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The international community has embraced an unprecedented approach to collapsed states — those that have lost their capacity to perform even the most basic functions. While historically such states simply disappeared, divided up into smaller units or were conquered by a more powerful neighbour, collapsed states are now expected to be rebuilt within the same international borders thanks to the intervention of multilateral organizations and bilateral donors. Furthermore, there is now the expectation that these states will from the very beginning be rebuilt as democracies with strong institutions. This article examines the model of state reconstruction currently adopted by the international community and some examples of its implementation. It concludes that the approach cannot be applied to all countries, that institution–building is often undertaken prematurely, and that there is a discrepancy between the donors' prescriptions and the resources they are willing to make available.

Vol. for 1914 covers the period from Apr. 1, 1913 to Nov. 30, 1914. ; Report years end Nov. 30. ; Mode of access: Internet.

""Contents""; ""Acknowledgments""; ""1. Introduction""; ""2. Borrowers, Investors, and National Institutions""; ""3. Domestic Policy, State Institutions, and Financial Globalization""; ""4. Global Capital Markets and the Command Economies""; ""5. Sinking or Swimming in a Global Capital Pool""; ""6. Risk, Uncertainty, and Borrowing in Global Capital Markets""; ""7. Political Contributions to Risk, Uncertainty, and Borrowing""; ""8. Conclusion""; ""Appendixes""; ""A. Filling in the Gaps""; ""B. Data Appendix""; ""Notes""; ""Bibliography""; ""Author Index""; ""Subject Index

The political conflicts during the Workers' Party administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff have been driven by disputes between two fractions of the country's bourgeoisie: the internal and the internationalized bourgeoisie. Their ideologies, policies, institutions, and forms of political representation have determined government policies and outcomes. These processes have unfolded within an authoritarian democracy whose structures have not been challenged by the party. The party's limited power and continuing timidity have produced an aggressive reaction by the internationalized bourgeoisie and the upper middle class, leading to a severe crisis in the administration of President Dilma Rousseff.

The political conflicts during the Workers' Party administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff have been driven by disputes between two fractions of the country's bourgeoisie: the internal and the internationalized bourgeoisie. Their ideologies, policies, institutions, and forms of political representation have determined government policies and outcomes. These processes have unfolded within an authoritarian democracy whose structures have not been challenged by the party. The party's limited power and continuing timidity have produced an aggressive reaction by the internationalized bourgeoisie and the upper middle class, leading to a severe crisis in the administration of President Dilma Rousseff. Durante os dois governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), chefiados por Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e por Dilma Rousseff, os conflitos políticos têm sido conflagrados por disputas entre duas facções burguesas do país: a burguesia interna e a burguesia internacionalizada. Suas respectivas formas de representações políticas, ideologias, programas, bem como instituições têm determinado políticas governamentais e seus resultados. Esses processos evoluíram em uma democracia autoritária, cujas estruturas não foram contestadas pelo PT. A timidez contínua e o poder limitado do partido têm produzido uma reação agressiva por parte da burguesia internacionalizada e da classe média alta, levando a uma crise severa na administração da Presidente Dilma Rousseff.

Miller shows how government institutions changed the meaning of American citizenship during the World War II era. He considers the state's role in creating concepts of citizenship and subjectivity by analyzing the application within military and educational institutions of systems of discipline associated with Frederick W. Taylor and scientific management.||Miller also explores a neglected aspect of Michel Foucault's concerns about citizenship and subjectivity when examining the power of institutions and bureaucracies in creating and precluding political identities. Of particular interest to s

Governments and educators are digging more deeply into the question of how to make Third World classrooms more stimulating settings in which to learn. Interventions emphasize making more complex the skills of teachers and the social organization of classrooms. But are fragile political institutions and education agencies equipped to move teachers toward more complex, more invigorating forms of instruction?