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Den Dulk reviews Trumping Religion: The New Christian Right, the Free Speech Clause, and the Courts by Steven P. Brown.

Any Ph.D. knows that developing a basic statement of dissertation
ideas rarely begins or ends with the formal proposal. In a sense
dissertators never stop "proposing." Throughout the process of data
gathering and writing, they must make sense of new ideas and
information, contend with theoretical and empirical dead ends,
address the suggestions (or demands!) of advisors and committees.
Nevertheless, the aspiring Ph.D. must start somewhere, and finding a
starting point depends on one's own aptitudes and interests and the
expectations of the scholars who will ultimately assess one's work.
All of these may vary widely.

AbstractHow does social identity shape Protestant attitudes about guns in the United States? Numerous studies show that religion shapes attitudes about guns, but the role of Protestantism in forming those attitudes is undertheorized and undertested. We draw from the extensive literature on religion-as-identity and the burgeoning literature of gun-ownership-as-identity to test the theory about the role of Protestant religion in cultivating a gun identity. We argue that for many Protestants, gun ownership has taken on the characteristics of a distinctive social identity, but that there are clear differences between different types of Protestants—notably, evangelicals and mainliners—that render the expansive category of "Protestant" largely irrelevant as an explanatory variable. While that finding might seem straightforward to scholars of religion and politics, the broad categorical approach—that is, treating "Protestant" as explanatory—has proven surprisingly durable in studies of gun ownership and attitudes about gun control. The analysis uses a recent Pew survey with batteries of questions about gun identity, gun policy, and religion. While this research note does not fully test why this relationship between Protestantism and gun identity exists, we do show that the relationship not only exists but also affects gun policy attitudes.

"The central argument of this volume is that the influence of religion on politics and policy in the United States is mediated by and through political institutions such as Congress, the presidency, the courts, and bureaucracy. The great 20th century social movements, such as Prohibition and the Civil Rights Movement for African Americans, were informed by religious values and interests brought into the public square. But those values and interests are channeled and re-shaped by the process of policy-making itself. Political institutions are not merely ciphers for religious impulses. They provide the rules and context under which religious and secular interests seek policy influence. In order to fully understand this dynamic, we must look to the political institutions that make, implement, and interpret policy. The volume elaborates on this process by highlighting individual institutions with each chapter"--

AbstractThe proliferation of school choice policies has expanded schooling options for parents. While this trend coincides with a decline in private school enrollment, it is unclear how these policies affect enrollment among various religious traditions and religiosity. We study the impact of religion and school choice initiatives on the decision to enroll in different types of private schools in this new era. We evaluate two concurrent theories on the role of religion in the enrollment trends of private schools. Religious school enrollment may be motivated by (1) the desire to transmit a religious social identity, or (2) the secular goods associated with religious-based education. Using state-level data, we test these two explanations by estimating fixed effects regression models predicting private school market shares between 1993–2011 among different religious groups. We find support for both theories, particularly for a robust private school market aided by school choice policies.

The American exceptionalism thesis holds that American political culture produces an unusually litigious society. The US Christian right has participated in litigation, especially in constitutional rights cases dealing with issues such as religious schools and abortion. However, since 1982 Canada has had a constitutional Charter of Rights and an increasingly active Christian right of its own. We compare data on Christian right involvement in education, abortion, and "right to die" (euthanasia, assisted suicide or mercy killing) cases at the Supreme Court level in both countries. Among North America's Christian conservatives, exceptionalism has eroded, but not disappeared. We employ interviews and data on religious interest groups to analyze the sources of legal mobilization, and find that it is a matter not just of political culture, but also resource mobilization, political opportunity structures, and religious worldviews.

Lawmaking in a separated system occurs through stages of development across institutions, & policy ideas change as they pass through these stages. But under what conditions will institutions interact? This article suggests that one explanation for Court-Congress interaction is the influence of organized groups. By mobilizing the law, groups serve as an organized "bridge" between the judicial & legislative arenas by providing information to both branches & thereby increasing inter-institutional communication. The study is based on analysis of two lawmaking sequences involving recent church-state controversies in which groups seek to expand or overturn a Supreme Court decision through legislation that is itself subsequently reviewed by the Court. 2 Tables, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.