Search results

In April 2016, France adopted a new law enshrining a conception of prostitution as a form of violence against women that needed to be 'abolished' and setting up a complex policy framework to achieve this end. This framework comprises a criminal justice 'pillar' dedicated to prohibiting and punishing the purchase of sexual services, and a social service 'pillar' dedicated to providing fnancial and social support to individuals involved in selling sex—uniformly assumed to be women and systematically considered to be victims. The new policy was supposed to break from 70 years of symbolic politics characterised by ambiguous regulation, low political attention, and lax policy implementation. Drawing on documentary and interview data, and using the Gender Equality Policy in Practice framework to determine the policy's current and potential impact on women's rights and gender equality, this article argues that implementation of France's new anti-prostitution policy is currently at a critical juncture. Budget reductions, a lack of central state steering, and competing policy priorities are contributing to hollowing out the policy of its capacity to support individuals wishing to exit prostitution while possibly deteriorating the working conditions of those who cannot or do not wish to exit.

Aid and aid institutions constitute an important element of the global response to interlinked global developmental and environmental challenges. As such, these institutions are now being drawn into new arenas beyond the traditional focus on improving the livelihoods of poor people in low-income countries. Development aid, by itself, cannot "save the planet." Nevertheless, development aid and development institutions do have the potential to become important catalytic actors in achieving developmental and global environmental objectives. This requires bold reforms and political action. Without appropriate restructuring of the international institutional architecture to confront the new development context combined with the necessary complementary policy frameworks, future aid, including aid for environmental objectives, risks substantially under-performing.

Studies of land property rights usually focus on tenure security and transfer rights. Rights to determine how to use the land are regularly ignored. However, in transition economies such as Vietnam and China, user rights are often limited. Relying on a unique Vietnamese panel data set at both household and plot level, we show that crop choice restrictions are widespread and prevent crop diversification. Restrictions do not decrease household income, but restricted households work harder, and there are indications that they are supplied with higher quality inputs. Our findings are consistent with the view that the Vietnamese government has managed to intervene effectively in agricultural (rice) production to promote output and food security. At the same time, it is now time to carefully consider the potential benefits of a more diversified crop pattern.

A current debate in democratic theory concerns whether we can explain democratic legitimacy purely with reference to the intrinsic value of the public affirmation of equality, or whether we must invoke extra-democratic epistemic standards to do so. The freedom side of democracy is ignored or even rejected in this debate. But in order to understand the intrinsic value of democracy, we cannot ignore the relationship between freedom and democracy. Moreover, the freedom argument can better respond to the epistemic challenge to intrinsic accounts than can the equality argument. However, the freedom argument for democracy must be refined to avoid important objections to the idea that democracy can make citizens self-governing. The proposed freedom argument is based on notions of autonomy and freedom that have their root in the relational norm of not having another person as a master.

The European Union has introduced a "two foreign languages policy" with little solid knowledge of the consequences. I attempt in this paper to provide some facts for a serious discussion of language policy. In the first part of the paper, I look at the European languages on a world scale, employing the relevant measure GNP rather than the population measure usually preferred by linguists and politicians. The results are quite dramatic as English can be shown to be completely dominant. In the second part of the paper, I look at the relative importance of the European languages in Europe. In order to put the discussion on a firm footing I propose two indices from the linguistic literature, the Greenberg index of communication in a union and the Lieberson index of successful communication between countries. These indices are computed for Europe (25) using Eurobarometer data. In the third part, I look at the likely future linguistic development of Europe, and take a sceptical look at the "two foreign languages policy" as the costs of implementing such a policy for many persons in Europe would seem likely to exceed the benefits

We document empirically that rich countries are more politically cohesive than poorer countries. In order to explain this regularity, we provide a model where political cohesion is linked to the emergence of a fully functioning market economy. Without market exchange, the welfare of inherently selfish individuals will be mutually independent. As a result, political negotiations, echoing the preferences of the citizens of society, will be dog-eat-dog in nature. Whoever has greater bargaining power will be willing to make decisions that enhance the productivity of his supporters at the expense of other groups in society. If the gains from specialization become sufficiently large, however, a market economy will emerge. From being essentially non-cohesive under self-sufficiency, the political decision making process becomes cohesive in the market economy, as the welfare of individuals will be mutually interdependent due to the exchange of goods. We refer to this latter state as "capitalist cohesion".

Inequality is a major international development challenge. This is so from an ethical perspective and because greater inequality is perceived to be detrimental to key socioeconomic and political outcomes. Still, informed debate requires clear evidence. This article contributes by taking stock and providing an up-to-date overview of the current knowledge on the impact of income inequality, specifically on three important outcomes: (1) economic growth; (2) human development, with a focus on health and education as two of its dimensions; and (3) governance, with emphasis on democracy. With particular attention to work in economics, which is especially developed on these topics, this article reveals that the existing evidence is somewhat mixed and argues for further in-depth empirical work across disciplines. It also points to explanations for the lack of consensus embedded in data quality and availability, measurement issues, and shortcomings of the different methods employed. Finally, we suggest promising future research avenues relying on experimental work for microlevel analysis and reiterate the need for more region- and country-specific studies and improvements in the availability and reliability of data.

The idea of gamification, or implementation of game-like elements and mechanisms in non-game contexts, has, throughout the past decade, swept the fields of healthcare and fitness as well as education. More recently, various tech writers, bloggers, and consultants have begun proposing gamification as a solution also in financial services, where gamification has already made headway, for instance, with day trading apps that simplify trading and turn it into a real-time game. In this paper, we examine the emerging discourse of finance gamification and situate it in the expectational dynamics and performative struggles that shape technological developments in finance and the FinTech industry. We argue that the discourse creates positional uncertainty among finance incumbents by linking the notion of a generational wealth transfer to narratives about generational change. Tech writers, consultants and journalists neutralize this uncertainty by propagating a model of human nature, which may be 'tapped into' and harnessed with games to rationalize subjects' financial behavior. However, despite finance gamification's promises to democratize finance and empower small-time investors by extending access to financial markets, we argue that, in the end, the discourse on finance gamification reinforces the 'observational boundaries' between finance and society.

Beslutningen om at nedlukke samfundet og velfærdsstaten for at inddæmme COVID19-epidemien i foråret 2020 overlod for en stund mange velfærdsopgaver til det frivillige civilsamfund. Et centralt spørgsmål, der også angår den pågående diskussion i politik og forskning om frivillighedens rolle i velfærden, er nedlukningens ulighedsmæssige konsekvenser. I denne artikel analyserer vi uligheder i hvem, der giver og modtager frivillig hjælp, med udgangspunkt i køn og beskæftigelsesstatus. Resultaterne indikerer, at eksisterende uligheder blev reproduceret og i nogle tilfælde forstærket.

Background: Due to an increase in PTSD patients seeking help in the Danish mental health sector and the addition of Complex PTSD to the ICD-11, there is a need to increase efficiency of existing treatments for PTSD. mHealth interventions have been shown to reduce PTSD symptoms. Therefore, the implementation of a mHealth intervention designed for psychiatric PTSD patients as a therapy add-on may improve treatment outcome. No study to date has explored the effects of mHealth interventions for PTSD in the Danish mental health sector, the feasibility and effect of this type of intervention needs testing. Methods: The study is an investigator-initiated randomized controlled feasibility trial investigating the clinical mHealth tool PTSD help combined with care as usual (CAU) compared to CAU for adults with PTSD. Seventy patients will be recruited and receive either the mHealth intervention combined with CAU or CAU alone. The primary feasibility outcome is the proportion of eligible patients that participate in the study until the end assessment. Secondary outcome data consists of the fraction of compliant patients in the experimental group and exploratory data on PTSD help on PTSD symptom severity, level of psychological distress, sleep quality, dissociation symptoms, therapy readiness, quality of life, disability levels, and recovery. Discussion: This study may help increase our knowledge of possible benefits of, as well as potential barriers to, the implementation of mHealth tools in the psychiatric sector. It may also provide a cost-efficient means to increase therapy outcomes and decrease the duration of suffering for PTSD patients in the psychiatric sector. Trial registration: The trial is registered at ClinicalTrials.gov (ID: NCT03862703) https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT03862703 on the 27 of February 2019 and has been approved by the Danish Data Protection Agency (journal number: VD-2018-200 ISuite number 6443). Referring to the committee law §2, the National Committee on Health Research Ethics (DNVK) [H-18024180] decided that the study could proceed without approval as the use of PTSD help did not constitute a health science intervention according to Danish health science legislation.

This paper is the first to use a panel dataset from the African continent to investigate the relationship between formalization and firm outcomes. Instead of applying a binary formality indicator, it constructs a conceptual framework that regards informality as a continuum consisting of four degrees. The quantitative data includes 516 manufacturing enterprises which are analysed through a matched double difference approach. Moreover, the study explores participant observation as well as semi-structured interviews with government officials, experts, and entrepreneurs to explain the quantitative results and to examine additional effects of formalization. It suggests that the most informal firms do not benefit from formalization due to their underlying conditions. Other, more formal enterprises benefit but there is scope for increasing the benefits and decreasing the costs of formalization. Further, an improvement of the costs and benefits is not enough: better institutions are needed.

The Brexit referendum provokes speculation about the likelihood of European disintegration. This article discusses how scholarship might deal with the issue of disintegration and argues that it should be thought of as an indeterminate process rather than an identifiable outcome. Within the EU system, Brexit is likely to unleash disintegrative dynamics, which could see the EU stagnate into a suboptimal institutional equilibrium. At the same time, EU studies needs to lift its gaze beyond the internal dynamics of the EU system to consider the disintegration of the democratic capitalist compact within which European integration has been embedded historically.

Using linked employer-worker panel data from Myanmar, we estimate wage returns to workplace training. First, we document a low prevalence of training in manufacturing enterprises. Second, we find the wage premium associated with training of about 7%, which is in the range found in other South-East Asian countries. Third, we show that workplace training is offered selectively to workers and when this is the case, the wage gap between trained and untrained workers doubles. Fourth, we find that previous training does not contribute to higher present wage, which indicates low transferability of workplace training in Myanmar. While this setup may benefit employers, workers get short-lived benefits from training, which do not carry throughout the working life. Fifth, we find a convex profile of the returns to training with respect to education and that specific industries such as food, apparel and printing lend themselves more to the benefits from training. Considering the wage return as a lower bound of productivity gains from training, our results suggest that government support of workplace training programs could help increase performance of the manufacturing sector in Myanmar.

The article explores the affective effects of school policy on Danish teachers, by using a ghostly perspective supplemented with Lacanian psychoanalysis as described by Zizek. The empirical case concerns how Danish teachers experienced a series of political events, including a lockout, a school reform, and a new law regulating their working hours. Our ghostly reading draws attention to the ways in which linear time collapses as past events continue to have an influence on the present. What becomes clear is that what bothers the teachers is not a matter of having to work more or less. Nor is it exclusively a question of settling accounts and rewriting history. It is also a matter of teachers having become seriously bewildered about what others require of them. The key claim is that 'the spirit of teaching' is rooted in a fantasy of what the Other wants, and creates a desire to provide exactly that. However, this 'spirit of teaching' has been killed, and teachers are now 'working dead' (teaching machines), driven without desire. But they are also haunted by the absent presence of 'the spirit of teaching' calling to them: 'Remember me! Remember me!'

The number of theoretical approaches used to study Danish foreign policy has multiplied since the Cold War period when just one approach – adaptation theory – was dominant. This article aims to outline the main theoretical approaches after the Cold War. The existence of several approaches is important because the different theories provide different views of what the important elements in Danish foreign policy are. The article shows that the view of significant elements in Danish foreign policy – and what are judged to be significant elements in Danish foreign policy – differs quite considerably according to the theoretical approach drawn on. It presents seven approaches: 1) adaptation theory, 2) constellation theory, 3) Denmark as a smart state, 4) lessons and traditions, 5) discourse analysis, 6) Denmark as a semi-integrated foreign policy actor with the EU, and 7) Denmark as a competition state.