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Despite the increasing tendency to relegate religion to the private sphere, the role of religion in public debate remains important and contested. Given the reality that these debates usually results in binding decisions that must be accepted by all groups, this paper engages the idea that perhaps the goal in a pluralistic society should not be to simply garner unanimous agreement or even the greatest consensus possible, but to ensure that decisions be seen by all members of a society as valid, whether or not they accord with individual or collective views. Arendt's theory of judgment holds that it is the use of the 'enlarged mentality', the consideration of others' perspectives, that allows judgment to be seen as valid by the judging subjects. Nedelsky, in turn, focuses on how this approach to judgment helps us theorize about the optimal role of religiously based argument in the public space. This paper examines what Nedelsky's theory may have to offer in the specific contexts of Canada and France. While these two jurisdictions have much in common, important distinctions emerge with respect to the challenges posed by religious diversity and what is driving the responses to these challenges. Through a comparative analysis, this paper begins by attempting to delineate the fundamental differences between the approaches of both countries to freedom of religion and religious diversity. An analysis is then undertaken with respect to the implications for both Canada's and France's capacities to engage a theory of judgment that uses the enlarged mentality to consider religious perspectives. The paper is organized as follows: firstly the legal systems, general text of the constitutions and how these relate to religion in society is compared; secondly the model of church and state relationship in both countries is examined; thirdly, the discussion is situated in the greater context of France's approach generally to the management of diversity; finally a comparative analysis of the content and delineation of freedom of religion in both jurisdictions is undertaken The study essentially concludes that France may be neither interested nor capable of including religious perspectives in its deliberations and in that respect the validity attained when the enlarged mentality is used in judgment may not be achievable. While the paper concludes that Nedelsky's judgment may be possible in Canada, the recent example of Muslim personal law (Sharia) in Ontario is used to illustrate that, despite all of the right conditions, political will is crucial if we are to follow through with the politically difficult decisions that follow from them.

Despite the increasing tendency to relegate religion to the private sphere, the role of religion in public debate remains important and contested. Given the reality that these debates usually results in binding decisions that must be accepted by all groups, this paper engages the idea that perhaps the goal in a pluralistic society should not be to simply garner unanimous agreement or even the greatest consensus possible, but to ensure that decisions be seen by all members of a society as valid, whether or not they accord with individual or collective views. Arendt's theory of judgment holds that it is the use of the 'enlarged mentality', the consideration of others' perspectives, that allows judgment to be seen as valid by the judging subjects. Nedelsky, in turn, focuses on how this approach to judgment helps us theorize about the optimal role of religiously based argument in the public space. This paper examines what Nedelsky's theory may have to offer in the specific contexts of Canada and France. While these two jurisdictions have much in common, important distinctions emerge with respect to the challenges posed by religious diversity and what is driving the responses to these challenges. Through a comparative analysis, this paper begins by attempting to delineate the fundamental differences between the approaches of both countries to freedom of religion and religious diversity. An analysis is then undertaken with respect to the implications for both Canada's and France's capacities to engage a theory of judgment that uses the enlarged mentality to consider religious perspectives. The paper is organized as follows: firstly the legal systems, general text of the constitutions and how these relate to religion in society is compared; secondly the model of church and state relationship in both countries is examined; thirdly, the discussion is situated in the greater context of France's approach generally to the management of diversity; finally a comparative analysis of the content and delineation of freedom of religion in both jurisdictions is undertaken The study essentially concludes that France may be neither interested nor capable of including religious perspectives in its deliberations and in that respect the validity attained when the enlarged mentality is used in judgment may not be achievable. While the paper concludes that Nedelsky's judgment may be possible in Canada, the recent example of Muslim personal law (Sharia) in Ontario is used to illustrate that, despite all of the right conditions, political will is crucial if we are to follow through with the politically difficult decisions that follow from them.

Halal is a notion that applies to both objects and actions, and means permissible according to Islamic law. It may be most often associated with food and the rules of selecting, slaughtering, and cooking animals. In the globalized world, halal can be found in street corners of New York and beauty shops of Manila. In this study, we explore the cultural diversity of the concept, as revealed through social media, and specifically the way it is expressed by different populations around the world, and how it relates to their perception of (i) religious and (ii) governmental authority, and (iii) personal health. Here, we analyze two Instagram datasets, using Halal in Arabic (325,665 posts) and in English (1,004,445 posts), which provide a global view of major Muslim populations around the world. We find a great variety in the use of halal within Arabic, English, and Indonesian-speaking populations, with animal trade emphasized in first (making up 61% of the language's stream), food in second (80%), and cosmetics and supplements in third (70%). The commercialization of the term halal is a powerful signal of its detraction from its traditional roots. We find a complex social engagement around posts mentioning religious terms, such that when a food-related post is accompanied by a religious term, it on average gets more likes in English and Indonesian, but not in Arabic, indicating a potential shift out of its traditional moral framing.

In recent years, the "Front National" (FN) in France has claimed to be the "defender of the people" and "guarantor of their interests". In 2017, the campaign slogan of Marine Le Pen, party leader and candidate in the presidential election, was "in the name of the people". In Austria, the "Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs" (FPÖ) stood as the "voice of the oppressed majority". The party is demanding "a direct democracy in order to let the people speak". These elements lead us to question the notion of "the people". How should we define "the people"? What reality does it refer to? What are the underlying political and ideological issues? Firstly, to answer this question, I aim to clarify the term "the people" in populist rhetoric. The FN and the FPÖ are often described as "far-right parties". However, many scholars also refer to them as "populist parties". These terms clearly need explaining. Secondly, this work will analyse the political discourse of the FN and the FPÖ. The focus will be on the political programmes and oral communication coming from their principal representatives. This analysis is discursive. It isn't an examination of the work performed by party supporters or members (parliamentary work, action in local authorities, etc.). Apparently, the rhetoric from both parties is structured around two dichotomies: 1) the removal of social boundaries in favour of a people/elite opposition; 2) the affirmation of cultural boundaries in favour of an opposition between natives to a country and foreigners. I will explain why these notions of social and cultural boundaries have a prominent place in rhetoric in line with populist theory. The desire to suppress social boundaries, allows us to identity a first issue: sovereignty. The affirmation of cultural boundaries illustrates a second issue: unity. Finally, a third issue is transmitted through the notion of sovereignty and unity: identity. To conclude, I will return to the classification of the "Front National" and the "Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs" as "right-wing-populist" parties. I will end by answering the question: "who are 'the people'"? This will explain why populist rhetoric responds to a feeling of unease within society and, more generally, within Western democracies. ; Peer reviewed

Рассматривается концепция, которая в современной террорологии появилась недавно. Ряд авторов доказывают, что современные исламистские террористы подобны анархистам. Они длительное время ассоциировались с бомбами, произволом и действиями насилия, что это вызывает желание провести параллели между анархистами девятнадцатого и двадцатого столетий и современными террористами. Статья профессора Джелвина располагает «Аль-Кайду» и подобные джихадистские движения в пределах категории анархизма. Другие исследователи осторожно относятся к такой точке зрения. Они критикуют некоторые положения, обращаются к историческим фактам. Задачами автора статьи стали анализ и критика слабых сторон этой концепции. Автор считает, что это прогнозирующее суждение было сформировано преждевременно. ; In this article the author considers the concept, which has recently appeared in modern terrorology. A number of authors prove that modern Islamist terrorists are similar to anarchists. Professor Gelvins article situates al-Qaeda and similar jihad movements within the category of anarchism. They have long been associated with bombs and outrage and acts of violence that it causes desire to draw parallels between the anarchists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and contemporary terrorists. The leaders and adherents of al-Qaeda prefer action without ideology. Their struggle against the model of western government, their lack of programmatic goals, their pursuit of violence for its own sake, their use of highly decentralized structure, semi-autonomous cells all these factors align al-Qaeda with the type of movement that historically had nothing to do with Islam: anarchism. Like other anarchist movements, al-Qaeda is reactive. It focuses its activity solely on resisting. Al-Qaeda considers actions of West an intrusion of the alien order, which is against preserving the culture and lifestyle of their homeland, so its members believe to be in the condition of struggle. And unlike other movements al-Qaeda does not cog within the international state and economic systems. Rather, it wars with the Western system. Other researchers cautiously consider such a point of view. They criticize some positions, address to historical facts. Orthodox Islam considers government to be the basic component of the social organization, which has been a gift to the humankind. It does not abide anarchy. The extremists and great majority of Muslim scholars may be deemed to agree on the necessity of government for the Muslim community. There are insignificant disagreements on a number of opinion such as whether Islam prescribes the legitimate institutions of government, whether the primary function of Islamic government is to uphold and enforce the Sharia or Islamic law, and whether the officials of Islamic government must have specific moral, intellectual, or unusual qualifications. The task of the author of the article was the analysis and criticism of weaknesses of this concept. The author considers that this predictive judgment has been formed prematurely.

Zakat is a land to improve the welfare of the people, and this has been structurally arranged and a mature concept in Islam, as well as the provisions of Law No. 41 of 2004. The perspective of waqf does indeed experience general meaning which initially was only immovable property and we can also for movable property, this can be understood from the benefits of waqf itself. As mentioned in Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia number 42 of 2006 concerning the Implementation of Law Number 41 of 2004 article 2. In carrying out its duties, BWI has formed 31 representatives of the BWI Povinsi, inaugurated Sharia Financial Institutions that Receive Wakaf Money (LKS-PWU) as many as 15 banks syariah and has accredited Nadzir Wakaf Money consisting of 102 Islamic Institutions / Cooperatives. This journal is included in library research, because studied by the views of the ulama and the laws and regulations concerning waqf in Indonesia. What is interesting to study in this journal is that the shifting of the meaning of wakaf does not move to wakaf move is a concept that is in essence in terms of the benefits and benefits of the waqf for the people. Waqf can be understood as a transfer of ownership of an item from one hand to the other to treat the people, where the goods or assets are durable and worth worshiping to Allah, one of the conditions for endowments, namely the endowment may determine what conditions he want in waqf. Waqf in the view of Islam, as one aspect of the teaching that has a spiritual dimension, teachings that show the dynamics of formidable philanthropy. Waqf was practiced long before Islam came into existence, it is even thought that since humans came to know life in this world. This can be seen in every community providing public facilities, such as places of worship, clean water sources, roads, and building sites. Zakat merupakan lahan untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan umat, dan hal ini telah diatur secara struktural dan konsep yang matang dalam Islam, begitu juga sebagaimana ketetapan Undang-Undang Nomor 41 tahun 2004. Perspektif wakaf memang mengalami kemaknaan umum yang awalnya hanya harta tidak bergerak dan kita dapat juga untuk harta yang bergerak, hal ini dapat dimaklumi dari manfaat wakaf itu sendiri. Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia nomor 42 tahun 2006 tentang Pelaksanaan Undang-undang Nomor 41 tahun 2004 pasal 2. Dalam menjalankan tugasnya, BWI telah membentuk 31 perwakilan BWI Povinsi, meresmikan Lembaga Keuangan Syariah Penerima Wakaf Uang (LKS-PWU) sebanyak 15 bank syariah dan telah mengakriditasi Nadzir Wakaf Uang yang terdiri dari Yayasan/Koperasi syariah sebanyak 102 Lembaga.Jurnal ini termasuk penelitian kepustakaan (library research), karena yang dikaji adalah pandangan para ulama dan peraturan perundang-undangan tentang wakaf di Indonesia. Yang menarik untuk dikaji dalam jurnal ini adalah, bahwa pergeseran makna wakaf tidak bergerak menjadi wakaf bergerak merupakan sebuah konsep yang secara esensi ditinjau dari manfaat dan maslahat dari wakaf tersebut untuk umat. Wakaf dapat difahami sesuatu perpindahan hak milik suatu barang dari satu tangan ke tangan yang lainnya untuk memaslahatan umat, yang mana barang atau harta tersebut berdaya tahan lama dan bernilai ibadah kepada Allah swt., Salah satu syarat wakaf yaitu pewakaf boleh menentukan apa saja syarat yang ia inginkan dalam wakafnya. Wakaf dalam pandangan Islam, sebagai salah satu aspek ajaran yang berdimensi spiritual, ajaran yang menunjukkan dinamika filantropi yang tangguh. Wakaf telah dipraktikan jauh sebelum Islam muncul, bahkan diperkirakan sejak manusia mengenal kehidupan di dunia ini. Hal ini dapat dilihat dalam setiap masyarakat menyediakan sarana umum, seperti tempat ibahdah, sumber air bersih, jalan, dan tempat bangunan.

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh karakteristik Islamic corporate governance terhadap kinerja bank syariah di Indonesia dan Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan regresi data panel 28 bank syariah di Indonesia dan Malaysia periode 2013-2019, penelitian ini menemukan adanya pengaruh Islamic corporate governance (ICG) secara simultan terhadap kinerja bank syariah. Hasil estimasi dengan dan tanpa variabel kontrol menunjukkan hanya variabel tingkat pendidikan Dewan Pengawas Syariah (DPS) yang konsisten memiliki pengaruh negatif signifikan terhadap kinerja bank syariah. Dengan menambahkan variabel kontrol, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa variabel gender diversity dan frekuensi rapat DPS masing-masing berpengaruh positif dan negatif terhadap kinerja bank syariah. Hasil penelitian ini memberikan wawasan bagi regulator untuk dapat meningkatkan kinerja bank syariah melalui praktik ICG. Kata Kunci: Bank syariah, Dewan Pengawas Syariah, Indonesia, Islamic corporate governance, Kinerja bank, Malaysia. ABSTRACTThis study aims to determine the impact of Islamic corporate governance characteristics on the performance of Islamic banks in Indonesia and Malaysia. By using panel data regression of 28 Islamic banks in Indonesia and Malaysia for the 2013-2019 period, this study found the simultaneous influence of Islamic corporate governance (ICG) characteristics on the performance of Islamic banks. The results with and without control variables show that only the Sharia Supervisory Board (SSB) education level consistently has a significant negative effect on the performance of Islamic banks. By adding the control variable, the results show that the gender diversity variable and the frequency of SSB meetings have a positive and negative effect on the performance of Islamic banks, respectively. 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Dalam membantu masyarakat yang terdampak akibat dari pandemi wabah Covid-19, Baznas melakukan operasi pengelolaan ZIS dengan strategi penghimpunan dan penyaluran ZIS dalam bentuk program penyaluran Sembako untuk masyarakat yang terdampak langsung pandemi Covid-19. Tujuan penelitian yaitu Untuk mengetahui Strategi Penghimpunan ZIS Dan Penyaluran ZIS Dalam Program Sebar Sembako Pada Masa Pandemi Covid-19 di Baznas Provinsi Bali. Metode penelitian ini dengan kualitatif deskriptif. Informan 10 orang yang dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik purposive. Pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi. Sedangkan teknik analisis data menggunakan reduksi data, penyajian data, penyimpulan dan verifikasi serta kesimpulan akhir. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) Strategi penghimpunan ZIS oleh Baznas meliputi Sosialisasi kepada Instansi pemerintah tingkat I, lembaga keuangan, dan majelis ta'lim, mengirimkan laporan pertanggung jawaban keuangan, mempromosikan program melalui tiga media yaitu media cetak, media sosial, dan media elektronik, memberi pelayanan pembayaran ZIS dengan cara pembayaran langsung, jemput zakat, membentuk UPZ di lembaga pemrintahan dan swasta, membuka rekening di beberapa Bank, scan barcode dan menjalin hubungan yang baik dengan muzaki/donatur, (2) Strategi penyaluran ZIS meliputi kepatuhan terhadap ketentuan syariah dan sesuai dengan UU, mengikuti protokol penanganan Covid-19 dengan physical distancing, social distancing, dan penggunaan masker, pendekatan penyaluran antara push approach dan pull approach, memberikan surat tembusan kepada gugus tugas Covid-19. ABSTRACTIn assisting the affected communities as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic, Baznas carried out ZIS management operations with a ZIS collection and distribution strategy in the form of a basic food distribution program for people directly affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. The purpose of this research is to find out the strategy of ZIS Collection and Distribution of ZIS in the Distribution of Grocery Programs during the Covid-19 Pandemic Period in the Bali Provincial Baznas. This research method uses descriptive qualitative method. 10 informants were selected using a purposive technique. Data collection through observation, interviews and documentation. While data analysis techniques use data reduction, data presentation, inference and verification as well as final conclusions. The results of the research show that: (1) ZIS collection strategies by Baznas include socialization to government level I institutions, financial institutions, and majelis ta "lim, sending financial accountability reports, promoting programs through three media namely print media, social media, and media electronic, providing ZIS payment services by direct payment, picking up zakat, forming UPZ in government and private institutions, opening accounts in several banks, scanning barcodes and establishing good relationships with muzaki / donors, (2) ZIS distribution strategies include compliance with regulations sharia and in accordance with the law, following the Covid-19 handling protocol with physical distancing, social distancing, and the use of masks, the distribution approach between push approach and pull approach, giving a copy to Covid-19 task force.

Summary of the Study Introduction Sudan is the third largest country on the African continent with a total area of 1,882,000 sq km. before the secession of South Sudan in 2011; Sudan was the largest country in Africa, covering I million square miles. Sudan is unique and complex in its climate, politics, environment, languages, cultures, religion and ethnicities. Demographically, Africans are the majority (52%), with Arab and Beja tribes constituting 38% and 6% of the population, respectively. Over 597 tribes live in Sudan that speak more than 400 dialects and practice different religions, live in Sudan. Muslims make up 70% of the total population of Sudan, followers of indigenous beliefs comprise 25% and Christians constitute 5% of the population. The complex mixture of the Sudanese social fabric renders it neither distinctly African nor Arab country. The Sudanese, however, have long disagreed about Sudan's identity. For some, Sudan should be Arab and Muslim. Other believe that the country should respect and accommodate all the cultures, religions and minorities within its territory. Most of Sudan constitutions stated that Islam and Arabic language should define the national identity. Politically, since the independence, Sudan has experienced a fluctuation between military rule and democratic rule. In fact, Sudan spent thirty years under the military rule, and only twelve years under democratically elected governments. The successive governments have frequently made use of emergency legislation to broaden the executive powers. These legislative measures have contributed to conflict and facilitated a range of human rights violations. In addition to the political instability, Sudan has the distinction in Africa in enduring a devastating civil war: that is: Sudan's north-south civil war. The conflict started just a year before the independence of Sudan, in 1956. The cumulative impact of that conflict has been massive. The conflict has caused horrendous loss of life in any interstate war, and has produced the largest internally displaced population (IDP) in the world. Sudan north-south conflict has long been perceived as ethnic or even religious conflict between the north and the south. Ethnicity has been used generously in the description of that conflict. Yet, a closer look at the history of the conflict reveals that the root-causes of that conflict are highly complex. But, this is by no means to say that conflict has had no ethnic, racial and religious overtones. The eruption of the north-south conflict was the result of a combination of factors. One could trace the root-causes of the conflict to the invasion of the south from the north by Turkiyya that expanded southwards, and the simultaneous development of slave trade. Thereafter, the British rule contributed in different ways to the crystallizing of the north-south dichotomy. After the independence of Sudan, successive governments, were unsuccessful in handling the growing southern problem, ranging from neglect to attempts to reverse the British isolation by enforced Arabisation and Islamization of the southern Sudan. The north-south conflict ended, in 1972, when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed by then President Nimeiry. But, the conflict broke out again, in 1983, when the Addis Ababa Agreement was abrogated by the then President Nimeiry. After a series of peace talks (which witnessed 'start and stop'), a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was concluded, in 9 January 2005, between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Southern Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/SPLA) to end the conflict. The CPA provides for a temporary solution for the conflict through, inter alia, the distribution of the power between the north and the south of Sudan by establishing a decentralised system of government with a significant devolution of powers within which the Southern Sudan is to enjoy a regional autonomy and share half of the resources with north Sudan for a period of six years. Furthermore, the CPA creates joint institutions, such as, the Government of the National Unity (GoNU) in which the Southern Sudan participate and share ministerial posts. The CPA also provides for the establishment of a number of commissions for implementing and monitoring the CPA, for instance, the Evaluation and Monitoring Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, etc. At the end of the interim period, a referendum on the self-determination is to be held, in 2011, in which the people of the Southern Sudan will decide whether to remain within a united Sudan or to secede and form an independent State. The Aim of the Study The significance of this study derives from the conclusion of the CPA and the adoption of the Interim National Constitution (INC) that called for democratic transformation so as to bring an end to Sudan north-south conflict. While the CPA ended Sudan's north-south conflict, a lasting peace and a democratic transformation, in Sudan, may prove elusive unless the CPA provisions are translated into reality, especially the implementation of constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms, including human rights protection and respect for the rule of law. The study aims to answer whether the CPA and INC can fulfil their roles in securing peace and establishing a framework in which the constitutional protection of human rights are recognised and effectively implemented through the availability of the various mechanisms. In this respect, the CPA provided for the adoption of a new constitution (INC), with a view to embedding constitutionalism, rule of law promotion, and protection of human rights. It is, therefore, this study is meant to analyze the constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms of the CPA and INC with a view to examining whether such constitutional reforms may be conducive for a lasting peace, in Sudan, that is based on human rights protection, constitutionalism and the rule of law. The CPA stipulated the need for institutional and legislative changes to reduce the risk of recurrence of human rights violations. To this end, the CPA mandated the adoption of a bill of right (for the promotion and protection of human rights) and provided for re-restructuring of the courts system. Such institutional reforms are aimed at embedding constitutionalism. That is to say: establishing a system in which the constitution provides an agreed upon framework for the exercise of powers and the protection of human rights. In this respect, the study examines whether the outcome of the constitutional reforms process (to recognise, implement, and protect human rights as provided for in the INC) have been reflected in institutional and legislative reforms to protect and prevent human rights violations and address past violations and systemic factors that have contributed to violations. To that end, the human right jurisprudence of the constitutional court will be examined. The Organization of the Study a) The Structure of the Political/Governance System in Sudan under the INC With the devolution of the powers and resources to the Southern Sudan level and other States, the governance system, under the INC, is structured with four levels of government: the national level at the apex, the Government of South Sudan level, the State level (25 States), the local level. Now, the government responsibilities are decentralized and the national government allocates a significant proportion of revenues to the States. It is, therefore, that the first question that this study poses is: What is the impact of the current governance in giving greater equity of representation and decision-making influence to communities across Sudan, thereby facilitating conflict management to achieve a lasting peace in Sudan? In Sudan, previously appropriate design of institutions to ensure political accommodations for all social groups has not been established in a way that would give them the chance to function properly. Now, the INC restructures the prevailing governance system by establishing a decentralized system of government that bears the characteristics of asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism - asymmetrical in the structure and responsibilities of subunits, with the level of South Sudan having more powers and resources than other States across Sudan. Establishment of a federal structure may constitute a mechanism for preventing a relapse into conflict through the devolution of the powers to the State level. For a federal to work effectively, it requires a functional court system to decide on the jurisdictional limits of the different levels of government. Nevertheless, the relevance of the court system in resolving the intractably political contentions in federal countries, especially in transition situations, is uncertain. Noticeably missing from the literature is the study and analysis of the impact of the role of court system in post conflict countries. That said, the role of the court system in preserving democracy has grown in importance with the increase recognition of the judicial review of the constitutionality of the acts of the government organs and the recognition and the protection of human rights provisions. It is, therefore, that the involvement of the courts is necessary to ensure the successful operation of the federalism and thus the failure or the success of federalism is contingent on the implementation of the federal system by the courts. According to some scholars, 'federalism means legalism – the predominance of the judiciary in the constitution- the prevalence of a spirit of legality among the people'. As '[the] courts …are actually telling a government how far it can go with its assigned constitutional rights'. This leads to the second question that this study addresses which relates to the analysis of the constitutional reform as provided for in the INC, in general, but with a special focus on the role of the court system, through the application of judicial review and protection of human rights, to resolve not only disputes in litigations between private parties, but also to prevent the arbitrary exercise of the government power. b) The Structure of the Legal System (Court System) in Sudan under the INC The available literature presents different views as to the role of the court system in new democracies. On one hand, one view assumes that the courts have a fairly wide discretion to decide the outcome of the controversial cases to the needs of the political moment. The other view, on the other hand, takes the position that political actors do not exert any kind of influence at all on the way judges make their decisions. A third source, and with which I agree, argues that legal rules do put constrains over the exercise of the judicial discretion in controversial cases. A fourth view argues that in new fragile democracies constitutional courts/supreme courts should not be involved in judicial review, especially on adjudicating issues related to social and economic rights, which may profoundly affect the allocations of resources and violate the doctrine of separation of powers. In this respect, the study considers whether the court system, as restructured in the INC, and other constitutional guarantees introduced to the legal system as a whole, offer good prospects for constitutionalism that may control the power of the government so as not act arbitrarily. The role of court system in resolving disputes is highly contingent on the substantive law and the institutional structure within which the courts apply laws. Thus, this study examines to what extent the current structure of the legal system under the INC and the protection of human rights through the application of the Bill of Rights by the courts may signal the State's commitment to constitutionalism and respect to the rule of law. It is, therefore, that the role of the court system (in contributing to democratic transformation in Sudan) should be evaluated against the legal framework: that is the INC, with a focus on the independence of the judiciary, the application of the Bill of Rights and the rules governing the judicial review. c) The Legislative and Institutional Reforms under the INC The functions of the courts, in developing countries, have experienced increasingly transformative role as institutions that can hold the government organs accountable. The study aims to examine the practice of constitutionalism: that is, the implementation of the INC constitutional, institutional and legislative reforms, especially the compliance with the provisions of the INC and the CPA, in particular the role of the constitutional court as "a positive legislator". In this regard, the Sudanese Constitutional Court may play an important role in the law reform process given its power to annul laws found unconstitutional. This entails the non-applicability of such laws and, as a result, would compel the government institution/organ concerned to adopt new legislation that is in conformity with the INC. Thus far, the Sudanese constitutional court, under the INC, has received a number of human rights cases that involved issues related to violations of human rights or related to the constitutionality of key legislation, such as counter-terrorism laws, immunities for officials and statutes of limitation for torture. So what role the constitutional court has played in the law reform process under the INC? For the court system to play a role in the democratic reform, a comprehensive law reform process is seen as a prerequisite to bring the existing laws in line with the provisions of the INC and enacting new laws. Therefore, this study identifies what legislative and institutional reforms that have been undertaken by the parties to the CPA during the interim period to address human rights violations, root-causes of the conflict; inequality; marginalization, rule of law vacuum and weak democratic structures. Furthermore, this study offers empirical evidence for the judicial behavior of the Sudanese constitutional court through a systematic examination of selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court to gauge its role in the law reform process in Sudan since the adoption of the INC. Overview of the Study and the Main Findings of the Study Introductory Chapter: Overview of the Study The Introductory Chapter provides an overview of the study, including, the key features of the State of Sudan, the aim of the study, the main objectives of the study, and a general overview of the study. Chapter One: A Historical Background of Sudan's North-South Conflict Chapter One gives a rich and deep account of Sudan north-south conflict. It looks at the root-causes of the conflict by elaborating on different factors that directly and indirectly contributed in making that conflict protracted. Chapter one moves on to consider the end of the first Sudan's north-south conflict which was ended when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed in 1972. Chapter one further elaborates on Sudan's second north-south conflict which broke out in 1983. Finally, Chapter one touches on the various peace initiatives that ended by the conclusion of the CPA. Chapter One concludes by analysing the CPA. In the final analysis, the CPA made significant changes the prevailing governance and legal systems in Sudan by establishing a federal system, introduced a dual legal system a bill of rights, provided for the right to self-determination for the south Sudan, established institutions for the protection of human rights by establishing mechanisms such as National Human rights Commission, and distributed the wealth equally between the north and the south. However, the CPA failed to include the Sudanese people in the talks leading to the conclusion of the CPA, as the CPA was bilateral reflecting the views of the north and the south. Chapter Two: The Structure of the Governance System under the INC The INC describes Sudan as a decentralized State with different levels of government: the national level, the Southern Sudan level, the State level and the local level. It further grants the Southern Sudan autonomy status. A careful analysis of the current governance arrangements reveals that the INC provides for asymmetric/symmetrical federalism system of governance. Chapter Two discusses the allocation of legislative powers between the national government, the Southern Sudan and the rest of the country and the nature of the constitutional design of the INC to manage diversity of Sudan (ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural diversity). At the outset of Chapter Three provides an overview the fundamental principles of federalism and provides a brief historical background of federalism in Sudan and how federalism arrangements can play a role as a tool for peace-building. In the final analysis, in contract with old constitutions of Sudan, the INC establishes a federal system, with four levels of government; national, south Sudan, State and local levels. The INC federal system guarantees the special characteristics of all ethnic and religious groups in Sudan through the creation of the Council of the States. However, all the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. All the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. The INC Schedules (A – C) distribute the exclusive and legislative powers to the national level (A), the GoSS level (B), and the state level (C). Schedule (D) lists the concurrent powers and Schedule (E) allocates the residual powers as per its nature. Schedule (F) is a provision to resolve conflict that might arise under Schedule (D). It should be noted that not all issues listed in the INC schedules are allocated to one level of government only. For example, several substantive issues are granted to the national level as an exclusive competence, to the South Sudan level as an exclusive competence and at the same time to all levels of government as a concurrent power, such as telecommunication. With regard to the legislative powers allocated to the tens states at the South level, the GoSS according to Schedule (B) has the competence to enact a kind of framework with regard to issues that fall under the exclusive South Sudan State competence, thereby limiting the legislative powers of the ten States in South Sudan. Finally, the INC has reinforced existing power relations and failed to provide structural changes for democratic transformation, as the INC asymmetrical federalism accommodates the demands of the South Sudan only. As the INC does not accommodate the demands of the different ethnic and cultural groups in the different regions of Sudan as demonstrated in Darfur Peace Agreement and East Sudan Agreement. Chapter Three: The Structure of the Legal System under the INC The INC altered the Sudanese legal system with a view to accommodating the competing views: Sharia law and secularism. For a proper understanding of the present Sudanese legal system and an assessment of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic governance, a glance at the Sudanese legal history is necessary. Firstly, Chapter Three reviews the constitutional developments in Sudan since the independence to the present day. Secondly, Chapter Three provides overview of the structure of the court system in a decentralized system and focuses on the contribution of the court system to democratic transformation through limiting the acts of the government. Chapter Three further discusses issues that may impact of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation. Yet, the role of the court system in promoting democratic transformation is contingent on the constitution, the substantive law, etc. For instance, instituting the principles of constitutionalism is contingent on the independence of the judiciary, as an independent judiciary is required for the protection of constitutional rights and to restrain the actions of the government. Thus, it is important to understand under what conditions the court system develops such accountability functions: that is, what conditions favor the ability of the court system to exercise an effective accountability functions. It is, therefore, Chapter Three examines (a) how the INC re-structures the court system in the north and the south of Sudan so as to give effect to the principles of the federalism and legal pluralism; (b) the rules regulating the judicial review, and (c) the protection of human rights through the implementation of the bill of rights by the court, all of which signal the commitment of the State to establish democratic governance. Finally, Chapter Three attempts to evaluate the independence of the judiciary and the rules that govern the judicial review before and after the adoption of the INC with a view to assessing the fidelity of the government to the principles of constitutionalism, and whether the limitations observed in the actual conduct of the government. In the final analysis, the INC constitution making process was bilateral reflecting the views of the parties to the CPA and lacked inclusiveness, but provides for a pluralism legal system by providing for a constitution for south Sudan and 25 State constitutions. The INC introduces State judiciary and South Sudan judiciary and opted for an integrated the court system. That is: the State courts apply the State laws, the national laws and the South Sudan laws. In the North, the State courts are still organized by the national level, although the NC provides for the establishment of the State judiciary. At the South Sudan level, all State courts are organized and financed at the level. Towards the South Sudan, the National Supreme Court is the final court of on matters arising under national laws The INC emphasizes the importance of protecting; respecting and promoting human rights through the inclusion a bill of right and incorporation via Art. 27(3) of the INC all human rights treaties that Sudan has ratified, thereby the human rights contained in the INC directly applicable before the Sudanese courts. Also, the implementation of some human rights requires revision of the existing statutory laws. To date there has been limited legislative reforms to address human rights violations. A few laws have been reformed but fall short of Sudan international obligations, such as Criminal Act, Security Laws, Immunity Laws, etc. The INC differentiates between the north and the south regarding the sources of legislation. Art. 5 of the INC lists Sharia as one of the sources of legislation along with the consensus of the people at the national level. Art. 5(2) of the INC names popular consensus and the values and the customs of the people of Sudan as the sources of legislation in South Sudan. The INC contains special rules for national legislation if its source is religion or custom. In that case, a state where the majority of residents do not practice such religion or customs may introduce different legislation allows practices or establishes institutions in that State that are consistent with its own religion or customs. The INC establishes human rights commission for the implementation of the bill of rights as well as a commission for the protection of non-Muslims in the Capital. The INC has chosen a concentrated system of judicial review and a hybrid system of judicial review with respect to the South Sudan as the Supreme Court of South Sudan acts as a constitutional court and a high court of Appeal with respect to South Sudan. The newly enacted Judicial and Administrative of 2005 does not provide for concrete judicial review of law and bars the court from question the constitutionality of law by way of making referral to the constitutional court, thereby renders the judiciary unable to deal with crucial constitutional issues. Chapter Four: Institutional and Legislative Reform: Practice of Constitutionalism In order to understand whether the adoption of the INC has brought any changes may enhance the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation; Chapter Four scrutinizes the compliance of the statutory law with the provisions of the INC, the law reform process in Sudan and the implementation of law in practice. Chapter Four further presents an analysis of more pertinent provisions of civil and political rights in the light of the laws and practices prevailing in the country to assess the extent to which the principles laid down in the INC are complied with. It further assesses the involvement of the Sudan constitutional court in the law reform process by reviewing a selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court. Finally, Chapter Four makes a reference to the jurisprudence of other constitutional courts (the German constitutional court, the Indian Supreme Court and the South African constitutional court) by way of comparison. In the final analysis, a) the INC does not set out procedure for concrete review and access to the court is not free; b) The court has a broad power to consider and adjudge and annual any law in contravention with the constitution and restitute the right to the aggrieved person and compensate for the harm. The court may also order interim measures to avoid any harm. As such, the court can abolish laws and compel the government to enact new law; c) the constitutional court has reviewed a number of cases that alleged the violation of human rights. The court has demonstrated reluctance to declare legislation unconstitutional. Interpretation of the bill of rights and reference to international human rights lacked consistency and the court has taken deference to the executive; d) the constitutional, legislative and institutional changes did not acknowledge past human rights violations through mechanisms that would question the way of governance and persisting inequalities and injustices; e) the constitutional court has institutional weaknesses and its jurisprudence has largely upheld existing laws such as immunities laws and the constitutional court made limited reference to international human rights law; f) the constitutional, legal and institutional reforms failed to generate the sense of constitutionalism and the fundamental change that were to remove the causes for human rights violations and provide effective remedies. A number of laws contravening the human rights are still in force, such as, Public Order Act, Immunity of police, security and army officers, inadequate laws for the protection of women's rights; and finally, the implementation of CPA as a means of democratic transformation left an unreformed government virtually intact Chapter Five: Post- Referendum Sudan Chapter Five looks at the constitutional developments after the secession of South Sudan, with a focus on constitution making process in Sudan. The Southern Sudan Referendum for self-determination, held in July 2011, clearly indicated that the absolute majority of those who participated in the referendum for the Southern Sudan favour separation of the Southern Sudan from Sudan. The secession of the South Sudan on July 9, 2011, as a result of the referendum on self-determination provided by the CPA has created a new reality in Sudan with far reaching economic, political and social implications. Economic and financial losses related to the secession are substantial and have affected all sectors of the economy. Sudan has lost three-quarters of its largest source of foreign exchange (oil), half of its fiscal revenues and about two-thirds of its international payment capacity. In general, the secession of South Sudan resulted in a 36.5% structural decrease in overall government revenues. The unresolved issue of Abyei constitutes a trigger for potential violent tension in the future between Sudan and South Susan. Abyei status is yet to be decided, as both Sudan and South Sudan claiming it as part of its territory. Its final status will be decided by a Referendum for which implementation mechanisms have not yet been agreed upon by the two countries. The end of the CPA necessitated a constitutional review process to decide on the new constitution to replace the INC. However, for a constitution to be able to win the affections of the citizens of the State, it will be necessary to involve those citizens in the constitution-making process that establishes such a constitution, so as to ensure that the process is inclusive and reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people at large. It is, therefore, important to increase public involvement in the constitution-making process by inviting public participation. In order for the design of a constitution and its constitution-making process to play an important role in the governance system, the design of the constitution has to be responsive to the aspirations of the ordinary people. A constitutional review process is currently under way but has not resulted in any clear proposals. That said, since 2011, a constitutional review has been underway in Sudan. The constitutional review process has not been participatory or inclusive. Lively debates on the new constitution in general, and the Bill of Rights and human rights protection in particular, have nevertheless ensued. These debates have been driven by a keen awareness of the importance of constitutional rights. These debates reflect both traditional concerns over the protection of civil and political rights, particularly in the administration of justice, and other issues that have also become a cause of acute concern. These include the desire for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of members of groups who suffer discrimination, particular women, religious and ethnic minorities and persons with disabilities. Currently, public debate over the new constitution is proceeding, although the Government has not yet announced a timeframe for the constitution making process, amid a polarization of views on diverse issues such as the decentralization of power and wealth sharing between the different regions of Sudan. Since 2011, the Government of Sudan, in collaboration with the UNDP and other UN agencies, initiated the forum on public participation in constitution making to facilitate open and public dialogue. This approach has been based on the need to pursue the constitutional process/review inclusively, transparently and participatory to ensure all sectors of society including civil society organizations and opposition political groups participate fully in the process.

The authority of the Aceh government in giving birth to a Madani Islamic community based on the Islamic Sharia in the Serambi Mecca through the primary and secondary education channels, it is necessary to integrate Islamic values in all subjects in schools, including the Natural Sciences (IPA) Biology. The problem in conventional teaching and learning approaches for science subjects (Biology) has nothing to do with knowledge of the Quran and Hadith which is the capital for integrating science and technology. This research aims to study the implementation of teaching and learning (Biology) which integrates Islamic values in Middle School (SMP). Specific aspects that are studied are comparing conventional approaches with Islamic group approaches in Natural Sciences (Biology) in the classroom using experimental designs, with the structure of biology tests. The research sample consisted of 123 middle school students and the data were analyzed using statistical tests to determine the average value of the two classes. The results of data analysis show that learning outcomes in natural science (Biology) education are enhanced through an integrative approach to Islam. Multi-way interaction patterns include the ability to ask and answer questions of teachers and peers. Therefore, the integrative approach to Islam in the Natural Sciences (Biology) curriculum needs to be improved and fully applied in general high schools in Aceh. The Aceh Education Office must take this reference for implementing an integrative approach to Islam in all subjects in secondary schools to build a civil society that is obedient to God in the area of Islamic law. Abstrak Otoritas pemerintah Aceh dalam melahirkan komunitas Islam Madani berdasarkan Syariah Islam di Serambi Mekah melalui saluran pendidikan dasar dan menengah, perlu untuk mengintegrasikan nilai-nilai Islam dalam semua mata pelajaran di sekolah, termasuk Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam (IPA) ) Biologi. Masalah dalam pendekatan pengajaran dan pembelajaran konvensional untuk mata pelajaran sains (Biologi) tidak ada hubungannya dengan pengetahuan tentang Quran dan Hadits yang merupakan modal untuk mengintegrasikan sains dan teknologi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mempelajari implementasi pengajaran dan pembelajaran (Biologi) yang mengintegrasikan nilai-nilai Islam di Sekolah Menengah (SMP). Aspek khusus yang dipelajari adalah membandingkan pendekatan konvensional dengan pendekatan kelompok Islam dalam Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam (Biologi) di kelas menggunakan desain eksperimental, dengan struktur tes biologi. Sampel penelitian terdiri dari 123 siswa sekolah menengah dan data dianalisis menggunakan tes statistik untuk menentukan nilai rata-rata kedua kelas. Hasil analisis data menunjukkan bahwa hasil belajar dalam pendidikan ilmu alam (Biologi) ditingkatkan melalui pendekatan integratif ke Islam. Pola interaksi multi-arah meliputi kemampuan untuk bertanya dan menjawab pertanyaan dari guru dan teman sebaya. Karena itu, pendekatan integratif terhadap Islam dalam kurikulum Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam (Biologi) perlu ditingkatkan dan diterapkan sepenuhnya di sekolah menengah umum di Aceh. Kantor Pendidikan Aceh harus mengambil referensi ini untuk menerapkan pendekatan integratif terhadap Islam di semua mata pelajaran di sekolah menengah untuk membangun masyarakat sipil yang taat kepada Tuhan di bidang hukum Islam. Kata Kunci: pendekatan integratif, nilai-nilai islam, pengajaran, materi ilmu biologi

Development in the business sector is very dynamic and requires a number of legal fiqh which are then set forth in positive law in the form of legislation and regulations issued by financial institutions such as Bank Indonesia as the central bank that has the authority to regulate the operation of commercial banks in a country. One of the business instruments in Islam is the muamalah contract in the form of rent and sale and purchase which has now developed into Ijarah Muntahiya bit Tamlik (IMBT) as one of the financing instruments in sharia financial institutions. It was formulated in fatwa Number 27 / DSN-MUI / III / 2002 concerning IMBT. This article will answer how the process of the fatwa came out as a product of Ulama's Ijtihad? What are the legal actions formulated in the fatwa. What is the legal relationship in the IMBT agreement, and has the IMBT fatwa answered the needs of today's ummah in Indonesia? By library method approach it was found that legal actions in the IMBT fatwa were still partial between rent and sale and purchase or sometimes even though the formulation was harmonious and the conditions were put together. In the case of legal actions there is confusion in which one name is IMBT but contains a number of separate legal actions. Then between one legal act of lease and a legal act of purchase is bound by a promise that can be denied. Of course there are weaknesses that in practice will be parties who are harmed if the promise is not fulfilled. It has a weak legal relationship between the parties. Then it needs further study on how the IMBT really produces a strong legal relationship and mutual protection. Keywords: Fatwa, IMBT dan Hubungan Hukum Abstrak: Perkembangan dalam bidang bisnis sangat dinamis dan membutuhkan sejumlah kepastian hukum secara fikih yang kemudian dituangkan dalam hukum positif dalam bentuk perundang-undangan maupun peraturan yang dikeluarkan oleh institusi keuangan seperti Bank Indonesia selaku Bank sentral yang memiliki wewenang untuk mengatur jalannya bank komersial disuatu Negara. Salah satu instrumen bisnis dalam Islam adalah akad muamalah berupa sewa menyewa maupun jual beli yang kini telah berkembang menjadi Ijarah Muntahiya bit Tamlik (IMBT) sebagai salah satu instrumen pembiayaan pada lembaga keuangan syariah. Ketentuan ini kemudian dirumuskan dalam fatwa Nomor 27/DSNMUI/III/2002 tentang IMBT. Artikel ini akan menjawab bagaimana proses lahirnya fatwa IMBT sebagai produk Ijtihad Ulama? Bagaimana perbuatan hukum yang dirumuskan dalam fatwa IMBT. Bagaimana pula hubungan hukum dalam akad IMBT serta apakah fatwa IMBT sudah menjawab kebutuhan ummat masa kini di Indonesia? Dengan pendekatan metode kepustakaan ditemukan bahwa perbuatan hukum dalam fatwa IMBT masih bersifat parsial antara sewa dengan jual beli atau adakalanya hibah meskipun dalam perumusannya rukun dan syaratnya disatukan. Dalam hal perbuatan hukum ada kerancuan dimana satu nama IMBT tapi mengandung sejumlah perbuatan hukum yang terpisah. Kemudian antara satu perbuatan hukum sewa dan perbuatan hukum beli diikat oleh janji yang sifatnya boleh dingkari. Tentu ini ada kelemahan yang dalam prakteknya akan ada pihak yang dirugikan jika janji itu tidak ditepati. Tentu ini melahirkan hubungan hukum yang masih lemah antara para pihak. Maka perlu kajian lebih lanjut bagaimana dalam IMBT betul-betul melahirkan hubungan hukum yang kuat serta saling melindungi. Kata Kunci: Fatwa, IMBT dan Hubungan Hukum

Abstrak Akad nikah melalui media komunikasi teleconference merupakan salah satu bentuk akomodasi kepentingan masyarakat, akad nikah semacam ini merupakan suatu alternatif pilihan efektif dan efesien (dengan tidak meninggalkan syariat Islam) bagi masyarakat modern. Dalam UUP 1974 maupun PP No. 9 Tahun 1975 hanya diatur tentang sahnya pernikahan yang dilaksanakan berdasarkan agama dan kepercayaannya, yakni sebagaimana yang diatur dalam Pasal 2 ayat (1) UUP 1974, lebih lanjut pernikahan tersebut harus dicatatkan ke Kantor Pencatatan Pernikahan (Pasal 2 ayat (2) Jo. Pasal 2 ayat (1) PP No. 9 Tahun 1975. Sedangkan dalam fiqih, penerapan syarat dan rukun nikah mempunyai sebuah landasan dan alasan yang rasional dan transanden untuk dilaksanakan. Setiap penetapan syara'harus diikuti dengan berbagai macam alasan, baik dari sisi manfaat, madlarat (dampak negatif), juga hal-hal lain seperti setting social historis yang ada waktu itu. Berkaitan dengan akad nikah via teleconference, ada beberapa point dalam syarat dan rukun nikah yang harus dianalisa yang jika diterapkan bisa menjadi perdebatan. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan normatif, analisis akad nikah via teleconference baik menurut fiqih mazhab dan hukum positif Indonesia,dapat dikaji argumentasi hukumnya. Jika diukur dengan hasil ijtihad para ulama terdahulu, khususnya Imam mujtahid yang empat, ternyata akad nikah via teleconfrence itu memang dapat saja dilaksanakan dengan syarat-syarat tertentu dan dalam keadaan tertentu. Dalam konteks ini berarti akad nikah melalui teleconfrence itu tidaklah dapat dikatakan sah begitu saja, akan tetapi bersifat kasuistis sesuai dengan situasi yang sedang dihadapi. Kata Kunci; Akad Nikah, Teleconfrence, Majlis Akad, Saksi dan Pencatatan Abstract Marriage through teleconference communication media is one form of accommodation of public interest, this kind of marriage contract is an alternative effective and efficient choice (by not leaving Islamic sharia) for modern society. In the UUP 1974 and PP no. 9 of 1975 is stipulated only on the validity of marriages which are conducted on the basis of their religion and belief, namely as provided for in Article 2 paragraph (1) of the UUP 1974, further the marriage shall be registered at the Marriage Registration Office (Article 2 paragraph (2) of Jo. Paragraph (1) of Government Regulation No. 9 of 1975. Whereas in fiqh, the application of the terms and principles of marriage has a rational and transparent basis and reason to be implemented. Each determination should be followed by various reasons, Negative impact), as well as other things like the historical social setting that existed at that time. In connection with the marriage contract via teleconference, there are several points in the terms and pillars of marriage that must be analyzed which if applied can be a debate. Using normative approach, Marriage via teleconference both according to jurisprudence and positive law of Indonesia, can be studied the legal argument. If measured by the results Ijtihad of the previous scholars, especially the four mujtahid Imam, the marriage contract via teleconfrence can indeed be carried out under certain conditions and under certain circumstances. In this context means the marriage contract through teleconfrence can not be said to be legal, but it is casuistic in accordance with the situation at hand. Keywords; Akad Nikah, Teleconfrence, Majlis Akad, Witness and Recording

Purpose: the article examines the main problems associated with the extension of arbitration of domestic and international Islamic financial disputes in Malaysia. These include the specific features of the legal regulation of Malaysia, excluding the resolution of certain categories of cases by way of arbitration, and the lack of legal certainty in the submission of cross-border contracts in the field of Islamic banking to Sharia law.To achieve this goal in the article you must accomplish the following tasks: to determine whether there are institutions in Malaysia providing arbitration services for disputes in the field of Islamic banking; investigate the reasons for the unwillingness of the parties to a financial dispute to transfer it to arbitration; to identify the main problems of transferring a cross-border financial dispute to international arbitration; to study the practice of international arbitration on this issue.Methods: this article is based on an interdisciplinary concept of research, which allowed to distinguish the distinctive features of the legal regulation of the settlement of financial disputes in Malaysia.Results: currently the popularization of arbitration permits for domestic and international financial disputes in Malaysia faces difficulties due to both internal reasons and the traditional approach of Islamic banks to include in contracts the reservation of subordination of the provisions of the contract to the law of England or the United States in conjunction with the reservation clause financial disputes in the courts and arbitration of these states. Nevertheless, one can assume with great confidence that, following the development of Islamic banking, so-called Islamic arbitration will spread in Malaysia.Conclusions and Relevance: the materials outlined in the article show the special role of arbitration in resolving domestic and international disputes in the field of Islamic banking. Practical application of its results will improve the Russian legislation in the sphere of resolving financial disputes. ; Цель: В статье рассматриваются основные проблемы, связанные с распространением арбитража внутренних и международных исламских финансовых споров в Малайзии. К ним относят как особенности правового регулирования Малайзии, исключающего разрешение определенных категорий дел в порядке арбитража, так и отсутствие правовой определенности при подчинении трансграничных контрактов в сфере исламского банкинга нормам шариата. Для достижения поставленной цели в статье необходимо решить следующие задачи: выявить, имеются ли в Малайзии учреждения, предоставляющие услуги по арбитражному разрешению споров в сфере исламского банкинга; исследовать причины нежелания сторон финансового спора передавать его на разрешение арбитража; выявить основные проблемы передачи трансграничного финансового спора в международный арбитраж; исследовать практику международных арбитражей по данному вопросу.Методология проведения работы: Данная статья основана на сравнительно-правовом методе исследования, который позволил выделить отличительные особенности правового регулирования разрешения финансовых споров Малайзии.Результаты работы: В настоящее время популяризация арбитражного разрешения внутренних и международных финансовых споров в Малайзии сталкивается с трудностями, вызванными как внутренними причинами, так и традиционным подходом исламских банков на включение в контракты оговорки о подчинении положений контракта праву Англии или США во взаимосвязи с оговоркой о разрешении финансовых споров в судах и арбитражах указанных государств. Тем не менее, можно с большой уверенность предположить, что вслед за развитием исламского банкинга, в Малайзии получит распространение и так называемый исламский арбитраж.Выводы: Материалы, изложенные в статье, показывают особую роль арбитража в разрешении внутренних и международных споров в сфере исламского банкинга. Практическое применение ее результатов позволит совершенствовать российское законодательство в сфере разрешения финансовых споров.

ABSTRAK Zakat merupakan salah satu rukun Islam yang pelaksanaannya didasarkan pada syariat / hukum Islam. Selain sebagai ibadah ritual, zakat juga merupakan ibadah sosial dan memiliki dimensi politik dikaitkan dengan keterlibatan negara dalam pengelolaannya. Pengelolaan zakat telah mengarah pada struktur yang formal, kolektif, terorganisir dan permanen sejak masa Nabi Muhammad shallallahu "alaihi wa sallam. Seiring perkembangan wilayah kekuasaan Islam, tingkat perekonomian yang semakin maju dan struktur pemerintahan yang semakin kompleks, kebijakan pengelolaan zakat berubah secara dinamis sesuai perubahan zaman. Bentuk pengelolaan zakat dan keterlibatan negara dalam pengelolaan zakat pun bermacam-macam. Pengelolaan zakat di Indonesia juga mengalami perkembangan yang sedemikian rupa. Sebagai negara yang memiliki populasi penduduk Muslim terbesar di dunia, persoalan zakat pun menjadi tak dapat dipisahkan dari kehidupan sosial masyarakat Indonesia. Negara Indonesia bukanlah negara agama / negara Islam, di mana syariat agama Islam dijadikan sebagai landasan konstitusi negara, melainkan negara demokrasi yang menjadikan nilai-nilai keagamaan sebagai landasan konstitusi. Di negara-negara yang menjadikan agama Islam sebagai landasan konstitusi negara, pelaksanaan zakat adalah suatu kewajiban. Ada pemaksaan dari negara kepada warga negara untuk membayar zakat dan terdapat sanksi atas kelalaian pembayaran zakat. Di negara-negara ini, zakat dimasukkan dalam sistem keuangan negara, bahkan bisa dikatakan sebagai pajak wajib umat Islam karena negara tersebut tidak membebankan pajak kepada pemeluk agama Islam kecuali zakat. Dalam penulisan makalah ini, penulis memfokuskan permasalahan pada rumusan masalah : "Apa peran negara dalam pengelolaan zakat umat Islam di Indonesia?". Berdasarkan hasil pembahasan, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa Negara tidak memaksa terhadap warga negara Indonesia dalam membayar zakat karena pembayaran zakat di Indonesia adalah bersifat sukarela. Namun, negara berperan dalam hal pengelolaan zakat karena berhubungan dengan kepentingan umum di mana dana zakat dari umat Islam dikumpulkan dan dikelola dan agar tujuan dari pengelolaan tersebut tercapai dan tidak ada hak umat Islam yang dilanggar. Dalam hal pengelolaan zakat umat Islam di Indonesia, negara berperan sebagai regulator, pengelola dan pengawas. Kata kunci : Peran negara, pengelolaan zakat 1 ABSTRACT Zakat is one of the pillars of Islam that its implementation is based on sharia / Islamic law. Aside from being a ritual worship, zakat is also a social worship and has a political dimension linked to the involvement of the state in its management. Zakat management has led to a formal, collective, organized and permanent structure since the time of Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him. As the development of Islamic territory, the increasingly advanced level of the economy and the increasingly complex government structure, zakat management policies changed dynamically according to the changing times. Forms of zakat management and state involvement in the management of zakat also vary. The management of zakat in Indonesia has also developed in such a way. As a country that has the largest Muslim population in the world, the issue of zakat became inseparable from the social life of Indonesian society. The State of Indonesia is not a state of religion / Islamic state, where Islamic Shari'a is used as the foundation of the constitution of the state, but a democracy that makes religious values the foundation of the constitution. In countries which make Islam the foundation of the state constitution, the implementation of zakat is an obligation. There is coercion from the state to the citizens to pay zakat and there are sanctions for the negligence of zakat payment. In these countries, zakat is incorporated into the state's financial system, it can even be regarded as a compulsory tax for Muslims because it does not impose tax on Muslims except zakat. In writing this paper, the authors focus the problem on : "What is the role of the state in the management of Muslims" zakat in Indonesia?". Based on the results of the discussion, the authors conclude that the state does not force against the citizens of Indonesia in paying zakat because the payment of zakat in Indonesia is voluntary. However, the state plays a role in the management of zakat because it deals with the public interest in which zakat funds from Muslims are collected and managed and for the purpose of the management is achieved and no rights of Muslims are violated. In terms of Islamic zakat management in Indonesia, the state acts as regulator, manager and supervisor. Keywords: Role of state, Management of zakat

"Der Beitrag identifiziert verschiedene Diskurse innerhalb des islamischen Feminismus. Es wird gefragt, ob islamischer Feminismus dazu beiträgt, Frauenrechte zu stärken, und inwieweit er Frauen einen Zugang zur öffentlichen Sphäre und Autonomie in der privaten Sphäre ermöglicht. Es wird gezeigt, dass der islamische Feminismus einen positiven Einfluss auf die Förderung von Frauenrechten hat, und zwar nicht nur innerhalb islamischer Diskurse, sondern auch in nationalen und internationalen Institutionen. Dennoch trägt der islamisch-feministische Diskurs auch eine mögliche Gefahr für den Status von Frauen in muslimischen Gesellschaften in sich, da religiös motivierte Argumente gegen die UN-Konvention für Frauenrechte vorgebracht werden, sobald diese zum islamischen Recht der Scharia im Widerspruch steht." (Autorenreferat)