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In a decision situation, the choice alternatives can be described, or framed, with respect to different reference points, such as gains or losses. This study investigates the effects of decision framing in a social dilemma. Subjects, in groups of four or five persons, participated in a simulated social dilemma. Two factors were manipulated: decision framing (either in terms of giving to a collective good or taking from a collective good), and others' behavior (whether other group members had apparently cooperated a little or a great deal on the first trial). Subjects conformed to others' behavior when they could take from a collective good, but they diffused responsibility and acted contrary to others' behavior when they could give to a public good. These results imply that models of choice behavior in social dilemmas should be expanded to include framing effects, as well as other departures from strict rationality. Moreover, the results suggest that findings from social dilemma research in which subjects can contribute to buy a public good may not be consistent with findings from studies in which subjects can take resources from a common pool.

Data from the 1980 American National Election Study conducted by the U of Michigan Survey Research Center from 448 whites & 35 blacks are used to examine the organization of political attitudes. Cluster analysis is used to classify individuals into subgroups that hold relatively similar profiles of opinions on 12 political issues. Six clusters are distinguished: liberals, quasiliberals, conservatives, advocates of limited government, those with prolabor attitudes, & those with middle-of-the-road attitudes toward economic problems. Clusters differ significantly in political party affiliation, self-identified ideology, & presidential vote in 1980. Results suggest that political attitudes are not organized along a single dimension of liberalism-conservatism, & that ideologically "inconsistent" attitude patterns are still meaningfully organized. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 16 References. Modified HA

Data from 6 US National Election Studies (N = 9,846 interview Rs) are used to assess changes in self-identified political ideology from 1972 to 1982. According to the salience hypothesis, political orientations of the general public reflect the degree to which the political context provides clear & compelling cues for thinking about political affairs. Loglinear analyses, in which political party identification, cohort, education, & interest in politics are included as controls, offer little support for the salience hypothesis. Contrary to expectations, the proportion of people having an ideological identification declined in 1980. Data also show no evidence of an abrupt rise after 1980 in the % of conservatives in the general public. Instead, a gradual increase in the % of strong conservatives occurred only for those with a relatively strong interest in politics. Results suggest the need for more precision in specifying the notion of salience, as well as more attention devoted to differentiating political orientations in terms of their responsiveness to changes in political stimuli. 9 Tables, 32 References. HA

A contribution to the debate over whether the US electorate has become more conservative over the past two decades. Trends in ideological self-identification along the liberal-conservative dimension are assessed using data from various surveys conducted between 1938 & 1986 by the U of Michigan's Center for Political Studies, the National Opinion Research Center, the media, & private organizations. Substantial "house" effects are evident in how such ideology questions are framed & in how the public characterized itself. While varying the number of response categories does not systematically alter the liberal/conservative ratio, the addition of a middle-of-the-road option does. It is shown that ideology is significantly related to party identification & to voting behavior in presidential elections. Though the public has consistently identified more with the liberal (Democratic) party, they personally identify themselves as conservative by two to one margins. This ideological balance has remained stable despite changes in political administrations. 10 Tables, 8 References. K. Hyatt

The public's self-identification as liberal or conservative; based on various opinion polls since the 1970s; U.S.

Data from four national survey organizations indicate a growing trend toward more conservative ideological identification in the public over the last decade. At the same time, however, the public is becoming increasingly liberal on many issues, particularly racial tolerance and women's rights. Since the election of Ronald Reagan the public seems divided also on welfare issues: while support is found for increased government spending on current social programs, the public increasingly opposes expanded government programs of additional services. Correlational analyses suggest that ideological identification is no more strongly related to specific issues than previously. Nonetheless, ideological identification continues to be a significant predictor of party identification and of voting in presidential elections.

Data from four national survey organizations indicate a growing trend toward more conservative ideological identification in the US public over the last decade, even though PO is more liberal on many issues, particularly racial tolerance & women's rights. Since the election of Ronald Reagan, the public seems divided also on welfare issues: while support is found for increased government spending on current social programs, there is increasing opposition to additional services. Correlational analyses suggest that ideological identification is no more strongly related to specific issues than previously. Nonetheless, the ideological identification continues to be a significant predictor of party identification & of voting in presidential elections. 1 Table, 1 Figure. HA.