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Intro -- Title Page -- INTRODUCTION -- THE ASIAN CENTURY -- PAPER EMPIRE -- SCIENTISTS AND ENGINEERS -- RESURRECT HENRY FORD -- PROGRESSIVE INSURANCE AUTOMOTIVE X PRIZE (PIAXP) -- SKUNK WORKS -- SET AMERICA FREE -- AMERICAN CENTURIONS -- ULTRALITE -- ULTRACAPACITORS -- CARS FOR THE MASSES -- SUPERCARS -- ENDGAME -- FUEL CELLS -- POSTSCRIPT: GOLDEN AGE of the AUTO -- GLOBAL WARMING or PERIODIC DOOMSDAY CRUSADE? -- CAP-AND-TRADE -- REFERENCES -- BOOK SUMMARY -- AUTHOR'S COVER BIO -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.

In 1879, Japan annexed the Ryūkyū Islands, dissolving the nominally independent Ryūkyū Kingdom and establishing Okinawa Prefecture. This helped inaugurate Imperial Japan'sexpansion beyond the historical naichi or "inner lands." It also set in motion a structural transformation of Okinawan society, marked by the end of tribute trade with China, the abolitionof a centuries-old status system, and the gradual modernization of the economy. This process was painful, pitting the interests of the traditional Okinawan elite against those of Japanese administrators, with Okinawan peasants and laborers caught in the middle. The epicenter of this process was the prefectural capital of Naha – and for many Okinawans, particularly working class women, the soul of Naha was its commercial theater. This dissertation approaches prewar Okinawan commercial theater both as an institution and as a space of experience and expression. Its main focus is vernacular musical drama or kageki, which was created by classical performing artists disenfranchised by the dissolution of the court. Musical dramas such as A Peony of the Deep Mountains (Okuyama no botan) and Iejima Romance (Iejima Handō-gwa) draw selectively on both courtly and popular traditions, fusing the poetic sophistication of kumiodori dance-drama with the mass appeal of folk song and dance. After introducing early modern courtly and popular performing arts, I trace the emergence of commercial theater as an effect of contradictory social forces set in motion by annexation. Cross-reading actors' memoirs and newspaper reviews with writings by period scholars such as Okinawan cultural historian Iha Fuyū and Japanese critical theorist Tosaka Jun, I situate commercial performance in its socioeconomic and ideological context. I then turn from a social scientific to a hermeneutic mode of critique, offering close readings of four influential musical dramas. Unlike coeval Okinawan elite literature, these dramas do not explicitly challenge the dominant order. I will argue, however, that by representing low-status female protagonists as self-constant and morally competent agents, they invite working class female spectators to reimagine the horizons of their social experience.

This paper explores a landmark production in the history of Asian intercultural theatre, Singaporean director Ong Keng Sen and Japanese playwright Kishida Rio's Lear (1997/1999). A lavish production underwritten by the Japan Foundation Asia Center, Lear helped establish Ong's "fiercely intercultural" aesthetic as an internationally recognisable brand (Peterson 2003: 81). It also drew critique as a symbolic apologia for neoliberal globalisation. The critical literature on Lear has yielded trenchant insights into the global political significance of intercultural performance. At the same time, however, it has tended to overshadow questions of the work's aesthetic specificity and local significance. This paper seeks to recuperate Lear's local meanings both as a text and as a uniquely Singaporean political allegory. In the paper's first section, I outline the play and its critique as late capitalist spectacle. In the following section, I bracket this critique and return to the texts at hand. Finally, I move back outward by tracing a Brechtian tension between Kishida's text, Ong's realisation, and the Singaporean state's "choreography" of racial, cultural and linguistic difference.

Chronic inflation in the U.S. is a post World War II phenomenon. Particularly puzzling is the period of accelerating inflation after 1964 and the rapid deceleration after 1981. Arguably, inflation was employed to solve certain problems of finance faced by political authorities benefiting from the expanding welfare state. Those solutionsdepend ed on certain deceptions of the public, however. In particular, successful vote maximization through redistributive politics required (1) taxing and raising taxes surreptitiously through inflation to hide the costs of the subsidies, (2) covert inflationary repudiation of much of the accumulating federal debt that was also being employed to hide the costs of redistribution, and (3) the successful use of inflation to reduce the disemployment effects of pro-union laws and income transfers. Accomplishing these things required accelerating inflation. Inflation stopped accomplishing its intended functions over the 1970s, however, because the public's expectations of inflation became more accurate despite its acceleration, and certain costs of inflation rose. Thus the marginal benefits of inflationary policy to the governmental partisans of the welfare state fell below the marginal political costs, making a lower inflation rate optimal. This endogenous theory of monetary policy and inflation behavior may be termed the "political neutralization hypothesis".