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Los discursos de odio y las retóricas que estigmatizan, deshumanizan y demonizan al colectivo inmigrante son una palanca necesaria para la necropolítica. La permisividad en el discurso público a ideas y prejuicios contrarios a la inmigración es consustancial al formato necropolítico de gestión de las migraciones en la Unión Europea. Este trabajo, inspirado en las aportaciones de Achille Mbembe y Judith Butler, reflexiona sobre la configuración del sentimiento antinmigrante que, articulado a través de la violencia simbólica que atraviesa medios de comunicación y redes sociales, repercute en la creciente vulnerabilidad que afecta a este colectivo.

Las políticas migratorias actuales perseveran en su empeño de reforzar los dispositivos fronterizos en aras de frenar los flujos migratorios no deseados. La fantasía política de contención migratoria redunda en un aumento de la mortalidad, en sintonía con un incremento de la vulnerabilidad y la inseguridad para las personas que se desplazan forzadamente, a la vez que se intensifica la xenofobia y la aporofobia en las sociedades receptoras. Para los sistemas neoliberales globales, según criterios puramente mercantilistas, una vida vale en la medida que contribuye al progreso económico. Es por ello por lo que las y los migrantes y refugiados conforman la vida desechable. Aplicar la categoría necropolítica al fenómeno migratorio permite ahondar en estas cuestiones desde un enfoque crítico con las políticas migratorias actuales, apelar a los derechos humanos y, en última instancia, reivindicar desde una perspectiva ética el valor de la vida humana.

Reducing physical contact has been the most common strategy adopted by governments to reduce the spread of the COVID‐19 disease. It has led most countries to close their schools. Previous evidence on the effects of teacher strikes, summer holidays, armed conflicts or any other cause of school closure on learning suggest that the effects of COVID‐19 will be highly significant for some and will vary depending on students' previous performance, family characteristics, age or education track, among other factors. Recent evidence shows that learning losses during school closures have been widespread and especially intense among the more disadvantaged students. In this article we evaluate the magnitude of the gap regarding opportunities to learn in formal, informal and non‐formal education between families depending on their cultural and economic capital. An online survey (n = 35,937) was carried out during the second week of the confinement (March 2020) in Catalonia. The survey targeted families with children between three and eighteen years. The responses show remarkable social inequalities in opportunities to learn. In this article, we describe the magnitude of the learning gap between social groups and explore which are the most significant factors that explain educational inequalities. Our findings reveal a process of cumulative disadvantage that results from unequal opportunities in formal, informal and non‐formal education and underline the need to address both school and family factors to mitigate the impact of the pandemic on learning opportunities.

Altres ajuts: Acord transformatiu CRUE-CSIC ; Reducing physical contact has been the most common strategy adopted by governments to reduce the spread of the COVID-19 disease. It has led most countries to close their schools. Previous evidence on the effects of teacher strikes, summer holidays, armed conflicts or any other cause of school closure on learning suggest that the effects of COVID-19 will be highly significant for some and will vary depending on students' previous performance, family characteristics, age or education track, among other factors. Recent evidence shows that learning losses during school closures have been widespread and especially intense among the more disadvantaged students. In this article we evaluate the magnitude of the gap regarding opportunities to learn in formal, informal and non-formal education between families depending on their cultural and economic capital. An online survey (n = 35,937) was carried out during the second week of the confinement (March 2020) in Catalonia. The survey targeted families with children between three and eighteen years. The responses show remarkable social inequalities in opportunities to learn. In this article, we describe the magnitude of the learning gap between social groups and explore which are the most significant factors that explain educational inequalities. Our findings reveal a process of cumulative disadvantage that results from unequal opportunities in formal, informal and non-formal education and underline the need to address both school and family factors to mitigate the impact of the pandemic on learning opportunities.

How can we explain cross-regional policy variation? That is, how can we understand different policy outcomes within similar institutional and organizational settings? Scholars have recently reflected on the new institutionalist explanatory pitfall involved in assuming a causality link between institutional factors and policy outcomes and argue that such link needs to rely on evidence from policy variables. On this line, recent contributions have built a causal model that links types of institutional change to types of actors' roles and strategies, within particular contextual and organizational scenarios that favor or hinder their emergence. This paper pursues this explanatory interest by applying this model to the analysis of how decision-making by two regional governments in Spain has led to different institutional and policy change outcomes in the same policy sector, namely, public management reform in healthcare. This study confirms the explanatory relevance of the model's key variables, but provides evidence of how some of them may be reinterpreted to provide a dynamic explanation of their influence on the process and outcome of institutional and policy change.

Altres ajuts: IEA/GRI/6/2012 ; Este artículo analiza el impacto de la descentralización del Estado en un aspecto de la diversidad territorial, concretamente en la discrecionalidad de las políticas públicas regionales, como una expresión de su autonomía política para el autogobierno. Nuestro interés se centra en los factores que determinan las decisiones y acciones de los Gobiernos subcentrales en el desarrollo de sus políticas públicas. Nos preguntamos: ¿por qué los Gobiernos regionales toman diferentes opciones de políticas públicas? Asumiendo que son diversos factores los que ayudan a explicar las decisiones de políticas públicas (tales como la estructura productiva, la ideología del Gobierno, el capital social, el contexto político, los recursos presupuestarios…), escogemos explorar el impacto de dos de ellos, preguntándonos: ¿de qué forma, y en qué medida, sus decisiones de políticas y acciones de políticas públicas han sido condicionadas por el modelo de financiación y por sus diferentes ideologías? Presentamos evidencia comparativa, cualitativa y cuantitativa de dos estudios de caso: dos comunidades autónomas en España que han desarrollado sus propias políticas de ingresos y de gasto, y las han traducido en políticas de gestión pública y modelos regulativos de los servicios de salud distintos. No solo sus Gobiernos han sido ideológicamente distintos y han pasado por diferentes grados de cambios ideológicos, sino que también los recursos que se les han asignado a través del modelo de financiación han sido distintos. Mostramos cómo los recursos determinan el alcance de las acciones de los Gobiernos, mientras que su ideología determina su dirección.

This article analyses the impact of state decentralization on one aspect of territorial diversity, specifically on the policy discretion of regions, as an expression of their political autonomy for self-government. Our interest focuses on the factors that determine the decisions and actions of regional governments in developing their policies. We ask: why do regional governments take different public policy options? Conceding that several factors help explain policy decisions (such as productive structure, government ideology, social capital, political context, budgetary resources), we choose to explore the impact of two of them, by asking: in what way, and to what extent, are policy decisions and actions conditioned by the financing model and by their different ideologies? We present quantitative and qualitative comparative evidence from two contrasting case studies: two regions in decentralized Spain that have developed their own policies of income and spending, and have translated them into differing public management policies and regulatory models for providing health services. These governments are ideologically different and have undergone different degrees of recent ideological changes, but the resources provided to them by the financing model have also been different. We show how resources determine the scope of governments' actions, while ideology determines their direction.