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Included in the Calls to Action of Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission are several Calls pertaining to Indigenous languages. However, the terms of Western discourse on rights, and on language itself, risk obscuring the fundamental connections between language and land that Indigenous Elders and scholars have insisted on. Drawing on a diverse literature, I argue that language is, indeed, bound up with the ways in which we inhabit the living world, and that genuine reconciliation requires rethinking language policy and management from this perspective. ; Entre los llamamientos a la acción de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación de Canadá se encuentran muchos que atañen a las lenguas Indígenas. Sin embargo, si el tema se aborda a partir del discurso occidental sobre las cuestiones de derechos y de las lenguas, se corre el riesgo de no tener en cuenta la conexión fundamental entre la lengua y la tierra, relación esta que tanto han resaltado los líderes mayores y los investigadores Indígenas. Partiendo de referencias diversas, en este artículo afirmo que la lengua está ciertamente imbricada en los modos en los que habitamos el mundo viviente, y que, para ser genuina, una reconciliación supone repensar la política y la gestión lingüística precisamente a partir de esta perspectiva. ; Entre autres appels à l'action de la Commission de vérité et de réconciliation du Canada, plusieurs touchent les langues autochtones. Cependant, les termes des discours occidentaux sur les droits et la langue risquent d'occulter les liens fondamentaux entre la terre et la langue, liens sur lesquels des Aînés et des chercheurs ont pourtant insisté. En m'appuyant sur de nombreuses ressources, je montre que la langue est étroitement liée à nos manières d'occuper les terres et que, pour qu'une vraie réconciliation soit amorcée, il est nécessaire de repenser les politiques linguistiques et les politiques d'aménagement linguistique dans cette perspective. ; Entre as campanhas da Comissão da Verdade e Reconciliação do Canadá estão diversas ações ligadas às línguas indígenas. Contudo, os termos do discurso ocidental sobre direitos e mesmo sobre língua ameaçam encobrir as relações principais entre a língua e a terra nas quais os Anciãos Indígenas e pesquisadores têm insistido. Com base em ampla revisão de literatura na área, argumentamos que a língua está, de fato, vinculada aos modos como habitamos o mundo e que a verdadeira reconciliação solicita que se repense a política e a gestão linguísticas a partir desta perspectiva.

Three variations of experience identified in the educational literature entail different ways of thinking about and developing learners' imaginations. The relationship between these different imaginative modes resembles shifts between different kinds of understanding in Kieran Egan's theory of imaginative development. From this theoretical collision, a new framework emerges that gives greater weight to the connections between experience and imagination, and that may help to guide new forms of democratic educational practice.

The concept of a pan-European second language is discussed in the light of two diametrically opposed alternatives, English & Esperanto. Strong cultural, political, & linguistic constraints are shown to bear on the two candidates in contrasting ways. Despite the present dominance of English, evidence from several sources suggests that its integration in European society is proceeding much more slowly & superficially than is often thought, & that it may never attain a unique status or gain access to nonnative cultural roots. Equally, traditional criticisms of Esperanto, eg, an alleged lack of expressivity or unacceptable cultural bias, rest on unfounded assumptions. In the short term, Esperanto's most serious handicap is its lack of material incentives & a captive market; in the longer term, however, the search for social equality on a European & world scale may favor Esperanto & other planned solutions rather than unplanned ethnic languages such as English. 24 References. AA

As a step towards a systematic comparative evaluation of the fairness of different language policies, a rationale is presented for the design of an index of linguistic justice based on public policy analysis. The approach taken is to define a 'minimum threshold of linguistic justice' with respect to government language policy in three domains: law and order, public administration, and essential services. A hypothetical situation of pure equality and freedom in the choice of language used by all members of society in communicating with the state is used as a theoretical benchmark to study the distributive effects of policy alternatives. Departures from this standard incur lower scores. Indicators are chosen to assess effective access to three kinds of language rights: toleration (the lack of state interference in private language choices), accommodation (accessibility of public services in different languages), and compensation (symbolic and practical recognition of languages outside the dominant one). In order to take account of the cost-benefit trade-offs involved in providing language-related goods to language groups of varying sizes, a method is adopted for weighting scores with respect to compensation rights so that lack of recognition for larger groups incurs greater penalties, while factoring in the particular characteristics of each language-related good. A trial set of ten indicators illustrates the compromises entailed in balancing theoretical rigour with empirical feasibility.