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Annotation Some semi-public, exclusive male settings, most noticeably in the military, encourage the production of intimacy and desire. Yet whereas in most instances this desire is displaced through humor and aggressive gestures, it becomes acknowledged and outright declared once associated with sites of heroic death. In his provocative study of interrelations between friendship in everyday life and national sentiments in Israel, the author follows selected stories of friendship ranging over early childhood, school, the workplace, and some unique war experiences. He explores the symbolism of friendship in rituals for the fallen soldiers, the commemoration of Prime Minister Yzhak Rabin, and the national infatuation with recovering bodies of missing soldiers. He concludes that the Israeli case offers an extreme instance of a much broader cultural phenomenon: declaring the friendship for the dead epitomizes the political "blood pact" between men, taking precedence over the traditional blood ties of kinship and heterosexual unions. The book underscores nationalism as a homosocial-based emotion of commemorative desire

Evolving Nationalism examines how the idea of Israel as a nation-state has developed within Zionist and Israeli discourse over the past eight decades. Nadav G. Shelef focuses on the changing ways in which the main nationalist movements answered three distinct questions in their private and public ideological articulations between 1925 and 2005: Where is the "Land of Israel"? Who ought to be Israeli? What should the Zionist national mission be?Framed within broader debates about how and why changes in foundational definitions of the nation occur, Shelef's analysis centers on the mechanisms of ideological change and then subjects them to empirical scrutiny. He thus moves beyond the common but problematic assumptions that such transformations must be either a rare, rational adaptation to traumatic shock or a relatively constant product of manipulation by power-hungry elites. He finds that nationalist movements, including radical and religious fundamentalist ones, can and do change cardinal components of their ideological beliefs in both moderating and radicalizing directions.These changes have more to do with the unguided consequences of engagement in day-to-day politics than with strategic reaction to new realities, the use of force, or the changing incentives of leaders. Engaging with some of the most contentious debates about the nature of Israeli nationalism and the geographic, religious, and ethnic definition of the state of Israel, Shelef has made signal contributions to our understanding of Middle East politics and of the ideological underpinnings of nationalism itself

Describes the second Intifada of Palestinians against Israel; argues that the Middle East peace process gradually broke down following assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzak Rabin. Summaries in English p. 473 and Spanish p. 487. Violence beginning Sept. 29, 2000 following visit of Israeli Likud leader Ariel Sharon to the Temple Mount and Al-Aqsa Mosque, Israeli response, and riots in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Arab areas within Israel.

Arrivée au pouvoir pour la première fois en 1977, l'extrême droite israélienne est devenue hégémonique, politiquement et sociologiquement. Le colonialisme, le nationalisme et le militarisme ont favorisé cette ascension. Malgré ses divisions, l'extrême droite a su conquérir majoritairement les Juifs orientaux, les religieux, les militaires, les Russes… Sous sa férule, les différents gouvernements israéliens s'acharnent à détruire la société palestinienne. Les barrières morales se sont écroulées et, sans sanctions internationales, cette politique violente et raciste va perdurer.

Résumé Cet article montre que le conflit violent et durable entretenu par Israël avec ses voisins arabes pèse de façon décisive sur les rapports de genre. Aux yeux de nombreux juifs israéliens, il s'agit là d'une lutte pour la survie de l'État juif, qui a éclipsé la plupart des autres questions d'ordre civil et social — telles que l'égalité des sexes et les droits des femmes — jugées 'secondaires' par comparaison. D'où la perpétuation de pratiques discriminatoires, voire la sujétion ouverte des femmes en Israël. L'article porte plus spécifiquement sur la question du mariage et du divorce, prise comme un révélateur. Elle met en lumière le rôle que les mouvements féministes — religieux juif, d'une part, et arabo-palestinien, d'autre part — ont joué dans la réforme du droit de la famille.

Israel at Fifty: Two Nationalisms, by Maurice Kriegel
After 1973, messianic religious Zionists felt themselves to be the vanguard of Zionism, and their influence grew, as Labor leaders in Israël were impressed by the commitment of the messianic activists to "pioneer" values. Messianic enthusiasm receded in the 1980s, and as secular values increasingly permeated Israeli society, Zionist and non-Zionist Orthodox became reconciled and joined forces to resist the secularizing trend, under the banner of neo-traditionalism. On the opposite side, a coalition of the forces that favor the current secularization of Israeli society focuses on citizenship as the core of nationality and invokes a voluntaristic définition of identity. The decisions in "foreign" policy will corne as a consequence of a fundamental choice between the two competing types of nationalism.

Mass communication has long been recognized as an important contributor to national identity and nation building. This book examines the relationship between media and nationalism in Israel, arguing that, in comparison to other countries, the Israeli case is unique. It explores the roots and evolution of newspapers, journalism, radio, television, and the debut of the Internet on both the cultural and the institutional levels, and examines milestones in the socio-political development of Hebrew and Israeli mass communication. In evaluating the technological changes in the media, the book shows

Considérant la façon dont des juifs israéliens de diverses communautés ont dû faire face à l'histoire de la dépossession palestinienne au cours de la guerre de 1948-1949, cet article traite de la manière dont cette histoire affecte les choses ayant appartenu aux Palestiniens et propose un changement de perspective en mettant l'accent non plus sur la dépossession mais sur la re-possession . Il s'agit de prendre au sérieux les modalités selon lesquelles, une fois appropriées, les choses palestiniennes prennent sens à l'intérieur de la matrice politique israélienne ; il s'agit également de savoir comment les mémoires israéliennes réussissent ou échouent à s'attacher à ces choses ; il s'agit enfin de se demander ce que de tels processus ont à nous dire sur le nationalisme israélien de colonisation et ses techniques quotidiennes.

"Violence and war have raged between Zionists and Palestinians for over a century, ever since Zionists, trying to establish a nation-state in Palestine, were forced to confront the fact that the country was already populated. Covering every conflict in Israel's history, War over Peace reveals that Israeli nationalism was born ethnic and militaristic and has embraced these characteristics to this day. In his sweeping and original synthesis, Uri Ben-Eliezer shows that this militaristic nationalism systematically drives Israel to solve its national problems by military means, based on the idea that the homeland is sacred and the territory is indivisible. When Israelis opposed to this ideology brought about change during a period that led to the Oslo Accords in the 1990s, cultural and political forces, reinforced by religious and messianic elements, prevented the implementation of the agreements, which brought violence back in the form of "new wars." War over Peace is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the role of ethnic nationalism and militarism in Israel as well as throughout the world"--Provided by publisher

The question of nationalism centres around the political, social, and cultural ways by which the concept and practice of a nation is constructed, and what it means to its various bearers. This book examines the issue of Jewish-Israeli nationalism, combining a sociological study of national culture with a detailed analysis of Israeli national discourse. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, the author explores the categories of thought that constitute the Jewish-Israeli "nation" as an historical entity, as a social reality and as a communal identity. Unravelling the ways in which Israeli nationhood, society and identity had been assumed as immutable, monolithic and closely bound objects by Zionist ideology and scholarship, he then explores how in modern times such approaches have become subject to an array of critical discourses, both in the academic disciplines of history, sociology and cultural studies, and also in the wider sphere of Israeli identity discourse. This unique study of the issue of Jewish-Israeli nationalism will be of great interest to students and scholars of Israeli Studies, Middle East Studies and Jewish History, as well as those working in the fields of Sociology, Political Science, History and Cultural Studies with an interest in nationalism, citizenship, social theory and historiography

Résumé Il n'existe pas de féminisme arabe organisé et institutionnalisé en Israël. L'ensemble des différentes organisations et groupes de femmes palestiniennes qui se sont pour la plupart développés à la fin des années 1980 constituent un espace divers et varié de mobilisation sociale et/ou politique. Cette complexité est intéressante à étudier sous l'angle théorique du rapport genre/nation pour mettre en perspective les mobilisations féminines et les différents courants idéologiques en lutte aujourd'hui au Proche Orient. Nationalisme palestinien, mouvement islamique et organisations internationales de développement sont autant d'acteurs actifs et compétitifs qui jouent de la rhétorique du genre. Au-delà des postures idéologiques ce sont aussi des statuts et des droits citoyens que les femmes palestiniennes réclament en Israël et tentent d'articuler à leur lutte nationale. L'objectif est donc de mettre en perspective les représentations de genre, les rôles/fonctions assignés aux femmes et les formes de mobilisation féminine qui peuvent en découler.

Dans le contexte israélien, où le point de vue palestinien est souvent négligé et la langue arabe est réduite à un niveau précaire de vitalité ethnolinguistique, l'action de contraste commencée par le Mouvement Islamique dans le domaine éducatif se révèle particulièrement intéressante. En fait, au-delà des résultats obtenus sur le plan pratique, par le rapprochement de la population à son histoire et à sa culture d'origine, l'action du Mouvement a contribué à rapprocher le nationalisme palestinien, historiquement représente par la laïque OLP, à l'Islam politique.