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This article aims to show that Poland's foreign policy towards the Middle East is important, although not a priority in the pursuit of its interests. However, the significance of the Middle East in the Polish raison d'État has been increasing continuously and this trend will continue. Dilemmas related to the issue of military involvement in the region were among the most important for the Polish ruling class over the last three decades. Of equal importance were implications of the Arab Spring, the refugee crisis and the threats of lone wolf terrorist attacks. Also problematic was the position of Polish authorities regarding Iran, or rather the dilemmas connected with unthinking support for the United States in this matter, and the simultaneous cooling of relations with Tehran and the European Union's states. The policy towards the Middle East is a derivative of the Euro-Atlantic direction, which has been a matter of priority to Poland. Presenting Poland as a loyal ally as regards policy towards the Middle East is an outcome of Polish elites' endeavours to ensure security in Poland by strengthening the alliance with the USA and NATO, which are to constitute a security provider against the neo-imperial policy of Russia.

The army was the most significant beneficiary of the Arab Spring in Egypt. Hosni Mubarak was replaced by a more powerful dictator, General Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi. Under the rule of General as-Sisi and his army, there is no place for dialogue between the ruling elite and society, or for democratisation and building a civil society. President General as-Sisi won the elections but has no legitimacy to rule. The short- and medium-term perspective of changes looks very unfavourable. The remilitarisation of Egypt and military electoral authoritarianism will continue. Adherents of General as-Sisi argue that his authoritarian rule is necessary to stabilise the situation in the country and prevent jihad attacks on the Sinai Peninsula. Opposition groups are encouraged to endorse the president through large-scale projects such as the New Administrative Capital, which sets out to testify that Egypt is rising to the rank of a regional power under the rule of President as-Sisi.

The main aim of this article is to determine the leading interests and objectives, both articulated and unarticulated, in Joe Biden's Iran policy, as well as to present the determining factors which could lead to a potential reorientation of American policy towards this state. The article also aims to identify elements of continuity and change in Biden's Iran strategy as compared to the Trump administration. The main hypothesis of the article assumes that contrary to the Trump administration, Joe Biden has given priority to dialogue and diplomacy with Iran. However, the dialogue is not unconditional and does not constitute a sum of compromises on the part of the United States (U.S). The paper points that the objective of Joe Biden's administration is to introduce new accents through partial departure from the strategy pursued by the Trump administration focused on sustaining purposefully and deliberately hostile relations with Iran, intentionally presented as a backlash state, which allowed the U.S. to favour and strengthen its allies and Iran's adversaries in the Middle East – Israel and Saudi Arabia. The two leading goals in the new administration's policy towards Tehran are to persuade Iran's authorities to return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which would become a platform for negotiating a new nuclear agreement, and to stop Iran's support for Shia militias in Iraq and Syria. The key factor to determine the success or failure of such strategy is the victory of an ultraconservative candidate Ebrahim Raisi in the presidential election in 2021.

The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes.

The U.S. accession to the Second World War and indisputable victory initiated a new stage in the history of the United States. The country took a superpower position next to the USSR. The USA became the leading force of the democratic and capitalist world. During the Cold War, competing with the Soviet Union for influence in the global scale, the United States effectively spread its ideology, political system model, and value system. A number of determinants of an internal nature, both objective and subjective, influenced the shape of the foreign policy of the USA during the Cold War.

In both the 20th and the first two decades of the 21st century, Saudi Arabia has remained a strategic actor in the US foreign policy towards the Middle East. Relations between these countries can undoubtedly be called special. Multi‑faceted and complex connections have led the two countries to a state of symbiotic cooperation which, at the end of the second decade of the 21st century, seems to be impossible to change. The Donald Trump administration, despite the split into Saudi enthusiasts (supporters of strengthening the alliance with Riyadh) and Saudi realists (critics of thoughtless pro‑Saudi politics), undoubtedly has been strengthening the symbiotic cooperation with Saudi Arabia. What strengthens and determines the symbiotic cooperation is Iran, perceived by the US and Saudi Arabia as the greatest threat to the realization of their own interests in the Middle East.

The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes. Celem badawczym niniejszego artykułu jest dokonanie analizy determinant, które sprawiają, że Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku posiada i w perspektywie co najmniej średnioterminowej utrzyma pozycję mocarstwa regionalnego. Celem jest również analiza potencjalnej efektywności reform, które wprowadzają władze w Rijadzie, na rzecz zbudowania nowego, zmodyfikowanego wizerunku feudalnej monarchii, jaką jest Arabia Saudyjska, na rzecz reformującej się i oświeconej monarchii (aczkolwiek permanentnie absolutnej). Hipoteza postawiona w niniejszym artykule, brzmi następująco: Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane reformy w sferach ekonomicznej, politycznej i społecznej zmierza do zbudowania nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku królestwa. Reformy faktycznie zachodzą jednak tylko w płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej, co wynika z faktu, iż nie godzi to w podstawy prawa szariatu i zasady wahabizmu. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej, reformy mają tylko charakter fasadowy. Metody wykorzystane w artykule to analiza treści, analiza systemowa, jak również metoda komparatywna. Dokonane ustalenia: hipoteza postawiona na wstępie została pozytywnie zweryfikowana. Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane reformy zmierza do zbudowania nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku w społeczności międzynarodowej. Reformy w ramach Vision 2030 są rewolucyjne, ale faktycznie dokonują się tylko w sferze ekonomii. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej – zwłaszcza w materii przyznawania Saudyjkom kolejnych przywilejów i praw – mimo iż są niezwykle istotne, a nawet przełomowe i należy docenić sam fakt ich zaistnienia, to jednak mają charakter fasadowy i jedynie wizerunkowy, a ich implementacja napotyka nie tylko na opór części elit politycznych, radykalnych duchownych, ale również saudyjskiego społeczeństwa mentalnie nieprzygotowanego do takich zmian.

The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes. ; Celem badawczym niniejszego artykułu jest dokonanie analizy determinant, które sprawia­ją, że Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku posiada i w perspektywie co naj­mniej średnioterminowej utrzyma pozycję mocarstwa regionalnego. Celem jest również analiza potencjalnej efektywności reform, które wprowadzają władze w Rijadzie, na rzecz zbudowa­nia nowego, zmodyfikowanego wizerunku feudalnej monarchii, jaką jest Arabia Saudyjska, na rzecz reformującej się i oświeconej monarchii (aczkolwiek permanentnie absolutnej). Hipoteza postawiona w niniejszym artykule, brzmi następująco: Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej de­kady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane reformy w sferach ekonomicznej, politycznej i społecznej zmierza do zbudowa­nia nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku królestwa. Reformy faktycznie zachodzą jednak tylko w płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej, co wynika z faktu, iż nie godzi to w podstawy prawa szariatu i zasady wahabizmu. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej, reformy mają tylko charakter fasadowy. Metody wykorzystane w artykule to analiza treści, analiza systemo­wa, jak również metoda komparatywna. Dokonane ustalenia: hipoteza postawiona na wstępie została pozytywnie zweryfikowana. Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane re­formy zmierza do zbudowania nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku w społeczności międzynarodowej. Reformy w ramach Vision 2030 są rewolucyjne, ale faktycznie dokonują się tylko w sferze ekonomii. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej – zwłaszcza w materii przyznawania Saudyjkom kolejnych przywilejów i praw – mimo iż są niezwykle istotne, a na­wet przełomowe i należy docenić sam fakt ich zaistnienia, to jednak mają charakter fasadowy i jedynie wizerunkowy, a ich implementacja napotyka nie tylko na opór części elit politycznych, radykalnych duchownych, ale również saudyjskiego społeczeństwa mentalnie nieprzygotowa­nego do takich zmian.

The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes. ; Celem badawczym niniejszego artykułu jest dokonanie analizy determinant, które sprawia¬ją, że Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku posiada i w perspektywie co naj¬mniej średnioterminowej utrzyma pozycję mocarstwa regionalnego. Celem jest również analiza potencjalnej efektywności reform, które wprowadzają władze w Rijadzie, na rzecz zbudowa¬nia nowego, zmodyfikowanego wizerunku feudalnej monarchii, jaką jest Arabia Saudyjska, na rzecz reformującej się i oświeconej monarchii (aczkolwiek permanentnie absolutnej). Hipoteza postawiona w niniejszym artykule, brzmi następująco: Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej de-kady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane reformy w sferach ekonomicznej, politycznej i społecznej zmierza do zbudowa¬nia nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku królestwa. Reformy faktycznie zachodzą jednak tylko w płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej, co wynika z faktu, iż nie godzi to w podstawy prawa szariatu i zasady wahabizmu. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej, reformy mają tylko charakter fasadowy. Metody wykorzystane w artykule to analiza treści, analiza systemo¬wa, jak również metoda komparatywna. Dokonane ustalenia: hipoteza postawiona na wstępie została pozytywnie zweryfikowana. Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane re-formy zmierza do zbudowania nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku w społeczności międzynarodowej. Reformy w ramach Vision 2030 są rewolucyjne, ale faktycznie dokonują się tylko w sferze ekonomii. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej – zwłaszcza w materii przyznawania Saudyjkom kolejnych przywilejów i praw – mimo iż są niezwykle istotne, a na-wet przełomowe i należy docenić sam fakt ich zaistnienia, to jednak mają charakter fasadowy i jedynie wizerunkowy, a ich implementacja napotyka nie tylko na opór części elit politycznych, radykalnych duchownych, ale również saudyjskiego społeczeństwa mentalnie nieprzygotowa-nego do takich zmian.

The U.S. accession to the Second World War and indisputable victory initiated a new stage in the history of the United States. The country took a superpower position next to the USSR. The USA became the leading force of the democratic and capitalist world. During the Cold War, competing with the Soviet Union for influence in the global scale, the United States effectively spread its ideology, political system model, and value system. A number of determinants of an internal nature, both objective and subjective, influenced the shape of the foreign policy of the USA during the Cold War.

The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, confl icting areas both in the twentieth and the fi rst two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exemplifi ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East.

Bliski Wschód zajmuje kluczowe miejsce w polityce zagranicznej USA. Jest to region realizacji amerykańskich interesów, rywalizacji z innymi aktorami areny międzynarodowej, podejmowania działań na rzecz uczynienia z państw arabskich client states, umacniania zależności z państwami regionu a także wykorzystywania przez USA siły militarnej jako środka realizacji polityki zagranicznej (wojny w Zatoce Perskiej, zaangażowanie USA w Libii i Syrii, wojna z ISIS). Istotą bliskowschodniej polityki USA stała się pewnego rodzaju sinusoidalna zmienność w sięganiu po instrumenty charakterystyczne dla polityki soft i hard wilsonianism. O ile bowiem politykę prezydenta Baracka Obamy wobec Bliskiego Wschodu cechowało odejście od The New Crusade i War on Terrorism charakterystycznych dla George'a W. Busha, o tyle Donald Trump prezentuje strategię (brak strategii?) bezkompromisowości zgodnie z przyjętym w kampanii wyborczej hasłem Make America Great Again i podejmuje działania na rzecz stworzenia American World Order również na Bliskim Wschodzie. Słowa kluczowe: Bliski Wschód, USA, Donald Trump, Barack Obama ; The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, conflcting areas both in the twentieth and the fi rst two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exemplifi ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East. Key words: the Middle East, the United States of America, Barack Obama, Donald Trump

The presence of oil is a major distinguishing feature of the Middle East on a global scale. The countries of the region (especially the subregion of the Persian Gulf), which have oil at their disposal, influence the politics of superpowers, not only toward this part of the world. In the 20th century, oil became an effective instrument of politics toward countries which are the greatest consumers of oil, but are not self-sufficient in this respect. The first half of the 20th century was marked by competition for its largest resources and making the oil-producing countries dependent on policies of great oil concerns. It was also the time of the leading role of the oil cartel of "seven sisters". The second half of the 20th century brought a fundamental change in the balance of power in global and regional oil politics. It involved: a growing awareness among governments and societies in oil-exporting countries of how significant oil is as a tool of effective international politics, gradual nationalization of Western associations in control of oil exploration, a change in the formula of distribution of profits from oil exploration and import among oil associations and governments of the oil-producing countries in favor of the latter, and the foundation of OPEC as an effective subject comprising major oil-exporting countries. In the perception of the United States, providing the US with free access to oil resources in the Middle East when the bilateral agreement was binding and after its dissolution, became a primary goal of politics in this part of the world of successive American administrations. A factor permanently shaping the United States' politics in the Middle East was ensuring the US secure energy.

Despite Bahrain's small size, the country's inner political and religious configuration of powers as well as its geopolitical layout make it an area of special interest. At the same time, the existence of the above circumstances contributes to the perception of Bahrain as a field of rivalry, or even a proxy war, as was the case during the Arab Spring of 2011, between two key actors in the Persian Gulf, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the factors which influence the importance of Bahrain's position in the region is the fact that for decades the country has been ruled by a more influential Sunni minority, whereas Shia Bahrainis, who constitute majority of the population, are permanently discriminated by the government in Manama.