the reasons and goals of the consolidation of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe for cooperation within the framework of the Bucharest format. Prerequisites for changes in defense spending within NATO are described, namely, the russian-Ukrainian war. The reaction of the North Atlantic Alliance to Russia's armed attack on Ukraine is studied, in particular after the full-scale russian invasion. The main results of the NATO summit in Madrid, which took place in 2022, are considered, separately, the adoption of the new Strategic Concept of NATO. The features of the new security and defense model presented by J. Stoltenberg, which includes the protection of the Eastern flank of the Alliance and is based on three key pillars, are pointed, namely: 1) increased forward presence with more combat operations; 2) pre-deployment of military equipment to save time in conditions where mobilization of forces is required; 3) preliminary definition of units - these are forces that will undergo training in a certain territory, where they will have certain duties. The dynamics of defense expenditures of each of the participating countries of the Bucharest Nine format from the beginning of the russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 to the period after the open armed attack on Ukraine on February 24, 2022 is presented. The information on the formation of the newest high-reaction combat groups of the North Atlantic Alliance and their location on the territory of the B9 member states to strengthen the military presence in countries that are at risk in the event of further escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian war is covered. The data related to NATO military exercises within the framework of strengthening the eastern borders in connection with the intensification of the armed aggression of the russian federation are analyzed. As a result of the study, it is concluded that russian aggression against Ukraine is considered by the member states of the Alliance to be a colossal threat to the existence of peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic region. The authors predict a further increase in the military potential of the Bucharest Nine countries to maintain a stable security situation in the subregion.

The article reveals the challenges for cooperation of the participating states in the Bucharest Nine initiatives in the conditions of the evolution of security threats on NATO's eastern borders. The preconditions, purpose and goals of the Bucharest Nine have been highlighted. The group composition of B9 participants on a territorial basis has been considered, namely: the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania), the Visegrad Four countries (Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and the Czech Republic), and the Black Sea countries (Bulgaria and Romania). The organizational structure of such a regional format within NATO has been represented. The goals of the Bucharest Nine have been concretized both in the Euro-Atlantic dimension and in the regional one, especially in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. The focus is on the resilience and solidarity of B9 member states in their approaches to guaranteeing the European security architecture, including increasing defense spending and its dynamics, supporting Ukraine and its territorial integrity, as well as assessing threats from the russian federation. The current challenges for the development of the B9 initiative have been highlighted, the key ones being: restrained attitude towards the russian policy in the CEE region; various preconditions for action to increase military capabilities; the position of some Western NATO member states on B9 as a pro-American project, etc. It has been concluded that it is expedient to establish B9 format initiatives within NATO in order to "strengthen the voice" of less powerful states in the conditions of transforming the security architecture in the global dimension, mainly in the context of growing military threat from the russian federation in the CEE region.

The essence and main characteristics of the hybrid war are reviewed as a means of destroying the enemy country from inside due to the effective combination of conventional armed forces, subversion, propaganda, and dissemination of misinformation. The hybrid tactics used by the Russian Federation in Ukraine and Georgia are investigated. A comparativeanalysisof the military component in the confrontation between Russia, Ukraine and Georgia is conducted, the peculiarities of informational and psychological confrontation and factors that led to the significant achievements of the Russian side in the hybrid warfare are revealed, economic aspect of the hybrid confrontation are clarified (especially regarding the factors of financial, energy and raw material dependence) and, finally, the key conditions for the widespread use of hybrid methods of confrontation during modern armed conflicts are identified. Thedifference is proved between conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine, mainly in the use of military means. It is established that the conditions for the conflict in Crimea were unique, or at least extremely rare, and they can hardly be reproduced in any other place. It is noted that in the future, hybrid war will become rather a situational phenomenon, because the implementation of aggressive actions against another state without the necessary conditions for it will lead either to a quick defeat of the aggressor state, or will force such a state to move toconventional warfare, which requires significant financial costs and inevitably will cause decline in the prestige of such a state within the international community.

This article considers the concepts and theories of international migration which answer questions about the current trends of migration flows. Particular emphasis has been placed on the transformation of established perceptions of women's migration as, under the influence of globalisation in the modern system of international coordinates, there is a trend that is interpreted as the "feminisation" of international migration. Designing theories and concepts of international migration on an explanation of the motives and specifics of the adaptation of Ukrainian labour migrants in Poland offers a basis upon which to argue that each of them is appropriate for application. In addition, a theoretical modelling of migration policy has been presented. In practice, national governments use such models of migration policy as: the complete exclusion of immigration into a country or profess a "closed-door policy", differentiated exclusion/segregation, integration as a gradual and weaker form of assimilation, the so-called "selective policy", and the assimilation, multicultural or "open-door policy". Future scenarios for the modelling of migration flows represented by leading international organisations have been designed. The multidimensional MIPEX Index, according to which Poland's policy on migrants is assessed as "equality on paper", is lower than the EU average, and, with a score of an estimated 40 points out of a possible 100, has been used to assess the trends of modern migration policy of the Republic of Poland. The new migration model of Poland leans towards a model of a differentiated integration of migrants rather than a multicultural policy or assimilation. It has been concluded that migration policy should be based on the principle of "tripartism"/scenarios (the 'win-win-win' concept) and benefit the donor state, the recipient state, and the migrants themselves.

The article deals with the conceptions of the international migration, focusing on the most relevant strategies in terms of migrant workers adaptation. The authors analyse the following conceptions: the "Pull/Push" theory, Adaptation (acculturation) Strategy, Relative Inequality Theory of Migration, the Human Capital Theory. Legal framework of Ukraine and Poland in the sphere of labor migration regulation, including set of legal acts, adopted by both countries in order to minimize possible negative outcomes caused by evolving migration flows have been analyzed. The main "pushing" migration factors of the donor countries and "pulling" factors of the recipients are clarified. The main motive for migrating to Poland is to form a so-called "airbag" for their families in Ukraine. The point is that thanks to remittances, clothes, food, etc., Ukrainian labor migrants form a sense of confidence in the future of their family members in the "era of poverty", which is identified with the Ukrainian state. The positive and negative consequences of the migration flows intensification of Ukrainian workers for both Ukraine and Poland are highlighted. Future scenarios for modeling migration flows are shaped, namely: optimistic, pessimistic, and realistic and the Covid-19 migration pattern. Recommendations for strengthening the effectiveness of Ukrainian-Polish cooperation in solving of the labor migration problems are suggested. The assessment of the trends of current migration policy of Warsaw has been carried out in accordance with multilateral MIPEX Index. Thus, migration policy is assessing as the "equality in the paper" and is rating lower (40/100 points) than average indicator among EU-countries. The conclusions assert that migration policy should be based on the principle of "tripartism" and serve the donor state, the recipient state and the migrants themselves.

The article identifies key problems on the path of energy security and the role of NATO in solving them. The Alliance's position on the energy issue has been determined. The documents of the NATO summits in Bucharest in 2008, in Chicago in 2012, and the NATO 2010 Strategic Concept have been analyzed. It turned out that the Alliance has divided its role into three areas: raising awareness; protecting critical energy infrastructure and deepening energy efficiency in the military. The role of Centers of Excellence, their specialization, and goals have been investigated. The impact of hybrid wars on energy security has been also considered. The actions of the Russian Federation to deteriorate energy security through cyberattacks in order to weaken the role and defensive actions of NATO have been highlighted. It is noted that cooperation with Ukraine is a promising direction for ensuring the energy security of the Alliance. The key tasks that Ukraine faces for the stability of its energy system have been identified. It is concluded that the work of NATO occupies an important place in protecting energy security, because the Alliance managed to clearly define the directions of its activities in this area.

In the article, the authors analyze the impact of the COVID-19 world pandemic on the employment of Ukrainian migrant workers in Poland. It is noted that the economic situation and the war in the east of Ukraine led to continuous process of labor migration from Ukraine to Poland. The author analyzes basic documents of the migration policy of Ukraine as well as Polish legislation in the field of employment of foreign citizens. It was found that the introduction of quarantine restrictions resulted in mass return of Ukrainian workers from Poland. Special attention is placed on the adoption of the so-called Anti-Crisis Shield and Anti-Crisis Shield 2.0, aimed at mitigating the negative economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland, taking into account interests of foreign workers, including Ukrainian labor migrants, who stayed abroad after quarantine restrictions come into force. Based on sociological research and official statistics, it has been determined that one third of Ukrainian migrant workers in Poland have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, and some of them complain about income restrictions and reductions. It has been outlined an attitude of Ukrainian migrant workers who left Poland towards their return to work, perception of quarantine restrictions and the main reasons that force them to stay in Ukraine or return to the neighboring country. It is pointed out the volume of private money transfers to Ukraine for the same period in 2019 and 2020 respectively. The author draws conclusions that the COVID-19 world pandemic greatly affected the Ukrainian labor migrants in Poland, forcing them to leave their jobs and return home or stay abroad without actual source of income. It is mentioned that Poland still needs Ukrainian workers, who are especially in demand in the food industry, logistics, woodworking and household appliances.

The article analyzes the state and motives for the development of green energy in the European Union. The level and pace of improvement in the field of renewable energy in Ukraine has been found out. The critical consequences of Russian aggression for the Ukrainian energy sector have been described. Prospects and risks for Ukraine, shaped by European trends and problems in the field of energy, have been identified. The role of Ukraine's involvement in the European Green Deal, Horizon 2020, EU4Energy and INOGATE programs has been considered. The negative impact of Europe's energy dependence on the Russian Federation has been emphasized, and the way to overcome such a challenge has been outlined. The main components of the REPowerEU plan and the 2022 EU Strategy for an EU external energy engagement, where it is stated that the EU's short-term goal is to neutralize Putin's influence, which he uses due to the presence of significant energy resources, have been highlighted. The predicted changes in the energy landscape caused by the transition of the EU and Ukraine to renewable energy sources have been analyzed. A conclusion about the ambiguity of the impact of green energy processes and EU "green" policy for Ukraine, which needs to be regulated together with the European Union, has been made.