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Resumen: El trabajo revisa una postura favorable a la maternidad subrogada, similar a la que se formuló para avalar la legislación decimonónica sobre libertad de vientres de las mujeres esclavas. Para ello se analizan los hechos de un caso judicial; la caracterización sumaria de la esclavitud y las medidas que terminaron con su abolición; se profundiza en la declaración solemne sobre libertad de vientres, los intereses que protegió y los criterios que la fundaron; y se analiza la práctica reproductiva, el contexto social latinoamericano, la falta de autonomía de la gestante y su vinculación con el tráfico de niños; sobre esas bases, se concluye que la defensa basada en la libertad de la mujer de gestar para otros, resulta un oxímoron para garantizar la estabilidad de los contratos de gestación por sustitución y las situaciones abusivas asociadas a ellos. ; Abstract: This paper reviews a favorable position to surrogacy, similar to the one formulated to endorse the nineteenth–century legislation on freedom of the wombs of slave women. To this end, this paper analyzes the facts of a judicial case; a brief characterization of slavery and the measures that resolved its abolition. It delves into the solemn declaration of freedom of the bellies, the interests that it protected and the criteria that founded it. And, furthermore, this essay studies the reproductive practice, the Latin American social context, the lack of autonomy of the pregnant woman, and her connection with the trafficking of children. On these bases, it is concluded that the defense based on women`s freedom to gestate for others is an oxymoron to guarantee the stability of the surrogacy contracts and the abusive situations associated with them.

The paper analyzes through a genealogical discourse analysis how religion as a cultural practice escapes into the borders of state institutions. While most studies about secularization focus on institutional aspects, such approaches tend to link state secularist policies with cultural secularization. This essay argues that state promotion of religious institutional secularist policies needs to be rethought. The institutionalization of republicanism in Argentina exemplifies this problem. In order to shape a secular Argentinean citizen the government promoted an array of secularist policies (1860–1910). The article aims to problematize such linear historical account by showing how Catholic religious principles became part of the "secular" Argentinean citizen. In fact, religious connotations such as salvific narratives or dogmatic qualities were reenacted in seemingly secular state discursive spaces. Nowadays, several states are enacting secularist state policies to ban nonwestern religious manifestations from public spaces such as schools. In unraveling the Argentinean processes, the article aspires to highlight the impossibilities of banning religion from the narratives that shape the republican citizen. ; El ensayo analiza a partir de un análisis genealógico como la religión entendida como una práctica cultural escapa las estructuras instituciones del estado. Mientras numerosos estudios referidos a la construcción de ciudadanía focalizan en el estudio de prácticas institucionales, dichas aproximaciones no tienen en cuenta que la secularización institucional no equivale necesariamente a una secularización cultural. Por ello, considero oportuno repensar los límites de las políticas estatales de secularización. El caso de la institucionalización de republicanismo en Argentina ejemplifica los límites de la secularización institucional. Durante la formación del estado moderno el gobierno promulgo una serie de leyes con el objetivo de construir un ciudadano argentino "laico". El ensayo quiere problematizar esa narración lineal de la historia mostrando como principios religiosos católicos formaron parte de la construcción del ciudadano "secular" argentino. De hecho, narraciones religiosas como discursos salvíficos y cualidades dogmáticas resurgieron en espacios discursivos aparentemente seculares. Hoy en día, políticas de secularización están siendo promulgadas por estados para limitar manifestaciones religiosas—usualmente no occidentales—en espacios públicos como escuelas. A través del análisis de los procesos de secularización institucional en Argentina el ensayo aspira a señalar las imposibilidades y límites de las políticas que buscan eliminar la religión de las narrativas que construyen el ciudadano republicano. ; Este ensaio analisa a partir de uma análise genealógica como a religião entendida como uma prática cultural escapa as estruturas das instituições do estado. Embora inúmeros estudos relacionados com a construção da cidadania focalizaram nos estudo das práticas institucionais, tais abordagens não consideram que a secularização institucional não necessariamente equivale a uma secularização cultural. Por isso considero oportuno repensar os limites da política estadual de secularização. O caso da institucionalização do republicanismo na Argentina exemplifica os limites da secularização institucional. Durante a formação do governo do estado moderno promulgou uma série de leis que visam a construção de um cidadão argentino "leigo". O ensaio pretende problematizar a narrativa linear da história que mostra como os princípios religiosos católicos faziam parte da construção do cidadão argentino "secular". Na verdade, os discursos e narrativas religiosas como qualidades salvíficas dogmáticas aparentemente ressurgiu em espaços discursivos seculares. Hoje, as políticas de secularização estão sendo promulgadas pelos Estados para limitar expressões religiosas não-ocidentais, geralmente em espaços públicos, como escolas. Através da análise dos processos de secularização institucional Argentina o ensaio tem como objetivo apontar as impossibilidades e limites das políticas que visam eliminar a religião das narrativas que constroem o cidadão republicano.

Testing and inclusion are two global education policy agendas with seemingly divergent aims. While inclusion suggests that every student can make a valuable contribution to their learning environment, testing has the capacity to exclude those who do not attain the 'right' knowledge in the 'right' way. National policies of testing and inclusion therefore have implications for students' participation in education and, implicitly, their future citizenship. Drawing on data from national-, regional- and school-level policy document analysis and qualitative interviews with policymakers, school leaders, teachers and students, this background paper explores the testing and inclusion agendas in five national contexts: Argentina, China, Denmark, England (UK) and Israel. It is argued that testing and inclusion, in the context of wider political, socio-economic, geographical and cultural forces, have combined to marginalise particular groups of students in each national jurisdiction. Moreover, the inclusion agenda is challenged by: i) the more dominant testing agenda; ii) limited engagement with broader conceptual understandings of inclusion; and iii) insufficient financial investment. Although the Covid-19 pandemic exacerbated social and educational inequalities, students in certain contexts benefited from new approaches to learning. In light of the challenges and opportunities presented by the current health crisis, we conclude our paper with proposals for future policies of assessment and inclusion.

This article analyses how low-income schools and teacher education policies in Argentina describe the idealised "good" teacher. One of the crucial foundations of teacher leadership is related to teachers' professional abilities. This study aims to problematise the fragile discursive constructions of what counts as effective and good teaching in both low-income schools' actors and teacher education policy documents. As previous research has confirmed teacher ability is contextual and a highly controversial topic. How low-income school actors describe, interpret and enact good teaching might differ from national teaching policy guidelines and standards. This study attempts to address the following research questions. First, what factors do low-income school actors and Argentinean educational policies highlight regarding teachers' professional ability? Second, does a teacher's professional ability refer to teacher leadership? Finally, what are the implications of the gap between the perspectives of low-income schools and the official teaching policy for knowledge production and educational policy? The findings provide a framework to understand the current limited status of teacher leadership in Argentina. Through the historical normalist genesis of the Argentinean educational system that fostered homogenisation as a crucial technology of schooling, and an epistemological bias that deemed the low-income perspective as unscientific the article shed light on the status of teacher leadership. Finally, the research suggests bridges to foster dialogues between teaching policies and low-income schools.