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In Italy, the right to be forgotten is framed by the Code on the protection of personal data. It is based on the respect of the rights and fundamental freedoms and the protection of human dignity, more specifically on the respect of discretion and the right to the protection of personal data. In addition, it entails the conformity of the processing of personal data based on criteria of proportionality to the aim, necessity and pertinence. The legal processing of personal data depends on the balance between conflicting rights and interests, allowing to determine what has inadequately been described as a right to be forgotten. In fact it corresponds to the requirement « not to alter internally or externally the intellectual, political, social religious, ideological, professional property » of an individual in a specific historical context.In their implementation of these provisions of the Code, the Italian courts have adopted a position bolder than that of the Court of Justice in Google Spain, since they do not simply require the data to be erased (or even better, the de-indexation of the links leading to them), but also require that the data be updated to reflect the truth. The aim is to enhance the right to information and simultaneously to protect personal data.The right to be forgotten was recently implemented in a specific context, concerning the acts of the Italian parliament. The two Chambers, on request of the Judicial Authority and the Data Protection Authority, have each adopted at the end of the year 2013 a specific regulation concerning the « procedures to be followed for personal data contained in parliamentary acts ». In both cases, the right to be forgotten may be exercised by reference to sensitive data, data concerning judicial proceedings, or data concerning minors, contained in all parliamentary acts except those of the investigation commissions. These instruments allow a certain degree of homogeneity between the procedures of the two Chambers, although significant differences remain, especially ...

This report examines the effects of Internet use on present functioning of political representation, and therefore on the role of political parties in the context of a supposed digital democracy. First of all, it will be analysed the huge potentiality of the Internet to strengthen the mechanisms of political representation, by facilitating knowledge, participation and control from citizens to public powers activities. Nevertheless, reference will be made even to the risks linked to intrinsic nature of the Web that could create the opposite effect of a corrupt interaction between political-institutional bodies and the so-called netizens. In particular, it will be analysed the present placement of the political parties on the Internet that, as shown in the case-study of the of Movimento 5 Stelle, tends to facilitate polarisation and the Balkanisation of ideas, rather than promote the achievement of the typical principles of a democracy 2.0: transparency, participation and cooperation. ; Un'indagine sul grado di incidenza dei nuovi media sul funzionamento attuale della rappresentanza politica, e quindi sul ruolo dei partiti nel contesto di una supposta democrazia digitale, impone due premesse di ordine generale, in cui si intrecciano elementi giuridici con altri di natura antropologica, sociologica e di comunicazione in senso stretto.Una prima premessa riguarda le caratteristiche intrinseche della rete e l'uso che di essa viene fatto da parte dell'ormai maggioranza dei cittadini/utenti.Al riguardo, in un noto saggio di Pippa Norris, si distingue tra Cyber-optimists e Cyber-pessimists, attraverso un'interessante analisi dei pro e dei contro dell'attività politica in rete. In chiave ottimistica, le enormi potenzialità offerte dal web possono sicuramente rafforzare i meccanismi di rappresentanza politica, agevolando la conoscenza, la partecipazione e il controllo da parte dei cittadini rispetto all'attività dei poteri pubblici. In chiave pessimistica, non si può, tuttavia, rimanere indifferenti rispetto ai rischi connessi alla natura intrinseca del web che possono generare l'effetto opposto di una inquinata interazione tra rappresentanti e rappresentati, ossia tra il corpo politico-istituzionale e il cd. popolo della rete.[1] P. Norris, Democratic divide? The impact of the Internet on Parliaments Worldwide, in: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/pnorris/Acrobat/apsa2000demdiv.pdf, 2000. ; Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu zbadanie, w jaki sposób dostęp do internetu w chwili obecnej wpływa na funkcjonowanie reprezentacji politycznej, czyli na rolę partii politycznych w tzw. demokracji cyfrowej. W komunikacie analizuje się ogromny potencjał zastosowania technologii informacyjno-telekomunikacyjnych, które mogą wzmocnić mechanizmy reprezentacji politycznej, ułatwiając obywatelom zdobycie wiedzy, aktywne uczestnictwo oraz sprawowanie kontroli nad działalnością władz publicznych. Z drugiej strony autor zwraca uwagę na zagrożenia związane z naturą Internetu, mogące przynosić odwrotny skutek w postaci nieuczciwych praktyk w relacjach między instytucjami politycznymi i tzw. netizens, czyli obywatelami sieci. Szczególną uwagę autor poświęca problemowi aktualnego pozycjonowania stron internetowych należącyh do partii politycznych, omówionemu na przykładzie Ruch Pięciu Gwiazd (Movimento 5 Stelle), który zamiast promować zasady demokracji 2.0, takie jak: przejrzystość, aktywne uczestnictwo i współpraca, sprzyja raczej zjawisku polaryzacji idei i tzw. cyberbałkanizacji.

This report examines the effects of Internet use on present functioning of political representation, and therefore on the role of political parties in the context of a supposed digital democracy. First of all, it will be analysed the huge potentiality of the Internet to strengthen the mechanisms of political representation, by facilitating knowledge, participation and control from citizens to public powers activities. Nevertheless, reference will be made even to the risks linked to intrinsic nature of the Web that could create the opposite effect of a corrupt interaction between political-institutional bodies and the so-called netizens. In particular, it will be analysed the present placement of the political parties on the Internet that, as shown in the case-study of the of Movimento 5 Stelle, tends to facilitate polarisation and the Balkanisation of ideas, rather than promote the achievement of the typical principles of a democracy 2.0: transparency, participation and cooperation. ; Un'indagine sul grado di incidenza dei nuovi media sul funzionamento attuale della rappresentanza politica, e quindi sul ruolo dei partiti nel contesto di una supposta democrazia digitale, impone due premesse di ordine generale, in cui si intrecciano elementi giuridici con altri di natura antropologica, sociologica e di comunicazione in senso stretto.Una prima premessa riguarda le caratteristiche intrinseche della rete e l'uso che di essa viene fatto da parte dell'ormai maggioranza dei cittadini/utenti.Al riguardo, in un noto saggio di Pippa Norris, si distingue tra Cyber-optimists e Cyber-pessimists, attraverso un'interessante analisi dei pro e dei contro dell'attività politica in rete. In chiave ottimistica, le enormi potenzialità offerte dal web possono sicuramente rafforzare i meccanismi di rappresentanza politica, agevolando la conoscenza, la partecipazione e il controllo da parte dei cittadini rispetto all'attività dei poteri pubblici. In chiave pessimistica, non si può, tuttavia, rimanere indifferenti rispetto ai rischi connessi alla natura intrinseca del web che possono generare l'effetto opposto di una inquinata interazione tra rappresentanti e rappresentati, ossia tra il corpo politico-istituzionale e il cd. popolo della rete.[1] P. Norris, Democratic divide? The impact of the Internet on Parliaments Worldwide, in: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/pnorris/Acrobat/apsa2000demdiv.pdf, 2000. ; Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu zbadanie, w jaki sposób dostęp do internetu w chwili obecnej wpływa na funkcjonowanie reprezentacji politycznej, czyli na rolę partii politycznych w tzw. demokracji cyfrowej. W komunikacie analizuje się ogromny potencjał zastosowania technologii informacyjno-telekomunikacyjnych, które mogą wzmocnić mechanizmy reprezentacji politycznej, ułatwiając obywatelom zdobycie wiedzy, aktywne uczestnictwo oraz sprawowanie kontroli nad działalnością władz publicznych. Z drugiej strony autor zwraca uwagę na zagrożenia związane z naturą Internetu, mogące przynosić odwrotny skutek w postaci nieuczciwych praktyk w relacjach między instytucjami politycznymi i tzw. netizens, czyli obywatelami sieci. Szczególną uwagę autor poświęca problemowi aktualnego pozycjonowania stron internetowych należącyh do partii politycznych, omówionemu na przykładzie Ruch Pięciu Gwiazd (Movimento 5 Stelle), który zamiast promować zasady demokracji 2.0, takie jak: przejrzystość, aktywne uczestnictwo i współpraca, sprzyja raczej zjawisku polaryzacji idei i tzw. cyberbałkanizacji.