Power, perception and foreign policymaking: US and EU responses to the rise of China
In: Routledge studies in foreign policy analysis
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In: Routledge studies in foreign policy analysis
In: Routledge Studies in Foreign Policy Analysis
"This book examines the changing dynamics of power in the international arena since the end of the Cold War. Brown engages in analysis of how the United States and the European Union have responded to the so-called rise of China through an examination of how policymakers' perceptions of China have changed over time and influenced their policy choices. This study undertakes rigorous analysis of how these perceptions have evolved between 1989 and 20092016, offering a comparative perspective on the similarities and differences between the policy discourse and behaviour within these two Western powers. Brown argues that 'China's rise' is a contested notion, with varied perceptions of how the implications of China's ascendancy have shaped policy preferences in ways that are inconsistent with concerns over the threat of an impending power-transition. Combining concepts and methods derived from IR and FPA, the book examines the linkages between great power politics and policymakers' competing interpretations of key international actors, and their influence upon foreign policies. The main objective of the study is to illuminate the different ways in which the US and the EU have responded to the rise of China through a close analysis of their decision-making processes and outcomes across a series of key encounters and events, including the transatlantic debate over the Eu's proposal to lift its China arms embargo (2003-2005).Undertaking qualitative analysis of the development of American and European policymakers' perceptions of China, this book will be of interest to graduates and scholars of post-Cold War international politics, Foreign Policy Analysis, policymaking, US-China relations and EU-China relations."--Provided by publisher.
In: Journal of transatlantic studies: the official publication of the Transatlantic Studies Association (TSA), Volume 20, Issue 2, p. 184-212
ISSN: 1754-1018
In: The China quarterly, Volume 252, p. 1001-1024
ISSN: 1468-2648
The European Union's position on "one China" has stood since the establishment of diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1975. As a union of distinct member states, the nature of the European Union's (EU) foreign policymaking complicates efforts to maintain coherent common positions. Its effective "one China policy" (and those of its member states) is no exception. In recent years, the edges of the bloc's long-standing policy have started to fray as the EU–PRC relationship has become more fraught and many member states have sought to deepen their effective, if "unofficial," engagement with Taiwan. I explore these changes to the EU's effective "one China policy" by employing a subsystems framework, starting from the position that the EU has foreign policies (rather than a singular policy) created through three subsystems. Through the Normative Power Europe lens, I explore the extent to which the actors pulling at these "threads" at the edges of the EU's policy are motivated by normative concerns. I argue that the "fraying" of the EU's "one China policy" is not the result of a conscious decision by the EU as a collective normative actor but stems from shifting preferences within the national and supranational subsystems. (China Q/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: European politics and society, Volume 21, Issue 1, p. 141-142
ISSN: 2374-5126
In: Journal of contemporary European research: JCER, Volume 7, Issue 1, p. 23-40
ISSN: 1815-347X
This article examines the debate that emerged in the European Union (EU) in late 2003 and ran to mid-2005 on the possibility of lifting the arms embargo imposed on the People's Republic of China (PRC) since June 1989. It seeks to offer a more nuanced explanation of the developments in the EU's arms embargo policy towards China than has been put forward in the existing literature to date, which makes assumptions about the motivations of certain actors. To do so, it examines how the perceptions of key policymakers in the EU and two of its Member States – France and the United Kingdom (UK) – influenced their positions in the debate. The article argues that an account focusing on the variation in perceptions between actors and consequently divergent policy preferences through close process-tracing of the development of the policy facilitates a more nuanced explanation of the proceedings of the debate.