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La necessitat d'adoptar el mètode interactiu en les pràctiques lectores s'ha de considerar com una pràctica fonamental si volem millorar la competència lectora dels aprenents. La gran preocupació d'aquest estudi és la millora de les pràctiques lectores en l'Ensenyament Secundari al Camerun. Per aquest motiu, el propòsit d'aquesta investigació s'orienta a analitzar les pràctiques lectores a les aules del 3r curs d'E/LE en la secundària. Per a tal fi, hem utilitzat dos instruments: el qüestionari i l'observació amb la seva respectiva guia. Els resultats han indicat que els factors que dificulten l'aprenentatge d'aquesta habilitat tenen més pes que els que ho faciliten. Aquestes dificultats es refereixen, d'una banda, al programa oficial, als manuals escolars, i de l'altra, als docents. Davant d'aquestes limitacions, es suggereix una proposta globalitzadora en els següents àmbits: polític, familiar i àulic. ; La necesidad de adoptar el método interactivo en las prácticas lectoras debe considerarse como una práctica fundamental si queremos mejorar la competencia lectora de los aprendientes. La gran preocupación de este estudio es la mejora de las prácticas lectoras en la Secundaria en Camerún. De ahí que el propósito de esta investigación se oriente a analizar las prácticas lectoras en las aulas del 3er curso de E/LE. Para tal fin, los instrumentos utilizados han sido: el cuestionario y la observación. Los resultados han indicado que los factores que dificultan el aprendizaje de esta habilidad tienen más peso que los que lo facilitan. Estas dificultades se refieren, por un lado, al programa oficial, a los manuales escolares y por otro, a los docentes. Frente a estas limitaciones se sugiere una propuesta globalizadora en los siguientes ámbitos: político, familiar y áulico. ; The need to adopt the interactive method in reading practices must be considered as a fundamental practice if we want to improve the reading competence of the students. This study aimed to improve the reading practices in Secondary Education in Cameroon. Hence, the purpose of this research is to analyze the reading practices in the classrooms of the 3rd year of Spanish in high school. For this purpose, we have used two instruments: the questionnaire and the observation with its respective guide. The results have indicated that the factors that hinder the learning of the reading comprehension have more weight than those that facilitate it. These difficulties refer, on the one hand, to the official program, the school textbooks and on the other, the teachers. Faced with these limitations, a globalizing proposal is recommended: in the political sphere and in the field of the classroom and the families.

The aim of this article is to analyze some of the reasons for the current discrediting of pedagogical knowledge. First, some national and international examples of the cultural circumstances for the rejection of Pedagogy as an academic discipline and pedagogues as valid professionals are established. Secondly, a review of the main positions at stake on anti-pedagogism is presented. Thirdly, some of the reasons that may explain the current anti-pedagogim are analyzed. These reasons are based on possible mistakes or excesses of a certain kind of Pedagogy. There are political reasons; Pedagogy has allowed an excessive ideological polarization between traditional schools and progressive or new schools. There are gnoseological reasons as well; Pedagogy has separated way too much the educational perspective and the learning from the cultural content in the curriculum areas. And, finally, there are normative reasons too; Pedagogy has focused excessively on identifying education with life and subjective experiences. ; El objetivo de este artículo estriba en analizar algunas de las razones del desprestigio actual del conocimiento pedagógico. En primer lugar, se muestran algunos ejemplos nacionales e internacionales sobre el ambiente cultural de rechazo hacia la Pedagogía y los pedagogos. En segundo lugar, se presenta una revisión de las principales posiciones en juego sobre el antipedagogismo. En tercer lugar, se analizan algunas de las razones que pueden explicar la actual corriente antipedagógica. Estas razones se basan en posibles errores o excesos de cierta Pedagogía. Razones políticas centradas en la excesiva polarización ideológica entre escuela tradicional y progresista o nueva. Razones gnoseológicas centradas en separar en exceso la perspectiva educativa y el aprendizaje de las áreas culturales. Y, por último, razones normativas centradas en identificar la educación con la vida y las experiencias subjetivas. ; L'objectif de cet article est d'analyser certaines des raisons du discrédit actuel des connaissances pédagogiques. Tout d'abord, quelques exemples nationaux et internationaux du contexte culturel du rejet de la pédagogie en tant que discipline académique et des pédagogues en tant que professionnels valides sont présentés. Deuxièmement, une révision des principales positions de l'antipédagogisme est réalisée. Troisièmement, certaines des raisons qui expliquent le courant anti-pédagogique sont analysées. Ce sont des raisons fondées sur des possibles erreurs ou excès d'une certaine Pédagogie. Il y a des raisons politiques: la Pédagogie a favorisé une excessive polarisation idéologique entre les écoles traditionnelles et les écoles progressistes ou nouvelles. Il y a des raisons gnoséologiques: la Pédagogie a trop séparé la perspective éducative et de l'apprentissage du contenu culturel dans les domaines du curriculum. Et, il y a enfin, des raisons normatives: la Pédagogie a excessivement identifié l'éducation avec la vie et les expériences subjectives.

This article analyzes the profile of the public managers of four ministries: Finance and Planning, representing the economic area, and Health and Education, as examples of the social area. Based on empirical data, a comparison of the profile of the occupants of these senior positions from 1995 to 2012 is proposed. The research demonstrates the specificities of the recruitment pattern in these two areas of the bureaucratic field and shows that the public leaders of the economic area come from the most favored social sectors, present a more technical pattern and are less engaged in political, social and union matters. However, they are not intellectually superior in terms of qualifications. The data allow to discuss Bourdieu`s theses on the elites of the bureaucratic field and help to demonstrate the myths about the greater academic qualification of the bureaucratic sectors of the economic and financial areas. ; El artículo analiza el perfil de los funcionarios públicos de cuatro ministerios: Finanzas y Planificación, en representación del área económica, y la Salud y la Educación, como ejemplos del área social. Basado en datos empíricos, sugiere una comparación del perfil de los ocupantes de estos puestos de responsabilidad en el período de 1995 a 2012. La investigación muestra la especificidad de lo patrón de reclutamiento en estas dos áreas del campo burocrático y evidencia que los funcionarios públicos de la zona económica provienen de los sectores sociales más privilegiados, tienen un carácter más técnico y son menos dedicados a las cuestiones de la orden política, social y sindical. Pero no por ello son intelectualmente superiores en términos de titulación. Nuestros datos permiten dialogar con las tesis de Bourdieu sobre las élites del campo burocrático y ayudan a desmontar mitos sobre la mayor calificación académica de los sectores burocráticos del área económica y financiera. ; O artigo analisa o perfil dos dirigentes públicos de quatro ministérios: Fazenda e Planejamento, representando a área econômica, e Saúde e Educação, como exemplos da área social. Baseado em dados empíricos, propõe uma comparação de perfil dos ocupantes desses altos cargos no período de 1995 a 2012. A pesquisa demonstra as especificidades do padrão de recrutamento nessas duas áreas do campo burocrático e evidencia que os dirigentes públicos da área econômica são provenientes de setores sociais mais favorecidos, apresentam padrão mais técnico e são menos engajados em questões de ordem política, social e sindical. Mas nem por isso são intelectualmente superiores em termos de titulação. Nossos dados permitem dialogar com as teses de Pierre Bourdieu sobre as elites do campo burocrático e ajudam a desmontar mitos sobre a maior qualificação acadêmica dos setores burocráticos da área econômica e financeira.

As the field of activity becomes narrower in local governments, it is easier and less costly to reflect the preferences of people. Since the distance between society and administration is closer, the local government formed qt political and administrative levels produces more effective results in terms of democratic efficiency. In this new administrative form, which can also be expressed as "local governance", the local government in an autonomous structure, assuming more responsibility to cooperate with the central government, private sector and other actors (development agencies, NGOs, etc.) At this point, while focusing on the needs and disadvantages, it is necessary to understand that NGOs hold basic responsibilities in terms of cooperating with local governments in various forms such as local education, provision of social services, empowerment of solidarity and protection of freedoms. After the collapse of welfare politics, the importance of cooperation between government and civil society has emerged. It is then necessary to talk about the increasing importance of civil society as a prominent actor in the field of social welfare, in the sense that having the basis for providing services without being exposed to the conditions of bulkiness, inefficiency and red-tape. The cooperation mechanism, recently revealed in Sultanbeyli within the context of Syrian refugees, is a good example which brings Sultanbeyli Municipality, Sultanbeyli Governorship, the Ministry of Family and Social Policy and some important non-governmental organizations together as project partners. ; Merkezileşme yerine daha dar bir faaliyet alanında işlev yürüten yerel yönetimler, bu alanlarda yaşayan bireylerin tercihlerini yansıtmak açısından daha kolay ve daha az maliyetli hizmetler sunmaktadır. Toplum ve yönetim arasındaki mesafe daha kısa olduğundan, yerel hükümet siyasi ve idari seviyede demokratik etkinlik açısından daha etkili sonuçlar üretmektedir. "Yerel yönetişim" olarak da ifade edilebilen bu yeni idari formda yerel yönetim anlayışı, merkezi yönetimle, özel sektörle ve diğer aktörlerle (kalkınma ajansları, STK'lar vb.) işbirliği yapmak suretiyle, özerklik ve verimlilik açısından daha fazla sorumluluk alan bir formda ifade bulmaktadır. Bu noktada insan ihtiyaç ve dezavantajlarına yönelirken, STK'ların yerel yönetimlerle işbirliği içerisinde, yerel eğitim, sosyal hizmet, sosyal dayanışmanın güçlendirilmesi ve insan haklarının korunması gibi temel işlevlere sahip olduğunu belirtmek gerekir. Refah politikasının çöküşünden sonra, hükümet ve sivil toplum arasındaki işbirliğinin önemi gittikçe artmaktadır. Bu bakımdan, hantallık, verimsizlik ve bürokratizm gibi merkezi hükümetlerin dezavantajlı koşullarına maruz kalmadan hizmet sunma temeline sahip olma anlamında, sivil toplumun önemi gittikçe artmaktadır. Bu bağlamda Sultanbeyli sınırları dâhilinde mülteciler için oluşturulmuş ve Sultanbeyli Belediyesi, Sultanbeyli Kaymakamlığı, Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanlığı ve bazı önemli STK'ları proje ortakları olarak bir araya getiren önemli bir işbirliği mekanizması, buna iyi bir örnek teşkil etmektedir.

The treatment of history in Austrian-Hungarian state primary school textbooks for Bosnia and HerzegovinaFollowing the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia-Herzegovina's state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government's political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province's Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia's medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness. Podejście do historii w podręcznikach szkolnych Austro-Węgier dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i HercegowinieW następstwie austro-węgierskiej okupacji Bośni i Hercegowiny nowe władze wprowadziły międzywyznaniowy system oświatowy nastawiony na kształcenie dzieci w duchu patriotyzmu prowincjonalnego bośniacko-hercegowińskiego oraz obywatelskiego habsburskiego. Istniejące podręczniki południowosłowiańskie, zawierające liczne teksty, które były obraźliwe dla Muzułmanów, okazały się dla tego przedsięwzięcia nieprzydatne. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu omówienie podejścia do historii w nowych podręcznikach napisanych dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i Hercegowinie, biorąc pod uwagę zarówno dobór tematów historycznych jak i to, w jaki sposób edukacja historyczna została wykorzystana dla narzucenia uczniom pożądanych postaw lojalności, a następnie politycznych celów rządu. Oprócz zachęty do tego, by uczniowie identyfikowali się z chwalebnymi czynami ich średniowiecznych przodków, a tym samym zamysłu propagowania historycznie wspartego patriotyzmu bośniackiego, podręczniki te zostały napisane z wyraźną intencją, aby trafiły do zamieszkujących tę prowincję Muzułmanów, zwłaszcza ich szlachty. Implikowały widoczną ciągłość pomiędzy bośniacką średniowieczną arystokracją, zapewne bogomilską, a współczesnymi elitami muzułmańskimi, przy czym starannie unikały odniesienia do tematów historycznych, w sposób który może obrażać wrażliwość Muzułmanów. Wreszcie, z dużym nakładem pracy dążyły do tego, by historycznie uzasadnić ówczesne rządy Habsburgów w Bośni i Hercegowinie oraz, w szerszym sensie, wpoić dzieciom wiedzę o tym, że łagodne obce rządy mogą dobrze przysłużyć się społeczeństwu cierpiącemu na brak jedności i buntowniczemu. [Transl. by Jacek Serwański]

У статті визначено зовнішні фактори впливу на внутрішній ринок товарів. Серед основних визначено фактори соціального та інформаційно-технологічного характеру. Сформовано відповідні ключові показники оцінки факторів соціального та інформаційно-технологічного характеру. Досліджено динаміку факторів, визначено параметри оцінки їх впливу на внутрішній ринок товарів. Проведено оцінку ризику зміни факторів соціального та інформаційно-технологічного характеру та визначено пріоритетність кожного з них при розробці стратегії забезпечення розвитку внутрішнього ринку. ; The development of the internal market of goods is influenced by external factors. Assessing the impact of external factors is necessary to make informed decisions to ensure the further development of the domestic market. For evaluation it is necessary to create a list of external factors that influence the development of the domestic market of goods. The most common method for evaluating external factors is PEST-analysis. According to PEST-analysis, external factors are considered in the context of four major segments: social, technological, economic and political factors. For each segment, it is necessary to determine the list of factors that can influence the development of the internal market of goods. Within the scope of this study, it is proposed to assess the impact on the domestic commodity market of factors of social and informational and technological nature. Each of the factors is provided with a key indicator, the dynamics of which can be traced for the period under study. It is suggested to social factors include the demographic situation, the health of the nation, the level of education, the standard of living of the population, health care and living conditions. For social factors that have a positive content load are the average expected life expectancy at birth, the expected duration of training, the number of physicians per 1000 population, the total housing area per inhabitant. The indicators of a social nature that have a negative content load include the ratio of total population decline and the proportion of people with incomes lower than the subsistence minimum. The information and technological factors proposed include the use of information and communication technologies, the expansion of technological capabilities of production, innovation activity, innovation in production, inventiveness and technological level of production. In the area of information technology use, there was an improvement with moderate variability of the key indicator values, but the effect of this factor is moderate. All social factors and most informational and technological factors relate to the second sector of the matrix. The exception is the technological level of production, which belongs to the first sector.The obtained results of the research are useful in forecasting changes in the development coefficients in pessimistic and optimistic scenarios.

As part of a research study on the methods of child-rearing practiced by the displaced homeless families of the Altos de Oriente II settlement, this article offers a vision of how ethnographic research, from a critical hermeneutical perspective, is incorporated into action research and linked to an alternative public health. Thus, the present work seeks to understand the meanings of the emerging parenting practices within culture circles, which are scenarios for participant observation. From a perspective of action research with an educational objective, the child-rearing of women is described, in a transformative reflection that allowed to identify emerging topics and an orientation of praxis towards health education. The methodological approach focuses on dialogue in order to build an interpretive bridge that critically examines the educational processes of action research, as part of the ethical and political commitment to advance in the resolution of concrete situations generated within the community. ; Como parte de un análisis sobre la crianza que practican las familias desplazadas y destechadas del asentamiento Altos de Oriente II, se pretende ofrecer una visión de cómo una investigación con orientación etnográfica, desde una perspectiva hermenéutica crítica, se incorpora a la Investigación Acción a partir de la salud pública alternativa. Se planteó de esta manera para comprender los significados de la crianza emergentes en los círculos de cultura –escenarios para la observación participante–. Junto a la Investigación Acción con un objetivo educativo, se describió lo que pasa con la crianza de las mujeres, en una reflexión transformadora que posibilitó la identificación de temas generadores y la orientación de la praxis en educación para la salud. El enfoque metodológico a través del diálogo construyó un puente interpretativo crítico con los procesos educativos de la Investigación Acción, como parte del compromiso ético y político para avanzar en la resolución de situaciones concretas de la comunidad. ; Como parte de pesquisa sobre a criação praticada pelas famílias deslocadas e espoliadas de teto do assentamento Altos de Oriente II, visa-se fornecer uma visão de como é que uma pesquisa com orientação etnográfica desde uma perspectiva hermenêutica crítica é incorporada à Pesquisa-ação desde uma saúde pública alternativa. Coloca-se desta maneira para compreender os significados da criação emergentes nos círculos de cultura, cenários para a observação participante. Junto à Pesquisa-Ação com um objetivo educacional, descreveu-se o que acontece com a criação das mulheres, numa reflexão transformadora que possibilitou a identificação de temas geradores e a orientação da práxis em educação para a saúde. O enfoque metodológico através do diálogo construiu uma ponte interpretativa crítica com os processos educacionais da Pesquisa-Ação como parte do compromisso ético e político para avançar na resolução de situações concretas da comunidade.

This article has analyzed the long process of Indonesian Nation State Formation, namely from the Dutch Colonial Period to New Order Era of the 1980s and 1990s. The article argues that the concept of nationhood remained very fluid for long time but gradually it started to shape after the introduction of western education to the natives in the Dutch Colonial era and it took the final shape in New Order Era. The complexity of the nation-state formation was due to the region consists of many ethnics, cultures, languages, religions, and political parties. Their national identity started from the ethnicity awareness which took shape in the Dutch Colonial Era. During the Japanese occupation era the Nation State Formation of Indonesia was put into action as Kurasawa said that they had been prepared the independence of Indonesian nation. In Sukarno era, Indonesia was still ideologically divided into some international ideologies such as Communism, Islamism, and the secular national ideology. The peak of the rivals is the breaking of Indonesian Communist Party uprising in 1965. A major change took place with the fall of Sukarno's regime which was replaced by General Suharto. Suharto called the Sukarno era as the old order regime and called his regime as New Order. The stability of Indonesian National formation was restored with ban on the International Ideology such as Communism, forcing the Moslem militancy and using National Ideology (Pancasila) as the ones of National Ideology.  Artikel ini telah menganalisis proses panjang Pembentukan Negara Bangsa Indonesia, yaitu dari Masa Kolonial Belanda ke Era Orde Baru tahun 1980-an dan 1990-an. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa konsep kebangsaan tetap sangat cair untuk waktu yang lama tetapi secara bertahap mulai terbentuk setelah pengenalan pendidikan barat untuk pribumi di era Kolonial Belanda dan mengambil bentuk akhir di Era Orde Baru. Kompleksitas pembentukan negara-bangsa adalah karena wilayah ini terdiri dari banyak suku, budaya, bahasa, agama, dan partai politik. Identitas nasional mereka dimulai dari kesadaran etnis yang terbentuk di Era Kolonial Belanda. Selama era pendudukan Jepang, formasi Negara Bangsa Indonesia dilaksanakan sebagai Kurasawa mengatakan bahwa mereka telah mempersiapkan kemerdekaan bangsa Indonesia. Di era Soekarno, Indonesia masih secara ideologis dibagi menjadi beberapa ideologi internasional seperti Komunisme, Islamisme, dan ideologi nasional sekuler. Puncak saingan adalah pecahnya pemberontakan Partai Komunis Indonesia pada tahun 1965. Perubahan besar terjadi dengan jatuhnya rejim Sukarno yang digantikan oleh Jenderal Suharto. Suharto menyebut era Soekarno sebagai rezim orde lama dan menyebut rejimnya sebagai Orde Baru. Stabilitas formasi Nasional Indonesia dipulihkan dengan larangan Ideologi Internasional seperti Komunisme, memaksa militansi Islam dan menggunakan Ideologi Nasional (Pancasila) sebagai Ideologi Nasional.Â

The article examines prorussian nationalism as a concept, as well as its formation, emergence and development in Ukraine as a phenomenon. The author states that pro-russian nationalism has a history of development in Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the fact that prorussian nationalism in Ukraine was formed and arose on the basis of betrayal, the distribution of its territory, the ban on printing books in Ukrainian, the functioning of education in the native language of Ukrainians, the destruction of imperial Russia's features of Ukrainian statehood, and also the collision of two different ideological systems and political forces, each of which fought for its Ukrainian state. The article draws attention to the fact that prorussian nationalism destroyed the UNR as an independent state, at the beginning. The 1920 years led to the Holodomor, the persecution and execution of Ukrainians only because they were using the Ukrainian language, studied it in educational institutions, studied their history, tried to preserve, develop and spread their native language, culture and literature. It is argued that the USSR as a state could still exist if pro-Russian nationalism did not forbid its inhabitants, including Ukrainians, to study their native language in educational institutions and fully develop their native language, culture and literature. That is, the linguistic policy of prorussian nationalism is based on the prohibition on using the native language and spreading Ukrainian culture in public, as well as persecution, ganglia, terrorism, the hybrid Russian war, etc. ; У статті досліджується проросійський націоналізм як поняття, а також його формування, виникнення та розвиток в Україні як явища. Автор констатує, що проросійський націоналізм має на теренах України свої особливості та історію розвитку. Звертається увага на те, що проросійський націоналізм в Україні сформувався і виник унаслідок заборон друкувати книжки українською мовою, функціонування освіти рідною мовою українців, знищення імперською Росією ознак української державності, а також − зіткнення двох різних за ідеологією систем та політичних сил, кожна із яких боролася за свою Українську державу. Звертається увага на те, що проросійський націоналізм майже знищив незалежну Українську державу, призвів до голодомору, переслідувань і розстрілів українців лише за те, що вони послуговувались українською мовою, вивчали її в освітніх навчальних закладах, досліджували свою історію, намагалися зберегти, розвинути і поширити рідну мову, культуру і літературу. У роботі стверджується, що СРСР як держава могла б існувати й досі, якби проросійський націоналізм не забороняв його мешканцям, зокрема й українцям, навчатися рідною мовою в освітніх закладах та повноцінно розвивати рідну мову, культуру і літературу. Тобто, мовна політика проросійського націоналізму будується на заборонах використовувати рідну мову та поширювати українську культуру публічно, а також − переслідуваннях, загратуваннях, тероризмі, гібридній російській війні, яку Росія здійснює в Україні та ін.

Nguyen Toan Tran,1–3,* Wambi Maurice E Yameogo,4,5,* Mary Eluned Gaffield,1 Félicité Langwana,6 James Kiarie,1 Désiré Mashinda Kulimba,6 Seni Kouanda4,5 1Department of Reproductive Health and Research, World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland; 2Australian Centre for Public and Population Health Research, Faculty of Health, University of Technology, Sydney, NSW, Australia; 3Institute of Demography and Socioeconomics, University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland; 4Institut de Recherche en Sciences de la Santé, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; 5Institut Africain de la Santé Publique, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; 6School of Public Health, University of Kinshasa, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo *These authors contributed equally to this work Purpose: To address the high unmet need for postpartum family planning (PPFP) in resource-limited settings, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, this study aimed to identify PPFP-related barriers and catalysts to inform policies and programs to increase access to postpartum contraception.Methods: Using qualitative methodology, we explored the perspectives of women, adolescent girls, men, religious and community leaders, service providers, and decision makers from three rural communities in Burkina Faso and three rural–urban communities in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Both countries have high unmet need for PPFP and are priority countries of the French Muskoka Fund for Maternal and Child Health.Results: Perceived catalysts included negative traditional views on the consequences borne by closely spaced children and their mothers; a 6-week postpartum visit dedicated to PPFP (albeit poorly attended); political will and enabling policies for FP; and support from certain religious leaders and men. Main reported barriers were the lack of male engagement; out-of-pocket copayment for contraceptives; reliance on amenorrhea for pregnancy prevention without knowing its limits; misconceptions about modern contraceptives, including prerequisites for the lactational amenorrhea method; sexual abstinence supported by religious and traditional norms for up to 3–6 months, although women reported earlier resumption of sexual activity; low prioritization of scheduled postpartum visits by women; and limited availability of readily accessible methods, PPFP counseling materials, and clinic days and scheduled visits dedicated to contraceptive services.Conclusion: Based on results found to be most actionable, the following interventions have the potential to optimize access to PPFP services: counseling women on postpartum-pregnancy risks and options at different points in time before and after childbirth through the use of appropriate information, education, and counseling materials; integrating PPFP services into existing maternal and child health visits; making contraceptives readily available and affordable; and meaningfully engaging male partners. Keywords: postpartum contraception, barriers, enablers, sub-Saharan Africa, Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of Congo

The article examines prorussian nationalism as a concept, as well as its formation, emergence and development in Ukraine as a phenomenon. The author states that pro-russian nationalism has a history of development in Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the fact that prorussian nationalism in Ukraine was formed and arose on the basis of betrayal, the distribution of its territory, the ban on printing books in Ukrainian, the functioning of education in the native language of Ukrainians, the destruction of imperial Russia's features of Ukrainian statehood, and also the collision of two different ideological systems and political forces, each of which fought for its Ukrainian state. The article draws attention to the fact that prorussian nationalism destroyed the UNR as an independent state, at the beginning. The 1920 years led to the Holodomor, the persecution and execution of Ukrainians only because they were using the Ukrainian language, studied it in educational institutions, studied their history, tried to preserve, develop and spread their native language, culture and literature. It is argued that the USSR as a state could still exist if pro-Russian nationalism did not forbid its inhabitants, including Ukrainians, to study their native language in educational institutions and fully develop their native language, culture and literature. That is, the linguistic policy of prorussian nationalism is based on the prohibition on using the native language and spreading Ukrainian culture in public, as well as persecution, ganglia, terrorism, the hybrid Russian war, etc. ; У статті досліджується проросійський націоналізм як поняття, а також його формування, виникнення та розвиток в Україні як явища. Автор констатує, що проросійський націоналізм має на теренах України свої особливості та історію розвитку. Звертається увага на те, що проросійський націоналізм в Україні сформувався і виник унаслідок заборон друкувати книжки українською мовою, функціонування освіти рідною мовою українців, знищення імперською Росією ознак української державності, а також − зіткнення двох різних за ідеологією систем та політичних сил, кожна із яких боролася за свою Українську державу. Звертається увага на те, що проросійський націоналізм майже знищив незалежну Українську державу, призвів до голодомору, переслідувань і розстрілів українців лише за те, що вони послуговувались українською мовою, вивчали її в освітніх навчальних закладах, досліджували свою історію, намагалися зберегти, розвинути і поширити рідну мову, культуру і літературу. У роботі стверджується, що СРСР як держава могла б існувати й досі, якби проросійський націоналізм не забороняв його мешканцям, зокрема й українцям, навчатися рідною мовою в освітніх закладах та повноцінно розвивати рідну мову, культуру і літературу. Тобто, мовна політика проросійського націоналізму будується на заборонах використовувати рідну мову та поширювати українську культуру публічно, а також − переслідуваннях, загратуваннях, тероризмі, гібридній російській війні, яку Росія здійснює в Україні та ін.

The purpose of this study is to explore the concept of 'social acceptance' and examine public opinions on climate change, renewable energy and fossil fuels in regional Australia. Understanding public opinion is critical given the need for governments to transition energy production away from fossil fuels and towards renewable energy in order to meet obligations under the 2015 UN Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Design/methodology/approach This empirical study examines people's beliefs on climate change, attitudes towards energy and support for both renewable and non-renewable energy resources. A survey was developed and respondents (n= 325) were recruited face-to-face in a regional city in Northern Australia. Data was then analysed using IBM SPSS 20 software. Frequency distributions, cross tabulations and non-parametric tests were performed. Findings Respondent-completed questionnaires reveal positive attitudes towards renewable energy. Overall, respondents agree that climate change is occurring and that society has a responsibility to act to minimise its effects. Surprisingly, consumers who support coal-fired power show strong support for renewable energy, despite being undecided on the climate change issue and not perceiving a connection between electricity usage in the home and climate change. Consumers who are opposed to coal-fired power show low support for all fossil fuels, despite the fact that they will continue to underpin the Australian energy system for some time to come. In addition, demographic variables, notably gender and education, along with political affiliation, are associated with varying levels of support for particular energy technologies. Limitations The findings are based on a convenience sample of mostly urban North Queensland residents and hence is not fully representative of Queensland's population. The study is descriptive in nature and there is a need for explanatory research to validate key findings on demographics. Implications The research has several policy implications. The cost competitiveness of both solar and wind technology over coal-fired generation needs to be emphasised. Furthermore, altruistic appeals such as benefiting future generations may also be effective. Commercial marketing techniques may be useful in boosting support for emerging renewable energy resources, such as geo-thermal and fuel cell technology, amongst females. It is recommended that misconceptions about coal-fired power be addressed, for instance through community-based programs, if Australia is to make a transition to a low-carbon electricity market. Contribution This article represents an attempt to examine the attitudes of regional Australians towards a wide range of energy resources and show, by drawing on the literature on social acceptance, the key factors that underpin support for renewable energy.

Недовикористання трудових ресурсів та недовантаження виробничих потужностей супроводжують кризові явища в економіці багатьох країн. Особливо важкі соціально-економічні наслідки має молодіжне безробіття, тому обрана тема є актуальною. Метою статті є виділення причин та факторів молодіжного безробіття в Україні, виявлення проблем працевлаштування молоді та розробка заходів подолання виявлених проблем. Дослідження спирається на використання таких методів наукового пізнання, як системний підхід, діалектичний метод, аналіз та синтез, моделювання, порівняння, статистичні методи. У статті пропонується розрізняти глибинні причини молодіжного безробіття, що лежать у площині порушення зв'язків у системі "освіта-наука-виробництво", та супутні негативні чинники, характерні для сучасної соціально-економічної та політичної ситуації в країні, регіональних диспропорцій. У статті систематизовано основні проблеми, з якими стикається молодь на ринку праці (відсутність гарантії першого робочого місця, досвіду роботи, витіснення зайнятості у тіньовий сектор, висока плинність кадрів, соціально-психологічні проблеми переходу від навчання до роботи), та проаналізовано актуальну ситуацію в Україні. Запропоновано систему рекомендацій щодо вирішення проблем молодіжного безробіття з точки зору соціального діалогу, тобто рівноправної участі всіх суб'єктів молодіжного ринку праці (держави, навчальних закладів, органів місцевого самоврядування, роботодавців, молоді), та усунення як глибинних причин, так і супутніх негативних факторів ; The purpose of the paper is to reveal reasons and factors of youth unemployment in Ukraine, identify problems of youth employment and develop measures of their solution. This research is based on dialectical method, system approach, analysis and synthesis, comparison, model building, statistical analysis. It was revealed that indicator of youth unemployment in many countries, including Ukraine, exceeds this indicator among adults by 2-2.5 times. Youth unemployment in Ukraine tends to decline, and its rate is lower than in EU countries. Among young fellows there are more unemployed people than among girls; in rural areas youth unemployment is higher. Demand for technical employees in labor market is high, but demand for managers is low, while a share of lawyers and economists is one third of all university graduates. The paper suggests to differentiate root causes of youth unemployment, lying in disconnected ties in "education-science-production" system and accompanying factors of current social, economic and political situation in Ukraine. The main problems faced by youth in the labor market have been systematized (lack of the first job, lack of work experience, employment in informal sector, staff turnover, social and psychological difficulties), and current situation in Ukraine has been analyzed. The system of measures to solve the problems of youth unemployment has been developed based on social dialogue, which involves all subjects of youth labor market (government, educational institutions, local authorities, employers, youth), taking into account elimination of both root causes and accompanying negative factors

El objetivo de este trabajo es entender el proceso de regreso de científicos a Ecuador, con vistas a producir datos coherentes sobre los motivos de su regreso, sus redes sociales, políticas y disciplinarias en el país, lo que contribuye al esfuerzo de conocer las dinámicas de consolidación disciplinaria de los campos científicos, vinculadas con el exterior y, por lo tanto, el proceso de inserción del país en la nueva división internacional del trabajo. Para eso, el estudio utilizó las bases de datos de retornados ofrecida por la Secretaría de Educación Superior, Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (SENESCYT) de Ecuador, para elaboración de una encuesta. El marco muestral de referencia estaba conformada por algo más de 700 PhD. En total, se realizó 126 encuestas, generando un error de estimación del 7,8% y se recompuso la distribución de los casos levantados por sexo y área de conocimiento con el uso de factores de expansión para dar mayor consistencia a los resultados obtenidos. Con base en la muestra, hemos podido realizar inferencias por sexo y por una variable agrupada de años de finalización del doctorado. Se solicitó información demográfica, laboral y de actividades de investigación en forma muy general. Se concluye sobre la pertinencia de la política pública y sobre el perfil del retornado. ; The paper aims to understand the process of return of scientists to Ecuador, with a view to producing coherent data on the reasons for the return of these scientists, their social, political and disciplinary networks in the country, which contributes to the effort of know the disciplinary consolidation dynamics of the scientific fields, its international links, and therefore the process of Ecuador's insertion in the new international division of labor. The study used the databases of returnees offered by the Secretariat of Higher Education, Science, Technology and Innovation (SENESCYT) of Ecuador for the preparation of a survey. The sample frame of reference was made up of a little more than 700 PhD. A total of 126 surveys were carried out generating an estimation error of 7.8% and the distribution of the cases raised by sex and area of knowledge was recomposed with the use of expansion factors to give greater consistency to the results obtained. Based on the sample, we were able to make inferences by sex and by a grouped variable of years of completion of the studies, demographic, labor information and research activities were requested in a very general way. The research concludes on the relevance of public policy and on the profile of returnees.

The guarantee of freedom of conscience ls of great importance in the juridical regulation of life in intra-State and International Society. Its implications are numerous in the fields of constitutional, civil, administrative, penal and international law. Of aH human rights, this was one of the earliest to become the object of international juridical protection (appeal to humaneness, conditional recognition, minority-treaties, mandates, etc.). Considering this protection, with reference to recent times only, this present work studies the corresponding texts of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, of the United Nations Agreement for Civil and Political Rights 1966 (art. 18) and of the Project of International Agreement, which is pending approval by the General Assembly, and describes the stages of the latters elaboration. The contents of the Project which outline the right of freedom of Conscience are considered successively and its relationship with the above-mentioned texts and the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Liberties 1950. The author pays special attention to and gives his opinion on the manner in which the Project deals with certain important problems, such as Church-State relations, the limitation of rights «in a democratic society», education, etc. FinaHy a study is made of the mechanism of control of the obiigations of States which is established by the Agreement, and of the protection of garanteed rights reports, conciliation and good offices, and possible submission to the decision of the International Court of Justice, and a judgement is expressed on those means from the point of the actual state of developement of the International Community and from the point of view of the Rights of Peoples. ; Cautío iuris libertatis conscientiae multum interest in iuridica ordinatione nationalis et internationalis vitae. PIures sunt eius implicationes constitutionali, civili, administrativo, vindicativo atque internationali iuri. Tutissimum fuit quam primum hoc ius iurisdictione internationali (interventus humanitatis, cognitio condltionata, foedera paucarum gentium, praecepta, etcetera . . ). Hac tutela perpensa, in articulo adstante scripta quae tantum referantur ad novissima tempora studuntur: Declarationis Universalis iurium hominum 1948; Pacti iurium civilium atque politicorum O.N.U. 1966 (art. 18); Proyecti Conventionis Internationalís, aprobationem Generalis Contionis exspectantis (Huius Proyecti elaboratio nunc hic exponitur). Considerantur statim argumenta quibus ius libertatis conscientiae delineatur in Proyecto, et eius nexus cum scriptis supra dictis et conventione Europaea Iurium hominum atque Libertatum fundamentalium 1950. Auctor speciali modo animum attendit, et sic iudicat, ad modum quo in Proyecto aliquae agantur quaestiones graves (relationes mutuae Ecclesiae-rei publicae, limites iuris «in societate democratica», docentia, etc.). Denique consideratur ratio vigilantiae rei publicae munerum, quae constituuntur a Conventione, et tuitionls iuris tuti: testimonia, conciliatio officiaque bona, et fortasse subiectio sententiae Tribunalis Internationalis Iustitiae. Haec opes existimantur in praesenti statu incrementí Communitatis Internationalis atque iuris gentium.-