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Over the past 20 years, due to the efforts of the European Union and other donors, there has been an undeniable progress in the field of women's rights in Afghan society. The National Action Plan for Women in Afghanistan 2008-2020 and most recently the National Strategy for Combating Violence Against Women have been developed with the aim of improving the situation of Afghan women and ensuring gender equality with several support programs. Some of the international aid organizations in this area promote the largest women's empowerment programs in Afghanistan since the establishment of USAID, GIZ / Role of Law, UN, UNICEF. The focus of this research is on the effectiveness of the EU's assistance to gender equality and women empowerment in Afghanistan. The purpose of the research is to contribute to better understanding of the EU's presence and support in a very complex environment with a number of challenges in the field of democracy, rule of law, fundamental rights and freedoms. The main research questions are: What are the main characteristics of the EU's assistance to promoting women rights in Afghanistan? What factors influence the effectiveness of the EU's support to the gender equality and women empowerment in Afghanistan? It is claimed that due to the complexity of the environment and many difficult security, cultural and other challenges, the EU's assistance has been only partially effective. The methodology of the research will rely on the qualitative analysis of the extensive secondary literature, official EU publications, studies of international organizations, independent CSOs and think-tanks, as well as various scientific articles. This thesis has demonstrated that the major factors undermining the effectiveness of the EU's support to Afghanistan have been the corruption, the lack of capacities of government bodies, the insufficient capacities of local civil society organizations, lack of donor coordination, as well as security threats. Due to these challenges, EU's assistance has been only partially ...

Over the past 20 years, due to the efforts of the European Union and other donors, there has been an undeniable progress in the field of women's rights in Afghan society. The National Action Plan for Women in Afghanistan 2008-2020 and most recently the National Strategy for Combating Violence Against Women have been developed with the aim of improving the situation of Afghan women and ensuring gender equality with several support programs. Some of the international aid organizations in this area promote the largest women's empowerment programs in Afghanistan since the establishment of USAID, GIZ / Role of Law, UN, UNICEF. The focus of this research is on the effectiveness of the EU's assistance to gender equality and women empowerment in Afghanistan. The purpose of the research is to contribute to better understanding of the EU's presence and support in a very complex environment with a number of challenges in the field of democracy, rule of law, fundamental rights and freedoms. The main research questions are: What are the main characteristics of the EU's assistance to promoting women rights in Afghanistan? What factors influence the effectiveness of the EU's support to the gender equality and women empowerment in Afghanistan? It is claimed that due to the complexity of the environment and many difficult security, cultural and other challenges, the EU's assistance has been only partially effective. The methodology of the research will rely on the qualitative analysis of the extensive secondary literature, official EU publications, studies of international organizations, independent CSOs and think-tanks, as well as various scientific articles. This thesis has demonstrated that the major factors undermining the effectiveness of the EU's support to Afghanistan have been the corruption, the lack of capacities of government bodies, the insufficient capacities of local civil society organizations, lack of donor coordination, as well as security threats. Due to these challenges, EU's assistance has been only partially ...

In 2017, the Government of the Republic of Croatia published the "Action Plan for the Integration of Persons Granted International Protection for the Period from 2017 to 2019" in response to the increased number of requests for international protection (Government of the Republic of Croatia, 2017). Although Croatia does not have an immigration tradition, and thus no detailed strategy for the integration of new citizens, this term has become frequently used in public space and media. This paper focuses on the integration of persons under international protection in Croatian society. Therefore, it is important to begin by defining the term integration itself. There are different definitions of integration, depending on the area of analysis, so some authors like Carens (2013) separate the terms integration and inclusion. For example, Parekh (2000) defines integration as a process of inclusion in society, where both new citizens and the domicile population need to adapt, while Carens (2013) views inclusion as a process in which migrants and refugees retain their cultural roots while adaptation to the host country. Nevertheless, Carens notes that "full inclusion requires the mutual adjustment of both parties, citizens of immigrant origin and citizens who do not have an immigrant origin" (Carens, 2013: 14). It is also important to distinguish the term "migrant" from the term "refugee". According to Carens (2013), refugees are those who are forced to leave their countries for a variety of reasons, from political to environmental reasons. On the other hand, the term "migrants" is often used in the context of those who have independently decided to leave their country of origin in search of a better life. Thus, Carens associates this category with temporary workers (Carens, 2013: 10). This paper is closely related to refugees who have received international protection in Croatia. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the experience of the process of integration of persons under international protection into Croatian ...

In 2017, the Government of the Republic of Croatia published the "Action Plan for the Integration of Persons Granted International Protection for the Period from 2017 to 2019" in response to the increased number of requests for international protection (Government of the Republic of Croatia, 2017). Although Croatia does not have an immigration tradition, and thus no detailed strategy for the integration of new citizens, this term has become frequently used in public space and media. This paper focuses on the integration of persons under international protection in Croatian society. Therefore, it is important to begin by defining the term integration itself. There are different definitions of integration, depending on the area of analysis, so some authors like Carens (2013) separate the terms integration and inclusion. For example, Parekh (2000) defines integration as a process of inclusion in society, where both new citizens and the domicile population need to adapt, while Carens (2013) views inclusion as a process in which migrants and refugees retain their cultural roots while adaptation to the host country. Nevertheless, Carens notes that "full inclusion requires the mutual adjustment of both parties, citizens of immigrant origin and citizens who do not have an immigrant origin" (Carens, 2013: 14). It is also important to distinguish the term "migrant" from the term "refugee". According to Carens (2013), refugees are those who are forced to leave their countries for a variety of reasons, from political to environmental reasons. On the other hand, the term "migrants" is often used in the context of those who have independently decided to leave their country of origin in search of a better life. Thus, Carens associates this category with temporary workers (Carens, 2013: 10). This paper is closely related to refugees who have received international protection in Croatia. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the experience of the process of integration of persons under international protection into Croatian ...

The core of this thesis studies adverse effects of cartels on the functioning of the internal market of the European Union (EU). To understand the topic in its entirety, the paper firstly apprehends the nature of cartels, their definition, features, and modus operandi. By focusing explicitly on cartel regulation as a distinctive and significant part of competition law, the succeeding section presents the European Commission and national competition authorities, as the main enforcement bodies of the cartel prohibition, as well as the leniency programme and whistleblower-tool, innovative mechanisms employed to fight cartels. Once the enforcement mechanisms have been examined, the paper turns to adverse effects of such prohibited practices on the internal market, including on consumers and other businesses, namely in terms of production, prices, quality, market subdivision and competition. the paper turns. Cases presented should indicate a variety of the adverse effects that cartels have on the internal market of the EU. Additionally, towards the end, the paper provides an overview of Articles 34 TFEU, which prohibits the imposition of quantitative restrictions or equivalent measures on intra-EU imports, and Article 101 TFEU, which, in short, prohibits cartels. The purpose of this comparison is to highlight the similarities and differences between the two articles.

Kako je tema ideologije europskih stranki populističke i radikalne desnice u literaturi vrlo opširna, u radu se pokušava kroz analizu diskursa i programa istražiti moguća povezanost fašizma i radikalne i ekstremne desnice; na koji način i ako uopće, desne organizacije i stranke rehabilitiraju fašističke ideje. Kratkom uvodu u kojemu se objašnjava cilj istraživanja, slijedi teorijsko-konceptualni okvir u kojem se najprije definiraju pojedini važni pojmovi – ideologija fašizma i današnje desnice pa onda i razlikovanje ekstremne i radikalne desnice. Drugi se dio okvira odnosi na prikazivanje veza različitih europskih ekstremnih i radikalnih stranaka i grupacija s fašizmom. Na primjeru nekoliko europskih stranaka utvrđeno je kako postoji razlika između ekstremnih i radikalnih organizacija iako nije uvijek moguće točno odrediti granicu budući da nerijetko takve stranke prilagođavaju ideologiju u skladu s vremenom kako bi osvojile vlast. Nakon glavnoga dijela prikazuje se kratki zaključak s istaknutim nedostatcima i prijedlozima za poboljšanjem. ; As the topic of the ideology of the European populist and radical right parties is extensive in academic research, the possible connection between fascism and the radical and extreme right through the analysis of discourses and programs will be explored; how and if at all, right-wing organizations and parties rehabilitate fascist ideas. A short introduction explaining the aim of the research is followed by a theoretical-conceptual framework in which certain important concepts are defined - the ideology of fascism and present-day right along with the distinction between the extreme and radical right. The second part of the framework shows the links between various European extreme and radical parties and groups with fascism. The example of several European parties has shown that there is a difference between extreme and radical organizations, although it is not always possible to determine the exact distinction, as often such parties adjust their ideology in accordance with ...