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Indonesia-Russia relations started at the end of World War II. Early relations were poor but became close during the Sukarno period. The post-Soviet era ushered a new height of Russia's political, diplomatic, and economic presence in Southeast Asia. After the dissolution of the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), Russia has focused on a grand re-engineering project, an important component of institutional stability. Part of the re-structuring included ambitious actions to re-brand a powerful image of her position in Southeast Asia, and in Asia and the Pacific, in general. Scholars have argued that there is a lack of knowledge in terms of Russia's relations with countries of Southeast Asia (ASEAN). This can be explained by Russia's unfamiliarity over the region's diversity and by her insecurity with the dominance of the United States and China, among others. Nevertheless, the Putin Government has shifted its lens towards the Southeast Asian region by establishing stronger ties in areas of security and defense, energy development, and trade and people-to-people exchanges. This paper employs an 'ethic' perspective analysis of the actions taken by Russia in these areas and suggests possible future actions to enhance collaboration and cooperation with Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia.BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: Hubungan Indonesia-Rusia telah dimulai sejak berakhirnya Perang Dunia ke II. Kerja sama yang terjadi antara kedua negara terjalin cukup erat di era Presiden Sukarno. Pasca runtuhnya Uni Soviet terjadi perubahan dinamika dalam hubungan politik, diplomatik dan ekonomi Rusia di Asia Tenggara. Saat ini Rusia fokus dalam menata ulang grand strategy penguatan kestabilan institusi baik dalam maupun luar negeri. Dalam hal penataan ulang kebijakan strategi luar negeri, Rusia berupaya untuk menciptakan image baru di Asia Tenggara dan Pasifik. Secara umum, para ahli berargumen bahwa masih minimnya wawasan dalam konteks hubungan Rusia dan Asosiasi Negara di Asia Tenggara (ASEAN). Hal ini dijelaskan dengan minimnya peran Rusia dalam hal kerja sama dan insekuritas akibat dominasi Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok yang sudah mengakar kuat di kawasan. Namun demikian, administrasi Putin mencoba meningkatkan perhatiannya ke ASEAN dengan meningkatkan ikatan kerja sama dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan, energi, perdagangan dan people to people contact. Tulisan ini mengulas pendekatan 'etis[' berupa pola kebijakan kerja sama yang diimplementasikan oleh Moskow serta rekomendasi diversifikasi kerja sama Rusia dengan negara di Asia Tenggara seperti Indonesia.

This paper purpose is to predict Economic Relations of ASEAN(Indonesia) + China After AIIB (the Asian InfrastructureInvestment Bank), answering economic crisis questioned that hitthe United States and the European Union in 2009 and is still inthe recovery process until now, and has made many of Asiancountries particularly East Asia such as China began adiversification of market and investment destination and increaseeconomic cooperation to the other regions (ASEAN), particularlyIndonesia. Therefore, at first, this paper tries to analyze Chinaeconomic relations with Indonesia. Second, the effective rate ofChina trade and investment in Indonesia. Third, prediction ofIndonesia and China economic situation after AIIB cooperation.Indonesia relate governance with national policy, which will becorrelated with the level of supranational/regionalintergovernmental (regionalism and integration) which aims,among others; financial sector to stimulate research anddevelopment, increase the spread of technology, reducingmanagerial differences in running the business and implementinga system to change for the better.

The Indonesian government's effort to protect Indonesian migrant workers abroad began after Indonesia ratify a policy to protect migrant workers as outlined in Law Number 39 of 2004, but the existence of this policy did not necessarily reduce the number of violence against Indonesian migrant workers abroad during the presidency of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The purpose of this research is to analyze the characteristics of the protection policy for Indonesian migrant workers during the presidency of President Joko Widodo using the concept of Ethics of Care by Carol Gilligan and to analyze the gender character of Indonesia as a sending country in relation to the recipient countries of migrant workers in the protection policy of Indonesian migrant workers within ASEAN through gender perspective. The research uses a qualitative method. The results of this study indicate that the characteristics of Indonesian political policies in the effort to protect Indonesian migrant workers in legal form is quite feminine because there are values of concern and caring for migrant workers in Law number 19 of 2017, but in practice the absence of derivative regulations to realize the mandate of the law causes an old pattern happen in the reality so that the characteristics of migrant worker protection policies that have occurred todays are still masculine. Meanwhile, the gender character of Indonesia as a sending country for migrant workers that is subordinated by the receiving country and does not have the ability to protect its migrant workers shows a feminine gender character of Indonesia because in its interactions with receiving countries in ASEAN, Indonesia is considered weak because it does not have bargaining power in protection efforts to its migrant workers abroad.

The paper examines the development of ASEAN and Indonesia's role in this grouping. It is Indonesia's support for, and role in ASEAN which have generally been recognized as important factors behind ASEAN's success. Although the largest member of ASEAN, Indonesia has mostly refrained from asserting itself in the regional association. Other ASEAN countries have also learned from the past and resorted to peaceful means to resolve their differences. A security community is being established in ASEAN. Nevertheless, Indonesia's continuing involvement in and support for ASEAN will guarantee the further success of this regional grouping. (AJPS/DÜI)

Keinginan dari beberapa negara di Asia Tenggara untuk meningkatkan stabilitas politik dan keamanan di wilayah regional menyebabkan berdirinya ASEAN. Kedekatan lokasi dan kemiripan budaya di Asia Tenggara merupakan salah satu factor pengikat ASEAN. Indonesia menggunakan sarana diplomasi pertahanan untuk meningkatkan stabilitas keamanan di wilayah regional. Bahasa Indonesia yang merupakan identitas bangsa Indonesia merupakan salah satu budaya yang dapat mempererat dan meningkatkan kepercayaan antarnegara di ASEAN. Tulisan ini mengulas penggunaan bahasa Indonesia sebagai bahasa pemersatu di ASEAN sekaligus dapat digunakan sebagai sarana yang membantu dalam pelaksanaan diplomasi pertahanan. Ulasan ini menunjukkan strategi yang dapat digunakan oleh Kementerian Pertahanan dalam bekerjasama dengan Kementerian Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan untuk mendayagunakan Bahasa Indonesia bagi Penutur Asing (BIPA) dan Uji Kemahiran Berbahasa Indonesia (UKBI) dengan penempatan personel TNI atau PNS Kementerian Pertahanan di negara –negara ASEAN. Kata kunci: ASEAN, diplomasi pertahanan, BIPA, UKBI

This study aims, first, to analyze the application of the principles of Maqashid Sharia as a principle of human rights protection against the Rohingya Muslim minority. Second, assess the extent of regional efforts (ASEAN) to protect the Rohingya Muslim minority is based on the principles of Maqashid Sharia. This study is normative juridical, i.e basic research study is conceived as legal norms or rules which apply, both contained Islamic Law and International Law. Further, legal materials collected in the process were analyzed based approach to the law (statute approach) and qualitative approach. The results showed, first, the principle of Maqashid sharia are the fundamental principles that are in line with international human rights principles set forth in the Universal Declaration Human Rights of 1948, the ASEAN Charter and the international conventions that have been globally accepted. Its application carries its own moral responsibility for the ASEAN region, to encourage its member countries (particularly Indonesia and Malaysia) obligations responsibility to protect (R2P) to the ethnic Rohingya. When referring to the ASEAN charter alone, especially member states Indonesia and Malaysia will be very limited in giving aid directly to the territory of the Rohingya, given in addition to avoiding any intervention factor that arises, as well as the government of Myanmar has declared the anti-Islamic rule in the territories of its constitution. This is the regional challenges, especially for Indonesia and Malaysia as member states that embrace the principles of Islamic law once the state of the organization with Myanmar. Secondly, efforts should be made Indonesia and Malaysia are fulfilling rights Rohingya people merely when they became refugees or asylum seeker in the country. The rights can be met as a complement of the principle maqashid sharia, among others: a) freedom of religion, the right to life and freedom from fear (maintenance of soul) in this case Indonesia has established the Integrated Community Shelter (ICS) as a residence of Rohingya refugees and build mosques or places worship for Muslims Rohingya named mosque Arakan, b) fulfill the safety assurance, guarantee of human dignity (maintenance of breath), c) custody of ethnic or tribal, the right to marriage to the breeding (maintenance of descent), d) the right to education (maintenance sense), e) the right to receive a decent living by being given the opportunity to earn a living (maintenance of property).

ABSTRAK Perubahan yang terjadi pada tahun 1998, telah merubah pula kebijakan tentang demokratisasi di ASEAN. Indonesia mencoba memasukkan gagasan tersebut untuk mempertahankan peran yang signifikan dalam organisasi ASEAN. Ada beberapa kendala dalam pelaksanaan demokratisasi di ASEAN yang disebabkan oleh beberapa hal. Latar belakang pendirian ASEAN cenderung karena dorongan dari pikiran luar kawasan yang menginginkan stabilitas politik di Asia Tenggara. Negara-negara ASEAN secara alamiah tidak terintegrasi secara geografis, sehingga posisi geopolitik setiap negara anggotanya berbeda-beda. Perbedaan level ekonomi antarnegara menyebabkan adanya perbedaan kemampuan mengimplementasikan suatu kesepakatan antarnegara. Kendala lain adalah ketiadaan kepemimpinan ASEAN. Selama 10 tahun terakhir tidak ada pemimpin ASEAN yang berani mengambil inisiatif kepemimpinan di ASEAN. ABSTRAK Perubahan yang terjadi pada tahun 1998, telah merubah pula kebijakan tentang demokratisasi di ASEAN. Indonesia mencoba memasukkan gagasan tersebut untuk mempertahankan peran yang signifikan dalam organisasi ASEAN. Ada beberapa kendala dalam pelaksanaan demokratisasi di ASEAN yang disebabkan oleh beberapa hal. Latar belakang pendirian ASEAN cenderung karena dorongan dari pikiran luar kawasan yang menginginkan stabilitas politik di Asia Tenggara. Negara-negara ASEAN secara alamiah tidak terintegrasi secara geografis, sehingga posisi geopolitik setiap negara anggotanya berbeda-beda. Perbedaan level ekonomi antarnegara menyebabkan adanya perbedaan kemampuan mengimplementasikan suatu kesepakatan antarnegara. Kendala lain adalah ketiadaan kepemimpinan ASEAN. Selama 10 tahun terakhir tidak ada pemimpin ASEAN yang berani mengambil inisiatif kepemimpinan di ASEAN.

This essay is motivated by an interest in a particular aspect of Indonesian foreign policy. Indonesia's foreign policy has been called upon to serve the goals of national development. The national development takes place within a regional and global environment. Indonesia's most immediate environment is the sub-region of Southeast Asia, and for that reason the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which remains the cornerstone of Indonesian foreign policy. ASEAN Community is a continuing process. It will continue topromote the expansion and then deepening of the implementation of ASEAN Community Blueprints beyond 2015. ASEAN Community Vision 2025 was approved and signed at ASEAN Summit Meeting,21 – 22 November 2015 in Kualalumpur, Malaysia. In the mean timefor Indonesia itself, there are some impediments in the implementation of Indonesia's maritime nexus will continue to hedge against the ASEAN Economic Community as well as the major powers interests, especially with RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership led by ASEAN but heavily influence by China and the Trans Pacific Partnership that once led by the United States of America and seems abandon in Donald Trump era. The study reveals that he strategic implication of the above possible development appeals the need of new approaches to Indonesia. Some basic assumptions can be derived from the foregoing examination of Indonesian foreign policy concepts, a changing Asian strategic environment, and uncertainties of interdependence. It may be reasonable to assume that Indonesia has the capability to increasingly strengthen linkages among defense, security, and foreign policy aspects which leads to an adequate Indonesian national security policy.

The argument here is that, although Indonesia would appear to be the natural leader in Southeast Asia, it has been singularly unsuccessful in putting its stamp on ASEAN. If anything, ASEAN has been put on Indonesia's bebas dan aktif (independent and active) foreign policy stamp through Indonesia's deference to self-constructed obligations to ASEAN solidarity and consensus. ASEAN's political incoherence on regional security matters suggests that, for Indonesia, strategic independence from the immobilism of ASEAN decision making would put bebas dan aktif back into play in pursuit of Indonesian national security interests

As the interdependent global economy increased, ASEAN responded with the creation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The AEC is expected to become the ASEAN arena of learning regional economic integration before entering the global integration. Indonesia, as the largest country in the region, should be a natural leader. However, the level of investment in Indonesia was lost to Singapore and several other ASEAN countries, thus Indonesia should see the potential of the AEC and maximize it to benefit the strengthening of Indonesia's strength. This research aimed to explain the AEC background, the potentials and challenges of the AEC, the AEC 2015 and 2025 comparisons. Using qualitative methods with inductive logical thinking, and constructivism as the analysis framework, the result shows that AEC 2025 is believed to be the integration of the regional economy with a dynamic and sustainable process. Thus, Indonesia can strengthen its position in AEC 2025, using a constructivism approach to reform Indonesian identity into the structure.