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Depictions of U.S. Latinos in the media and politics are often rooted in narratives of illegality, criminality, and immigration. By reproducing stereotypes of violence, lawlessness, and foreign identity, Latinos in the U.S. often exist in the social imaginary of media and political elites as being legally and culturally incompatible with conventional understandings of U.S. citizenship. Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign was rooted in nativist politics that sought to criminalize legal and unauthorized immigrants by representing them as the largest threat to U.S. national security and the economy. This article employs a content analysis of all 74 speeches made during Trump's "Make America Great Again" presidential campaign to investigate how U.S. Latinos were depicted in the media during the 2016 election cycle. The proceeding section situates the empirical findings within a broader time-series textual analysis, tracking Latino depictions across the eighteenmonth campaign. The findings corroborate Trump's anti-Latino and anti immigrant positions, as well as a progression on Trump's discussions of Mexico and NAFTA. Furthermore, the analysis illuminates how Trump exports U.S. Latino stereotypes to villainize his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton. Taken together, this article demonstrates how Trump's rhetoric refurbished and aggrandized Latino and immigrant narratives and stereotypes for the consumption of a 2016 audience.

Her story is one of courage and tenacity, as she battled government bureaucracies and multinational drug companies, and challenged the idea of high-cost patented AIDS medication. Krisana Kraisintu is a Thai pharmaceutical expert who dedicates herself to the domestic production of, and enlarged access to, life-savings medicines, specifically in the domains of HIV/AIDS and malaria. As former Director of the Research and Development Insitute of Thailand's Government Pharmaceutical Organization (GPO), Dr. Kraisintu developed 64 herbal-based medicinal products and generic drugs. Her crowning breakthrough was a generic and inexpensive HIV "cocktail" combining three different medications in one pill, which dramatically reduced the cost of HIV/AIDS treatment and changed the course of the diesase in her native Thailand. It is now the global standard in care. Beneficiaries of Dr. Kraisintu's effort in formulating and manufacturing affordable generic drugs went beyond the borders of her motherland, her drugs treat poor patients in Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. For the past 10 years, she has worked in 15 poor African countries, teaching African governments and communities to produce generic antimalarial and antiretroviral (ARV) drugs. She has helped save millions of lives in her various attempts at quality assurance manufacturing, research and development, and medical outreach. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
Following the approach of Judith Butler in Frames of war: When is life grievable? and similar theoretical perspectives, the paper examines how the war against ISIS in Southern Philippines discursively represents the "other" – the victims of war – as dispensable "collateral damage". There is no disputing that the siege of Marawi City by an ISIS- inspired group has taken a terrible toll on human life and has exposed the increasing vulnerability of the country to terrorism. Yet, the relation between the state and the displaced victims that emerged, brought forth in and through media reporting and political commentaries, constitutes an epistemological border that casts the military (as the state's instrument) as the uncontested heroic entity, yet at the same time keeps the dislocated inhabitants – mostly Muslim minorities – out of sight, inaccessible, and in due course ungrievable. Media texts and commentaries, privileging state perspectives and sources, implicitly establish what counts as "grievable" lives. A privileged hegemonic perspective has kept the war victims de-subjectified, rendering their suffering and the grave humanitarian conditions on the ground unproblematic. The paper then looks into how a "desensitized" political discourse is structured by this new cognitive orientation. While some Marawi voices still surface, the focus is on gaining direct public empathy and identification toward a particular side and engendering moral indifference toward the victims. Lastly, the paper looks at epistemological crossings in the form of alternative (and potentially disruptive) discourses that have emerged, despite the narrowed liminal space. It argues that war victims, in a context of new meanings, retain some form of agency that might engender change, and could reemerge as recognizable voices who can participate as full partners in the collective restoration of Marawi and the Muslim community.

Progress in human security in the Philippines is infl uenced by the 'ASEAN Way', which underscores consensual approach to decision-making, informal structures and processes, and the principle of non-interference in member-countries' internal aff airs. Along these lines, ASEAN broadened the agenda of security to encompass problems like poverty, epidemics, food security, human rights, and climate change, but failed to deepen security from a focus on the state to a focus on human individuals and communities. Yet the 'ASEAN Way' off ers enough tolerance for 'operationalising' possibilities for normative non-state securitisation. Philippine NGOs have intervened in the decision-making process, shaped and disseminated politically relevant values and norms, and have taken the initiative to set rules themselves. For the Philippine government labouring under 'soft state' conditions, the most appropriate role based on a human security agenda would be to strengthen existing institutional structures, expand the democratic space for non-state actors, and join inter-state regimes and quasi-diplomatic arrangements, thereby reducing transaction costs and facilitating reciprocity within ASEAN.