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Abstract
Poverty is a complex phenomenon which has been the subject of research across the social sciences. There have been varying approaches to defining and measuring poverty, especially with regard to research focus. In economic and sociological research, the concept of subjective poverty, which is particularly interesting in terms of psychological research into poverty, represents an alternative to the predominant objective measures of poverty. This article reviews the approaches to poverty used in economic and sociological research, paying special regard to representative approaches to subjective poverty, including subjective poverty lines and outlines the aspects relevant to psychological research into poverty.

AbstractIn May 2017 in Ecuador, the government of Rafael Correa handed over the presidency after 10 years and several mandates. His administration established the redefinition of the constitutional bases: the buen vivir cultural development and policy approach with a new transformative educational policy that sought to contribute to inclusion, overcoming inequalities, and poverty. His government benefited from high oil and commodity prices and broad popular support. This research has set out to review the results of the official national survey ENEMDU completed in December 2017. With a descriptive, bivariate, and multidimensional quantitative data analysis, we sought to shed light on the correlations between subjective poverty associated with buen vivir, school conditions, and ICT access and use of the school population in 2017. Results indicate a critical flaw in the buen vivir policies that failed to achieve their most valued and declared objective with indigenous and rural populations.

This article provides an overview of different aspects of poverty in three Post-Soviet countries: Russia, Armenia and Georgia. It looks into the material situation of households and subjective and deprivation poverty. Source data are the findings of three population surveys, conducted in the considered countries in 2017. The analysis shows a significant level of material deprivation among the population in the studied countries. The most vulnerable categories are rural population, 65+, and families with three or more children. Households in Armenia and Georgia are more dependent on farming and financial aid from their relatives than Russian households. Although the level of material deprivation in Russia is significantly lower compared with Armenia and Georgia, the level of relative subjective poverty in Russia is notably higher. It is likely due to higher inequality, which may point at risks of social instability. This indicates the need for new government policies in Russia that would focus on social development and reduction of inequality and social exclusion

AbstractExisting scholarship indicates that subjective and objective poverty hardly overlap. This study contributes to our understanding of what different types of poverty mean by analysing the drivers of subjective poverty in Ukraine, whereby in 2018 71.8% of people self‐identified as poor despite the relative material deprivation measures estimating poverty to be around 30%. To understand the drivers of subjective poverty, the paper draws on 50 in‐depth semi‐structured interviews across low‐ and high‐income individuals, of which 38 self‐identified as poor. Data suggests that the self‐perception of being poor is driven by Ukraine's relative deprivation to other European countries, fears about the future due to vulnerability to shocks, and the perception of purposeful exclusion by the economic elite. In exploring these findings, the paper contributes to the works of literature on social status, social exclusion, relative deprivation, and populism.

Background: Previous research on the perceived causes of poverty has been carried out in the field of sociology (Strapcová, 2005) as well as social psychology (Nasser & Abouchedid, 2001). This research has looked at individuals' perceptions of the causes of poverty and the effect of various sociodemographic variables such as social class (Kluegel & Smith, 1981), income (Lever & Trejo, 2004), subjective assessment of one's economic situation (Strapcová, 2005), gender (Bullock, 1999), age (Niemelä, 2008), education (Hunt, 1996) and employment (Strapcová, 2005). The majority of these studies have been conducted on people who have not directly experienced poverty such as university students (Cozzarelli et al., 2001), middle-class people (Kluegel & Smith, 1981) and social workers (Bullock, 2004). Therefore, there have only been a few studies done on how poor people perceive the causes of poverty (Bullock, 1999; Davids & Gouws, 2013; Morçöl, 1997). Research goal: The present study has two objectives. The first one was to determine whether there are statistically significant differences in the individualistic, structural and fatalistic perceived causes of poverty between the objectively poor and objectively non-poor as well as between the subjectively poor and subjectively non-poor. Secondly, it was to identify the predictors of the individualistic, structural and fatalistic perceived causes of poverty among selected variables including gender, age, marital status, employment status, education, objective poverty and subjective poverty. It was hypothesized that the objectively poor would prefer less individualistic and more structural as well as fatalistic perceived causes of poverty in comparison with the objectively non-poor. It was also hypothesized that the subjectively poor in comparison with the subjectively non-poor would prefer less individualistic and more structural as well as fatalistic perceived causes of poverty. In addition, it was assumed that sociodemographic variables such as objective poverty, subjective poverty, gender, age, marital status, employment status and education would be significant predictors of the structural, fatalistic and individualistic perceived causes of poverty. In particular, it was hypothesized that objective poverty, subjective poverty, gender, and age would be confirmed as positive predictors of structural and fatalistic perceived causes of poverty while marital status, employment status and education would be confirmed as negative predictors. Within the individualistic perceived causes of poverty, it was hypothesized that marital status, employment status and education would be significant positive predictors while objective poverty, subjective poverty, gender and age would be significant negative predictors. Method: The research sample consisted of 150 respondents (77 men and 73 women) aged between 19 and 64 years old (M = 36.67; SD = 13.23). In terms of education, 17 participants stated that primary school had been their highest level of education, 31 participants stated that they had left secondary school without A level exam, 46 participants had left with A level exam and 56 participants had a university degree (15 of them had a Bachelor's degree, 39 participants had a Master's and 2 participants had a PhD). In terms of marital status, 73 participants were single, 8 cohabitated, 49 were married, 13 were divorced and 7 widowed. With regards to employment status, 79 participants were full-time employed, 11 worked part-time, 27 were unemployed, 7 were retired, 6 were on sick/disability leave invalid retirees and 20 respondents reported their employment status as "other" (9 of them were self-employed, 9 were students and 2 were on maternity leave). The data were dichotomized into groups according to age (19-25, 26-45, and 46-64 years old), according to relationship status (those not in a relationship and those who are), groups with lower and higher educational attainment and groups of non-working and working participants. For the data collection, occasional sampling was conducted in seven charitable organizations in the regions of Prešov, Košice, and Banská Bystrica in Slovakia. In addition, voluntary response sampling was used through an online survey. In order to assess the perceived causes of poverty, the Attributions for Poverty questionnaire (Bullock et al., 2003) was used. The subjective assessment of poverty was measured by the question "In your economic situation, is it possible to make ends meet?" (Nygård et al., 2017). The equivalent disposable household income of each respondent was calculated as an indicator of objective poverty. The research data were analysed in the statistical program IBM SPSS Statistics. Both a Welch t-test and Mann-Whitney U test were used to verify the first goal of the study. For the second goal, a multiple hierarchical linear regression analysis stepwise method was used. Results: There were statistically significant differences found in the structural as well as fatalistic perceived causes of poverty between the objectively poor and objectively non-poor as well as between the subjectively poor and subjectively non-poor. The objectively poor and subjectively poor were found to have higher scores in both the structural and fatalistic perceived causes of poverty in comparison with the objectively non-poor and subjectively non-poor. There were no statistically significant differences found between the objectively poor and objectively non-poor nor between the subjectively poor and subjectively non-poor in the individualistic perceived causes of poverty. The results of the regression analysis showed that when the 9 predictors were inputted in three blocks (1. gender, age-3 groups, marital status, 2. education, employment status, 3. objective poverty, subjective poverty), none of them appeared to be significant in terms of the individualistic perceived causes of poverty. For the structural as well as fatalistic perceived causes of poverty only one of the input predictors was shown to be positively significant. Subjective poverty was found to explain 4.2% of the variance in structural and 8.3% in the fatalistic perceived causes of poverty. Conclusion: The findings provide insight into the widely up to now unexplored issue of perceived causes of poverty in Slovakia. Future research on the perceived causes of poverty among the poor could focus on self-assignment of the participant to either the group of the poor or non-poor, distinguish between one's own poverty and the poverty of others and include other variables such as ethnicity, religion, belief in a just world as well as life satisfaction.

AbstractSince a peace treaty in 2016, Colombia has faced a significant challenge to reduce poverty and strengthen its institutions. A few studies have analyzed the relationship between institutions and subjective poverty, but none has demonstrated this influence in the Colombian context at a municipal level. This article estimated a logit regression including a cluster effect to evidence the influence of municipal institutions over perceptions of poverty by the inhabitants of twelve main cities in Colombia in 2016. Findings include that having a better rule of law and fiscal performance, reducing political fragmentation to have better governance, guaranteeing property rights, fostering the benefits of metropolitan areas, and improving citizen participation reduce the probability of feeling poor.

AbstractFor the first time, subjective poverty line methodology is applied to China. The data refer to 12 cities for the year 1999. A major conclusion is that poverty counts, based on the subjective poverty line, is surprisingly close to those obtained when applying the methodology used when providing official estimates on poverty in urban China. However, the opinions of the general public can differ considerably across cities. Applying the poverty line we find substantial variation across cities in the extent of poverty. Poverty status in urban China is very much related to education level of the household, to life cycle, as well as to labour market status. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This note analyses the impact of remittances on subjective poverty in the Latakia region in Syria. By using an online survey, results suggest that people who receive remittances are less likely to be significantly exposed to subjective poverty. Remittances have a meaningful effect on the well-being of the households receiving them despite an acute economic and political crisis.