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In this article, I take a socio-material approach to highlight the changes in the legibility of the built environment due to digital interfacing and the subsequent fragmentation of urban space. Using Uber as an example, I demonstrate how app-reliant mobility practices, reflexive of the changing mobility values in the city of Calcutta, manifest certain "temporal spaces"—quasi-virtual spaces of the online/digital-offline/material continuum—that imbricate the physicality of the city with the digital traces that Uber accrues about a particular location and the data about the rhythms of the individual users within that space. The investigation uses screenshots of Uber pick-up points to conceptualize legibility in the context of temporal spaces and how this changing legibility alters the kinaesthetic quality of Calcutta. Siting the argument in postrepresentationalist thought—one that does not assume an ontological distinction between representations and the referent—this article offers a posthumanist account of spatial performativity that considers the everyday entanglements of human actors, social practices, networked technologies, algorithms, and interfaces that render "legible" the urban space.

This article looks at the practices of digital performativity of bodies-in-remission on Instagram to detail the affective and temporal experience of post-treatment patienthood. To explore these performativities, I use the images and narratives of the post-treatment breast-cancer body to have a conversation about the vicarious 're-experience' of the malady—now in abeyance—through the discursive register of fear and the clinical haunting of the everyday in trying to offset the side-effects of the treatment regimes. I further argue that these techno-digital enactments of post-treatment patienthood co-emerge through complex 'intra-actions' of and within entanglements of materialities, networks, discourses, affect, and multiple registers of techno-social mediation that shape and constrict them. Accordingly, this article is an effort to make sense of how people 'memorise' chronic illness and prolonged suffering—especially when it impacts key sources of their gender identity—through negotiations with the temporal-discursive processes of networked communications.

Jørgensen examines the emergence of Tranquebar as a heritage town in post-colonial India through the diverse, sometimes competing interests and claims of local residents, state-oriented institutions, scholars and policy makers, non-governmental organisations, and private entrepreneurs. Tharangambadi, Nagapattinam, Tamil Nadu, colloquially known as Tranquebar, is a fishing community of about 23000 people on the Coromandel Coast of India. Tranquebar was one of two trading posts that the Danish East India Company established in the 1600s, and that were taken over by the Danish Crown in 1650. The British East India Company acquired Denmark"s Indian territories in 1845, and they were subsequently taken over in 1857 by the British Crown when the Company was dissolved. These territories were transferred to the Indian national government in 1947, when India gained independence from the British Crown. Jørgensen investigates the use of the past, that is, the making of Tranquebar into a destination for heritage tourism based on its Danish colonial history. The study takes place in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean earthquake on December 26, 2004. This major seismic event centred in the west coast of Sumatra, resulted in a powerful tsunami that radiated from there toward each country that shares a coastline on the Indian Ocean. The tsunami inundation in turn, caused the destruction of infrastructure, towns and villages, the displacement of coastal communities and the loss of human life. Tranquebar was severely impacted and since the tsunami, initiatives to promote economic growth in the town have intensified.

In this paper, I present the case of Sanghol, Punjab, in Indian archaeology to highlight the influence of social and political factors on the interpretation of archaeological data and the preservation of cultural heritage. Using a geographic approach, I show how geopolitical tensions and the desire for internal political stability influenced archaeological practices in post-colonial India. In the aftermath of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's assassination in 1984, local archaeological investigations in Sanghol, located 200 kilometres from the sensitive Pakistan-India frontline, piqued the interest of the Archaeological Survey of India, the national department for archaeology and heritage management. The Survey subsequently carried out collaborative field studies in Sanghol between 1986 and 1990, reflecting the changing relationship between the local community and the national government at a time of intense political uncertainty. I argue that there is greater competition and collaboration between knowledge producers in Indian archaeology than has been accepted. This, in turn, impacts our understanding of the practice of national archaeology.

Archaeologists increasingly find themselves confronting members of local communities, raising the question: who owns cultural heritage and the interpretation of archaeological data? In this paper I introduce geographic information systems as a method to gain insight on archaeology. I argue that visualizing where and when archaeologists carried out fieldwork is a first step to understand how and why social tensions emerge and to address what we have yet to know. Through the case of post-colonial India, I present innovative spatial approaches to the history of recent archaeology and aim to create the conceptual space to understand how societal factors such as political instability and social unrest, national styles of science, competing research traditions and culture influenced Indian archaeology. ; En los últimos años, los arqueólogos han tenido que enfrentarse a un dilema fundamental relacionado con comunidades locales: ¿A quién pertenece el patrimonio arqueológico y la interpretación de los datos arqueológicos? En este artículo, utilizo sistemas de información geográfica para tratar de dar una respuesta a esta cuestión. En particular, argumento que examinar dónde y cuándo los arqueólogos han llevado a cabo su trabajo de campo es un primer paso para comprender cómo y por qué determinadas tensiones sociales emergen. Tomando como ejemplo el caso de la India post-colonial, en este articulo utilizo enfoques espaciales innovadores con el objetivo de demostrar que dichos métodos pueden ayudar a comprender cómo determinados factores sociales (tales como la inestabilidad política y social), los diferentes estilos nacionales de ciencia y las diferentes tradiciones culturales han influido la práctica de la arqueología en India.

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This article combines national input–output tables (1998–1999 to 2007–2008) with World Input–Output Database (1995–2011) to evaluate foreign value-added (FVA) content in India's exports at aggregate and disaggregate levels. The results confirm rising FVA and declining domestic value added (DVA) in India's total and merchandise exports across a majority of the commodities. India's international fragmentation has risen but continues to be lower than that of East Asia and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Strikingly, a regression-based decomposition analysis shows greater positive impact of rise in FVA on India's export growth as compared to imports, leading to substantial net gains. Second, India's DVA content in exports did not decline much during 2007–2011, thereby displaying a sluggish upward trend in its FVA content. This article advocates the need for striking a right balance between the goals of increasing FVA (improving linkages into global value chains) to enhance export competitiveness and maintaining DVA (supporting the 'Make in India' initiative) in exports to generate employment opportunities domestically.