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This article reports the findings of a diachronic sociopragmatic study on the politically loaded Italian hashtag #HaStatoPutin based on an automatically generated corpus of tweets ( N = 31,334), encompassing two datasets from before and after what Putin originally called Russia's "special military operation" in Ukraine that commenced on 24 February 2022. #HaStatoPutin appeared on Twitter in 2015 to mark tweets criticizing what Italian users considered to be unsupported conspiracy theories targeting Vladimir Putin, viewed by these users as a scapegoat in mainstream political rhetoric spread in the Western world. As this comparative study shows, the emergent applications of the hashtag are hardly affected by the events of 2022, indicating the stability of the expression and the political opinions of polarized Italian society, regardless of the socio-political context. Specifically, four tweet categories, which express tweeters' political opinions or serve humorous purposes, are identified in both datasets: dissociative echo, counter-criticism, mock conspiracy theories, and metacomments. Given the specificity of #HaStatoPutin, its political contextualization, and applications, with which the users need to be familiar to create and understand tagged tweets, it is proposed that the tweeting practice makes for a "hashtag affinity space" on Twitter.

Situated in the literature that examines the reasons for the dearth of young party members, this article discusses the mobilization potential of political parties among the youth in light of research conducted among Hungarian university and college students (Active Youth Research, 2019). On the one hand, it analyses the mobilization propensity of Hungarian political parties, and on the other, examines to what extent party-political mobilization plays a role in encouraging young people's involvement in party activities compared to other predisposing factors. Making use of the unique dataset, the study also investigates what attitudinal features distinguish party-politically active students from the rest of the student population. The results show that parties' mobilization attempts are a principal factor in encouraging young people's party participation in Hungary, although parties per se are not able to motivate them; politically stimulating family and peer groups and events that shape political views are also needed to set the stage for involvement. The article also finds that the political interest of party-politically active students is demonstrably higher than that of their counterparts, but both groups have rather negative views about Hungarian politics and are dissatisfied with the country's democracy and present social conditions.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

This article examines the lives of queer people as performed in the biographies of ten interlocutors who participated in the queer political scene during the decade 2000–10. In recent years, a wide range of queer/feminist subjectivities, groups and spaces have emerged within collective social movements in Greece. These new approaches to radical feminism and queer life-forms often convey a sense of discontinuity with the recent past, as queer voices have been marginalized in the anti-authoritarian and the radical leftist political scene until recently. I argue that the anti-authoritarian and leftist political space in and around the various social grassroots movements constituted – in their own right – disciplinary fields as well as gender-constructing mechanisms. Gendered subjectivities, either entirely excluded or included on restrictive terms, exposed the limits of the political body. In this article, I explore how these new queer contexts can work through the traumas out of which they have emerged, and I argue that the emergence of a queer political scene in Greece signals a shift from passionate attachments to new modes of relationality. These new modes of relating expose vulnerabilities and emerge as negotiations of intimacy between the self and the other.

It is argued in this article that since the 1980s there has been a paradigm shift away from social work as a social justice and social transformative profession to a depoliticised, neutral and technocratic activity. This shift has occured during the era of neoliberalism which some commentators regard as an example of 'hegemony' at work in the social work profession. The article contextualises the political nature of social work and the ascendancy of neoliberalism and its ally managerialism in the profession. It explores these phenomena through an empirical study of the political biographies of fourteen social workers who have developed into political careers, such as parliamentarians. Fourteen biographical interviews were conducted and analysed using a constructivist grounded theory analysis process. The findings demonstrate how participants sustained their social work identity in the face of the neoliberal ascendancy within the social work profession and maintained a stable social reformist political identity throughout their life course to date. It also demonstrates how strongly attached the participants are to their social work identity during their political careers. The research has importance for the social work profession not least because this group can advocate on behalf of the profession at a critical time.

Observers of Islam and Muslim politics in Indonesia over the past year could not fail to note the explosion of political parties bearing the banner of Islam as well as the reemergence of a discourse on a "political Islam" and the specter of an Islamic state that became a subject of anxiety among some and enthusiasm among others. This was hardly a new issue-Indonesians have struggled since even before the formation of their state to negotiate the relationship between Islam and the state. Indonesia's founding fathers, upon developing its Constitution, were mired in the debate over the role of Islam and the syari'ah in their new nation. This issue raised its head time and time again at key points during the Soekarno regime-as discussed below. Soeharto artificially muted the potential political role of Islam through enforcement of asas tunggal Pancasila and careful balancing of Islam with the military. Almost immediately after Soeharto fell, however, there was an explosion of political parties bearing the banner of Islam, and the discourse on the shape of the new Indonesian political system was dominated by the debate over the role of Islam.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v7i2.709

The scope of my project is ambitious, probably excessively so. I would like to identify those elements of memory that impinge upon the political culture both of the elites and of the citizens and exercise an impact on (the construction of) the institutions. Memories of past political occurrences which according to the interpretation by specific and significant social groups (and/or influential elites) are defined extremely important and dramatic significantly contribute to the shaping of political culture, opening and/or foreclosing alternative paths to change. My initial hypothesis is those interpretations are especially significant when they refer to dramatic events whose recurrence must be prevented. In a way, they may be structured as warning memories or negative memories. My intervening hypothesis is that, when there are several carriers of different memories who try to affect institutional change, it is more likely that the winners will be those who promise change, perhaps, a limited amount of change, with respect to the past. My concluding hypothesis is that, nevertheless, even defeated memories will maintain a presence in the political culture at large or of some specific groups, provided they are enshrined in a political organization.

The present paper studies the effects of bandwagon and underdog on the political equilibrium of two-party competition models. We adapt the generalized Wittman-Roemer model of political competition for voter conformism, which views political competition as the one between parties with factions of the opportunists and the militants that Nash-bargain one another, and consider three special cases of the general model: the Hotelling-Downs model, the classical Wittman-Roemer model, and what we call the ideological-party model. In the Hotelling-Downs model, where the militants have no bargaining power in both parties, political parties put forth an identical policy at the equilibrium, regardless of the type of voter conformism, and this is the only equilibrium. Thus neither bandwagon nor underdog has any effect on the Hotelling-Downs political equilibrium. In both the ideological-party and classical Wittman-Roemer models, parties propose differentiated policies at the equilibrium, and the extent of policy differentiation depends on the degree of voter conformism. In these models, multiple equilibria generically exist when the bandwagon effect is sufficiently strong. We characterize the relationship between the extent of voter conformism and equilibrium party platforms in dynamically stable equilibria of these models.

Political choice is mediated by a number of internal and external factors. Often, it is carried out under the influence of manipulative technologies or sociological determinants. In this case, the person has the tendency of being hypnotized, rejects the decency, channeling thinking and action. Such a choice is unlikely to be called conscious. Meanwhile, the conscious choice makes a person a subject (and not a passive object) of politics. It determines the success of political activity, its prospect. It analyzes the powerful influence on the political choice of citizens, social groups and society as a whole by mass media, which retransmit and interpret certain events and create a picture of political existence for the general public, and also perform positive functions such as: axiological, controlling, informing, educational and that is a means of manipulation of public opinion, which accordingly negatively affects the implementation of the political choice of the individual. Media is considered, which using means and forms of information psychological influence can effectively influence the political choice of the citizens. The Internet also became an influential information source of the political choice. Traditional media in the information society simply gradually vanish. In addition to the determinants of political choice, the author analyzes the external factors of the political choice. In addition to the general socio-political situation in the country, the political choice of the subject is determined by the configuration of the political forces that has developed in this period of time. The political choice of a citizen with varying degrees of intensity is influenced by the activities of political parties and movements, public organizations, individual political leaders, etc. Ukrainian contemporary society learns to make a rational choice. The author claims that stable, democratic traditions in the field of political choice in Ukraine are at the stage of formation.Key notions: person, politics, political choice, political willpower, independence. ; Політичний вибір опосередкований низкою внутрішніх і зовнішніх чинників. Нерідко він здійснюється під впливом маніпулятивних технологій чи соціологічних детермінант. Людина при цьому піддається своєрідному навіюванню, яке застує внутрішню позицію, відторгає сумління, каналізує мислення та дію. Такий вибір навряд чи можна назвати свідомим. Між тим, саме свідомий вибір робить людину суб'єктом (а не пасивним об'єктом) політики. Саме він обумовлює успіх політичної діяльності, її перспективу. Аналізується потужний вплив на політичний вибір громадян, суспільних груп й соціуму в цілому здійснюють засоби масової інформації, які ретранслюють та інтерпретують певні події та створюють картинку політичного буття для широкого загалу, також виконують позитивні функції − аксіологічну, контролюючу, інформуючу, просвітительську і є засобом маніпуляції суспільною думкою, що відповідно негативно впливає на здійснення політичного вибору особистістю. Розглядається ЗМІ, які використовуючи засоби та форми інформаційно-психологічного впливу здатні ефективно впливати на політичний вибір громадян. Також впливовим інформаційним джерелом для здійснення політичного вибору стала мережа Інтернет. Традиційні ЗМІ у інформаційному суспільстві поступово відходять на другий план. Окрім детермінант політичного вибору, автор аналізує зовнішні чинники політичного вибору. Окрім загальної соціально-політичної ситуації у країні політичний вибір суб᾽єкта визначається конфігурацію політичних сил, яка склалася у даний період часу. На здійснення політичного вибору громадянина з різним ступенем інтенсивності впливає діяльність політичних партій та рухів, громадських організацій, окремих політичних лідерів тощо. Українське сучасне суспільство вчиться робити раціональний вибір. Автор стверджує, що стійкі, демократичні традиції у царині політичного вибору в Україні знаходяться на стадії формування.Ключові поняття: людина, політика, політичний вибір, політична воля, самостійність.Политический выбор опосредованный рядом внутренних и внешних факторов. Нередко он осуществляется под влиянием манипулятивных технологий или социологических детерминант. Человек при этом подвергается своеобразному внушению, которое заслоняет внутреннюю позицию, отторгает совести, канализирует мышления и действие. Такой выбор вряд ли можно назвать сознательным. Между тем, именно сознательный выбор делает человека субъектом (а не пассивным объектом) политики. Именно он обусловливает успех политической деятельности, ее перспективу. Анализируется мощное воздействие на политический выбор граждан, общественных групп и социума в целом осуществляют средства массовой информации, которые ретранслируют и интерпретируют определенные события и создают картинку политического бытия для широкой общественности, также выполняют положительные функции - аксиологическая, контролирующую, информирующую, просветительскую и является средством манипуляции общественным мнением, что соответственно отрицательно влияет на осуществление политического выбора личностью. Рассматривается СМИ, используя средства и формы информационно-психологического воздействия способны эффективно влиять на политический выбор граждан. Также влиятельным информационным источником для осуществления политического выбора стала сеть Интернет. Традиционные СМИ в информационном обществе постепенно отходят на второй план. Кроме детерминант политического выбора, автор анализирует внешние факторы политического выбора. Кроме общей социально-политической ситуации в стране политический выбор субъекта определяется конфигурацию политических сил, которая сложилась в данный период времени. На осуществление политического выбора гражданина с разной степенью интенсивности влияет деятельность политических партий и движений, общественных организаций, отдельных политических лидеров и тому подобное. Украинский современное общество учится делать рациональный выбор. Автор утверждает, что устойчивые демократические традиции в области политического выбора в Украине находятся на стадии формирования.Ключевые понятия: человек, политика, политический выбор, политическая воля, самостоятельность. Political choice is mediated by a number of internal and external factors. Often, it is carried out under the influence of manipulative technologies or sociological determinants. In this case, the person has the tendency of being hypnotized, rejects the decency, channeling thinking and action. Such a choice is unlikely to be called conscious. Meanwhile, the conscious choice makes a person a subject (and not a passive object) of politics. It determines the success of political activity, its prospect. It analyzes the powerful influence on the political choice of citizens, social groups and society as a whole by mass media, which retransmit and interpret certain events and create a picture of political existence for the general public, and also perform positive functions such as: axiological, controlling, informing, educational and that is a means of manipulation of public opinion, which accordingly negatively affects the implementation of the political choice of the individual. Media is considered, which using means and forms of information psychological influence can effectively influence the political choice of the citizens. The Internet also became an influential information source of the political choice. Traditional media in the information society simply gradually vanish. In addition to the determinants of political choice, the author analyzes the external factors of the political choice. In addition to the general socio-political situation in the country, the political choice of the subject is determined by the configuration of the political forces that has developed in this period of time. The political choice of a citizen with varying degrees of intensity is influenced by the activities of political parties and movements, public organizations, individual political leaders, etc. Ukrainian contemporary society learns to make a rational choice. The author claims that stable, democratic traditions in the field of political choice in Ukraine are at the stage of formation.Key notions: person, politics, political choice, political willpower, independence.