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Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Introduction: The Rage of Replacement -- Chapter 1. "You Will Not Replace Us": The Melancholic Nationalism of Whiteness -- Chapter 2. The Catastrophist Vision of the Far Right: Race War, Crisis, and Violence -- Chapter 3. Metapolitics and Demographic Fear: The New Right's "War of Ideas" -- Chapter 4. Visions of Escape: The Ethnostate and the Secessionist Dream of the Far Right -- Chapter 5. The Reproductive Politics of a "Nice, White Nation ": The Biopolitics of the Far Right -- Coda: The Spread of the Narrative and Its Civic Costs -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Index -- Author Biography.

Introduction: Critical reflections on the aestheticization thesis -- Adorno: aesthetic rescue and reparative justice -- Foucault: arts of the self, questions of the common -- A machine of vision: Rancière and the politics of sensibility -- Bringing the threads together: toward an aesthetics of democratic agency

La Economía Circular, tal y como se recoge con mayor frecuencia en las políticas urbanas, gubernamentales y en el debate científico, suele presentarse como transformadora, pero es reformista en el mejor de los casos. En realidad, la Economía Circular es tan seductora exactamente porque promete la reducción del impacto ambiental sin cuestionar los fundamentos culturales e institucionales de la economía tal y como las conocemos. En este breve artículo, desvelo las trampas medioambientales, socioeconómicas y de gestión de la Economía Circular, y concluyo sugiriendo tres áreas de intervención para abordarlas: combatir seriamente la actividad ilícita e ilegal en sectores clave y en lo que respecta a la mano de obra, dar más importancia a los principios de retención de valor de rechazar, reducir y reutilizar, y entablar un debate político serio y democrático sobre el camino hacia el que debe encaminarse una Economía Circular.

The recent politics of demographic anxiety has been shaped by an influential New Right argument: a) that Western nations are experiencing an immigration crisis that threatens their cultural integrity (i.e., a "Great Replacement"), and b) that this crisis is fueled by the egalitarian commitments of liberalism. Accordingly, in this essay I engage core figures of the New Right to pursue two lines of analysis. At one level, I interrogate the asserted connection between egalitarian ideals and the demographic shifts associated with globalization. In doing so, I take on the "metapolitics" of the New Right. This "metapolitical" project does not simply diagnose the roots of population change; instead, it transforms shared normative languages in order to pursue ethnonationalist and ethnopopulist aims. My overriding argument is that this "Gramscianism of the Right" (whether pursued by the New Right or its identitarian allies across Europe and North America) does not simply turn liberal normative vocabularies toward antiliberal objectives. Rather, this metapolitical strategy ultimately hollows out the normative substance of the terms it takes over, with deleterious consequences for a democratic public.

This article addresses recent strains of white nationalism rooted within anxieties over demographic replacement (e.g., "the Great Replacement"). More broadly, the article argues that the contemporary politics of white grievance cannot be reduced to an ahistorical desire for racial supremacy. Rather, these anxieties represent the political reflex to perceptions of loss on the part of historical white majorities—a loss that takes a distinctly melancholic form in both discourse and practice. To understand white nationalism as a melancholic politics is to recognize the pathologies that stem from its underlying psychodynamics. At the affectual level, for instance, the subject of white grievance is constituted as the subject of politicized rage through its organizing narratives. And ultimately, the politics of melancholic whiteness raises significant challenges for a democratic polity. Most fundamentally, the melancholic fixation upon loss forecloses the futurity required by a democratic politics. Upon diagnosing these destructive pathologies, the article goes on to propose alternatives to approach civic change in less destructive, more democratically generative fashion.

The peace agreement of 2016 was received with substantial indifference by a large part of the Colombian population. This article suggests that the aforementioned indifference is related to rooted fractures in the Colombian Society. Four thesis against indifference are put as follows: (i) the limitations of the peace agreement do not alter its potential for change; (ii) pressure from the civil society and the public can hold those in power accountable for the realisation of the peace agreement; (iii) the civil society and the public can appropriate the peace process and have a positive incidence in the peacebuilding; (iv) peacebuilding is the opportunity of not only to build peace, but also to newly shape a more diverse, inclusive, democratic, dignifying and environmentally-conscious Colombia. ; El acuerdo de paz del 2016 fue recibido con indiferencia por gran parte de la población colombiana, con ello en mente, el presente texto sugiere que la indiferencia tiene que ver con fracturas estructurales en la sociedad. Se presentan cuatro tesis contra la indiferencia: (a) las limitaciones del acuerdo de paz no eliminan su potencial de generar cambio; (b) la presión de la sociedad civil puede responsabilizar a los que están en poder por la realización del acuerdo de paz; (c) la sociedad civil puede apropiarse del proceso de paz e influir en su construcción; (d) la construcción de la paz es una oportunidad para dar forma a un país más diverso, inclusivo, democrático, digno y ambientalmente consciente.