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This paper identifies possible micro-mechanisms for the operation of Lipset and Rokkan's freezing hypothesis and suggests that their effects do not disappear altogether with the decline of cleavage politics but are sustained by any persistent social or attitudinal divide between the electorates of different parties. A multi-level analysis of survey data from the 2004 European Election Study supports the expectation that political involvement should be consistently higher and volatility lower than otherwise expected among citizens who are predisposed to support particular parties because of their enduring attitudinal and social characteristics. This paper argues that this fact powerfully biases the choices of established parties towards appealing to those citizens who vote in a way that maintains existing political divides among groups in the electorate. This provides a new explanation of why the mobilisation of enduring social and attitudinal divides in the electorate makes party systems reflect past divides even when the conflicts that gave rise to them have lost some or all political relevance, for instance, because of a shift from the national to the European electoral arena. The analysis also provides additional insights into why European elections fail to produce a European party system and why sources of political participation and interest vary across countries. Adapted from the source document.

The Canada Elections Act of 2000 regulates how the media must disclose the technical information regarding election polls. But the media coverage of non-election polls remains self-regulated. We examine how the technical information regarding election and non-election polling is reported in stories published by La Presse, the Globe and Mail, and the Calgary Herald. Our results show that, although media disclosure falls well short of the polling industry's standards, the technical information surrounding non-election polls is at least as complete as the information accompanying election polls. Long articles about polls sponsored by the media that publish them provide significantly more methodological information than short articles in which polls sponsored by "outside" organizations are mentioned in passing. These findings indicate that poll-reporting routines are relatively impervious to standards and rules regulating how poll results should be communicated to the public.

AbstractIn this research note, we document the extent to which negative beliefs about women's capacity to hold public office are widespread in Canada. Using a list experiment, our results demonstrate that many Canadians believe that men are "naturally better" leaders than are women and that women are "too emotional" and "too nice" for politics. While some groups are willing to explicitly own these views when asked directly about them (for example, older people, men, those who are more conservative and religious), others are unwilling to do so unless social desirability is mitigated (for example, younger people, left-leaning). By overcoming concerns with social desirability, we show that women still face explicit, often sexist, barriers in political work.

AbstractIn their much-quoted typology of Western media systems, Hallin and Mancini (2004) associate Canada's media system with what they call the "Liberal model," given its strong professionalization and limited politicization. They also hypothesize the existence of a more professional and more politicized media subsystem in Quebec. This article tests their hypothesis with data from a 2018 survey of 209 experts across Canada. The findings do not support the hypothesis of a media subsystem in Quebec. However, they show a diversity of ideological and political orientations among news media organizations, which has important empirical and theoretical implications for the study of political communication in Canada.